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Podcast episode

America’s Retirement Crisis: The Pressing Need to Address Social Security’s Financial Woes – EP233

Michael Johnston, CFA of WealthChannel and show host Gene Tunny dissect the pressing issues facing the US Social Security system. Amid predictions of future insolvency, they discuss the demographic trends, financial realities, and policy adjustments needed to safeguard retirement incomes for generations to come.

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About this episode’s guest: Michael Johnston, CFA

Michael Johnston, CFA is a financial industry veteran with a passion for improving outcomes for retail investors.

Following stints in corporate finance and investment banking, Michael founded ETF Database (ETFdb) and grew it into the largest independent media property covering exchange-traded funds (ETFs). Under Michael’s leadership, the company achieved a commanding position within the ETF industry and played a key role in the “low cost revolution” that saw hundreds of billions of dollars flow from expensive mutual funds to low cost ETFs.

ETFdb is now a part of TSX Group, a publicly-traded financial services company that operates the Toronto Stock Exchange.

Michael co-founded WealthChannel with a mission of helping investors achieve financial independence by radically simplifying retirement planning and investing. Michael is responsible for WealthChannel’s content and education initiatives, including its flagship WealthChannel Academy.

Michael graduated from the University of Notre Dame with a degree in finance, and now resides in Oregon with his wife and son. He is active in his community as a member of the Board of Directors of the Lane Regional Air Protection Agency (LRAPA) and a volunteer at Hosea Youth Services.

What’s covered in EP233

  • [00:02:59] Sustainability of Social Security.
  • [00:03:52] Retirement crisis in America.
  • [00:09:43] Americans living longer.
  • [00:13:25] Social Security trust fund depletion.
  • [00:17:38] Social Security sustainability.
  • [00:18:59] Social Security Funding Solutions.
  • [00:24:36] Frankenstein policy solutions.
  • [00:27:50] Immigration and Social Security.
  • [00:30:46] Retirement age and social security.
  • [00:35:54] Retirement savings statistics.
  • [00:38:19] Retirement and financial literacy.
  • [00:41:26] Retirement savings options in the States.
  • [00:45:02] Social Security explained.
  • [00:50:26] Social Security and retirement accounts.

Takeaways

  1. Social Security Sustainability: The Social Security program in the US faces sustainability challenges due to changing demographics and financial dynamics.
  2. Retirement Crisis: There is a retirement crisis in the US, with nearly half of Americans having no retirement savings and relying heavily on Social Security for income in retirement.
  3. Potential Solutions: Various solutions were discussed, including raising the retirement age, adjusting cost-of-living adjustments, and increasing taxes to shore up the system.
  4. Individual Retirement Accounts: The US offers tax-effective retirement savings options like 401(k)s and Roth IRAs, but many Americans are not effectively using these tools.

Comparison with Other Countries: The discussion highlighted differences in retirement systems between the US and countries like Australia, where superannuation accounts play a significant role in retirement planning.

Links relevant to the conversation

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Transcript: America’s Retirement Crisis: The Pressing Need to Address Social Security’s Financial Woes – EP233

N.B. This is a lightly edited version of a transcript originally created using the AI application otter.ai. It may not be 100 percent accurate, but should be pretty close. If you’d like to quote from it, please check the quoted segment in the recording.

Michael Johnston  00:04

It seems as if the entire system is going to collapse, it’s still gonna be you know, it’s still gonna be generating. Like I said, 2033 will be the best year ever in terms of inflows into Social Security. The problem is that the outflows are also going to be at their their highest level ever.

Gene Tunny  00:24

Welcome to the economics explored podcast, a frank and fearless exploration of important economic issues. I’m your host gene Tunny. I’m a professional economist and former Australian Treasury official. The aim of this show is to help you better understand the big economic issues affecting all our lives. We do this by considering the theory evidence and by hearing a wide range of views. I’m delighted that you can join me for this episode, please check out the show notes for relevant information. Now on to the show. Hello, thanks for tuning into the show. My guest this episode is Michael Johnston, who has a strong track record and corporate finance and investment banking. Michael co founder at ETF database and latent wealth channel. At wealth channel he has dedicated himself to demystifying Retirement Planning and Investment. In this episode, we dive deep into the intricacies of the US retirement income system, focusing on the Social Security programmes sustainability challenges. Michael sheds light on the pressing issues confronting this critical component of American retirement planning, and explores potential pathways to ensure its viability for future generations. This episode of Economics Explored is brought to you by Lumo coffee, which has three times the healthy antioxidants of regular coffee Lumo coffee offers a 20% discount for economics explored listeners until the 30th of April 2020. For details are in the shownotes, you check out Lumo seriously healthy organic coffee at Lumocoffee.com. Righto, we’d better get into it. I hope you enjoy the episode. Michael Johnson from wealth channel, welcome to the programme. Hey, great

Michael Johnston  02:08

to be with you.

Gene Tunny  02:09

Excellent. Michael, looking forward to chatting with you today. I know that you’ve been doing a lot of thinking about the retirement income system in the US, and particularly the Social Security system. So I mean, we’re hearing all sorts of concerns about sustainability of that scheme. What it all, you know what the implications are? So, to start off with, I’d like to ask, what do you see as the the big issue with Social Security in the US? What’s the state of the retirement income system?

Michael Johnston  02:48

Yeah, great question. So to jump right into it, the state of it is it will not exist in its current form, and 10 years, it cannot. And that’s, that’s not a political statement. It’s just a mathematical one, like the way that the numbers work. And I’m sure we’re gonna dive into this. It cannot exist, the way that it’s existed for the last 40 or 50 years, something’s got to change. And something pretty significant has to change, because the math of it just just no longer works. And we can dive into why why it no longer works. And this is a big issue, because here in the US, I mean, we have we have a retirement crisis, people don’t have enough money for retirement. So Social Security becomes a big piece of that. And it’s I think it’s similar around the world to varying degrees, what extent this is a crisis. But here in the US, you know, depending on which numbers you use, in which year in which survey, it’s close to half of folks have no money saved for retirement, they just have nothing saved. Wrong. And that’s, you know, I don’t need to explain why that’s bad. But as folks, you know, sometimes retirement isn’t isn’t voluntary, you something becomes you get an injury, you lose your mental acuity, you can no longer work. So I mean, obviously, that’s, that’s, you know, in my mind, it’s a crisis. It’s a crisis that no one’s talking about is that no one’s prepared for retirement anymore.

Gene Tunny  04:05

So that means that half of Americans retiring, yeah, they’re going to be solely reliant on the Social Security check from, from the US government. Yeah,

Michael Johnston  04:16

that’s right. It’s Social Security. And this is why it’s so important is because they don’t have any retirement savings of their own, I should have, I should have qualified that they didn’t have retirement savings of their own or they don’t have nearly enough. So when when they do retire, for whatever reason, and at whatever age, they are, to your point there for a lot of folks, Social Security is a primary or the primary source of income in retirement. And it’s kind of a rule of thumb. You know, I always tell folks, you know, it’s not it’s not designed to replace your pre retirement income. It is designed to replace a portion of it, but it’s typically 25 to 35% of your pre retirement income that it’s designed to replace. So it’s a big piece, you know, and a lot of folks You know, even folks who have been doing their own saving, who have been doing all the right things, a lot of those folks are still counting on Social Security to be a big piece of their retirement puzzle. So, so that’s why this is why this is so critical here in the US is because it’s this, it’s a huge component. It’s a huge part of most people’s retirement plans. For some people, it’s the only part of it essentially. So to hear that it’s in jeopardy here that it’s it’s not on sound, financial footing or something needs to change. It’s going to impact literally hundreds of millions of people. And it’s their, you know, their livelihood, the way that a lot of them are going to put food on the table in what should be their golden years. Yeah.

Gene Tunny  05:37

And so how does it work? So you make, is it FICA contributions through your lifetime? Is everyone covered by it? How does it actually work in practice? Yeah, so

Michael Johnston  05:49

essentially, what happens is, every American has, for each paycheck, there’s there’s deductions from their paychecks, so they have their gross pay what they make before any deductions, one of the deductions is something called FICA, the Federal Insurance Contributions Act. Long story short, every American has 6.2% of their gross wages withheld as as a Social Security tax. And then their employer matches that their employer chips in another 6.2%. So 12.4% of your gross wages is put into Social Security on your behalf each year. And then once you hit a just kind of some, some nuances, and then some complex formulas and some options, so essentially, you pay into it during your working years. And then you have the option starting at age 62, you can push it back as late as age 70. If you want the formula switches and you start withdrawing from the system. And again, there’s a formula for what you can expect to get each month, it’s based on how much you put in. So the more you make, the more you put in, the more you can expect to receive, there is a what I call a progressive formula applied, meaning that essentially, the less you make, the greater percentage of your income is going to be covered. But yeah, at a high level, you pay into it during your working years. And then somewhere between age 62 and 70, the tables turn and you start pulling out from the system. And for a long time, this was great, because there were more more money flowing into the system, more money flowing into Social Security in the form of these payroll taxes, the FICA, payroll tax that you mentioned, there’s more money flowing in from that than there was going out to beneficiaries. So essentially, for the last several decades, we’ve had this surplus, and we built up this nice rainy day fund, what I like to call it this rainy day fund. But now the rainy day has come. And it’s going to be around for a while, unfortunately. So the tables have kind of turned here. And unfortunately, now the outflows are starting to outpace the inflows by by quite a bit, actually.

Gene Tunny  07:53

And that’s because the we had the big baby boomer cohort after the war, and they made a lot of contributions, but now they’re going to be relying on Social Security. So I mean, what happens? So if you don’t work? I mean, it’s, I guess most people will work to some extent, over their lifetime, but there will be some who, who have limited work history, or won’t or there’ll be in? I don’t know, you know, gig work or informal work. So are they covered as well, or they’re not covered?

Michael Johnston  08:29

Yeah, it’s, it’s a great question. So kind of to two parts of that. So if you don’t, where there is a minimum work requirement, you said, you have to work for 40 quarters, or for 10 years, you have to pay into it to be eligible. But that is that essentially has to be any above the table form of work. So if you’re doing gig work, you’re still paying into this. If you’re self employed, you’re still paying into this, you’re just paying the employee and the employer piece of it. So yes, there is a minimum requirement that you or your spouse has to work for, has to work for 10 quarters to be eligible. But you know, even if you’re self employed, or it’s gig work, or it’s it’s hourly work, you’re still paying into it. It’s regardless of your income level. It’s kind of different from our income tax system here. So so it’s, you know, it affects the vast majority of people, the vast majority of people are eligible for Social Security. They’ve done the minimum requirements that met the work requirements paid into it enough, worked long enough to be eligible for these benefits. And then I just want to go back quickly, quickly, gene is something you mentioned about, well, what’s what’s kind of happened here, like why have these tables turned? And there’s a couple things and one of them’s one of them is a great thing is that in America, people are living longer like they are around much of the world and that’s fantastic. Right? The life expectancy has has gone up quite a bit over the last 50 years more so for women and for men, but for both women are living a lot longer men are living quite a bit longer. And that’s that’s wonderful, right but From a fiscal perspective, that means that they’re collecting benefits for longer, you know, five years of life expectancy means another 60 monthly payments of Social Security. So that kind of threw a wrench into some of the plans. And then as you mentioned, people having fewer kids back in the 1960s, the average woman here was having something like 3.6 Kids, essentially fallen in half. And that’s just a massive, massive decline. And I know that similar things are happening around the world, some places more acutely than in America, some places less acutely, but similar issues playing out all over the place. Yeah,

Gene Tunny  10:34

yeah, exactly. So just thinking about this. So this dates back to FDR, doesn’t it to the days of the New Deal, and they set up a trust fund to to fund this, the Social Security benefits? I mean, I guess, you know, maybe there was some modelling done back in the 30s. Whenever they said it, set it up the actuarial modelling you need, but I mean, the issue is the issue that there’s an act of Congress, which sets out the entitlements, to Social Security, what you’ll get paid, but that doesn’t bear a close connection with, you know, the actual financial health of this game. Is that the issue?

Michael Johnston  11:15

Yeah, so the, I mean, this year, as of this programme, kind of, it kind of stands alone, and it has one source of income. It’s this, this payroll tax, that we talked about this FICA, the 6.2%, that the employee pays and the 6.2% that the employer pays. So it has essentially one source of income. And that source of income is dependent, essentially, on how many people are working, how many people are entering the workforce and staying in the workforce? So it’s, you know, there’s not, we can talk about this a little bit more, there’s a few levers you can pull there, but it’s essentially very dependent on how many people are working, and how much are they paying into the system. And that has been, I think, under it’s been less than what was initially projected, or was kind of projected a long time ago, for the reasons, for one of the reasons we talked about starting in, you know, in the mid 1980s, like in the mid 1980s, the birth rate had fallen quite a bit because similar to now inflation was really high interest rates were really high, it was not a great time to be having kids from a financial perspective. And so the birth rate had fallen, and now you fast forward. From there 2030 years, there weren’t enough babies born 20 years ago that are now entering that are now entering into the workforce. So, you know, that’s the issue is that there’s there’s not enough. But essentially, it’s kind of coming at it from both sides. There’s there’s more beneficiaries than were anticipated, because people are living longer. And I want to emphasise again, that’s a great thing. And on the other side of it, there’s not enough people who are now just coming into the workforce who are able to essentially pay into the system through this payroll tax. So that’s the issue is that those those two things again, for a long time, it was kind of the reverse, there was more money coming in and there was going out. And unfortunately, now, now it’s it’s flipped.

Gene Tunny  13:05

Yeah. And do you know, the and what are the projections? So like, it’s got a there’s a balance, and you’re saying that the outflows are exceeding the the inflows and so therefore the balance is going to be running down? Do you know what the roughly what the current balance is? And when it’s projected to get to? to zero?

Michael Johnston  13:24

Yeah, so it’s, you know, it’s been for the last 4050 years, there’s been, like I said, this the surplus, and we’ve done all the right things, right, we set it into this trust fund into this rainy day fund. Because that’s, that’s what you should do in that situation is exactly what you should do. So let’s see, I’m pulling up the reserves here. And it’s almost peaked out at almost $3 trillion. We had in this rainy day fund that was built up over the course of 4050 years of these these surpluses, the problem is now this has just flipped within the last couple of years. And we’re depleting that that $3 trillion at a pretty incredible pace. So it’s going to run out somewhere around 2033 2034, based on the current projections, so less than a decade. So I mean, you could call that good news or bad news, right? We kind of see this calming theory, we’ve got time to do something about it. It’s not going to happen tomorrow or next year. We’ve got time. But it’s pretty incredible that, again, just the rate at which this has been depleted, considering that it was built up over many, many decades. And this just slipped by the way within the last couple of years was the first time we had more money going out than coming in. But it’s it’s hundreds of billions of dollars a year that it’s going to be about 150 billion this year that we deplete, and that number is only going to go up so we’ve got this massive rainy day fund, but unfortunately, it’s just been depleted very, very quickly.

Gene Tunny  14:51

Yeah. And Michael would you know what’s, what would actually happen is it if it did run out of money with the Treasury So you have to inject funds into it? Or would, or would it just be? Oh, well, we’ll just got to make do with what we’ve got. I mean, do you have any thoughts on what? what would actually happen in that case? If it didn’t have enough money?

Michael Johnston  15:13

Yeah, it’s, it’s a great, it’s a great question. So there’s, there’s kind of a couple of ways to, to answer that question. I guess I’m not actually sure gene statutorily, or, or, you know, mechanically, what would happen if, if nothing else changed, and we hit that point. So, you know, a lot of people have this misconception that Social Security is going bankrupt, and it’s not going to be around, you’re not going to get anything from it. So that’s partially true. But it’s actually this, it’s this trust fund, more specifically, that is going bankrupt. So in 2033, I said that this trust fund is going to run out of money in 2033, Social Security is gonna have more money than ever before coming in. The problem is, it’s also going to have more money than going out. Yeah, right. Yeah. So this this trust fund right now that we’re dipping into, that’s only covering a portion of the benefits, the lion’s share of the benefits are still coming in each year from these payroll taxes. So that’s a misconception that a lot of people have a lot of really smart people have, you know, part of it’s due to these these fear mongering headlines, you see, Social Security is going bankrupt. Yeah. Can I get your benefits anymore? So So yes, it’s, it’s, it’s certainly not on financial flooding, like I said, it’s not going to exist in its current form a decade from now something needs to change, but it’s not as if it’s, it’s not as if the entire system is going to collapse, it’s still gonna be you know, it’s still gonna be generating, like I said, 2033 will be the best year ever, in terms of inflows into Social Security. The problem is that the outflows are also going to be are also going to be at their their highest level ever. So. So as far as what would happen, well, like something’s gotta give, right, we’ve got to either get more money into the system, or we’ve got to cut benefits and stop spending less essentially, the only expenses is benefit payments to retirees. So there’s actually there’s a lot of different levers that that could be pulled there, at a high level, you’ve either got to raise taxes and bring in more money, or you cut the cut the benefit payments, but it wouldn’t be cutting it by 100%. It would be cutting it by 10 to 20%, essentially. But that’s again, I don’t want to minimise that that’s a big deal for a lot of people who have been counting on this, and they’ve been paying in each month each week, whatever it is, and kind of counting on having this in their retirement all of a sudden tell them actually we’re going to cut it by 20%. Put a lot of people on a pretty tough situation. Yeah,

Gene Tunny  17:38

yeah. I mean, it sounds. Yeah, politically. I mean, it sounds like it’d be very difficult to do that. And I know that this is an issue in the it’s been an issue in the political debates. And one of the I think, saga and Jerry made this point on the breaking points channel, he said that, you know, this was one of the reasons that Trump was popular with a lot of people in middle America, because in 2016, he came out and said, I actually support social security, and I won’t cut those benefits. I think it’d be very challenging to do that. Would you ever feel for how much the contributions would have to increase Michael to actually make put it on a sustainable footing?

Michael Johnston  18:17

Yeah, it’s a it’s a great question. So yeah, I think that Well, first of all, you’re absolutely right, that this is a couple of ways to look at this, that if you want to, if you want to look at his glass half full, there’s a lot of ways to fix this, right? There’s actually kind of a lot of levers you can pull, and we’ll talk more about those. The bad news is they’re all terrible options, like they’re going to they’re going to really anger, one group of people or another. Like there’s no good options here. There’s no easy fix. And politicians generally like to stay away from from problems that have no easy fix, it’s kind of guaranteed to piss off someone in one way or another. They like to stay away from those for as long as possible. So I’d expect this Ken to kind of get to kind of get kicked down the road. Now towards kind of more specifically answer your second question there. If we were to say, you know, if we were to say, Okay, we can’t cut benefits, that’s, that’s off the table. And I tend to think that’s the case because that would upset retirees who are counting on this. And in the US one thing retirees do pretty consistently, one thing they’re pretty good at is they show up on election day. And the candidate who says, Hey, I’m cutting your benefits by 20%. Like, I just don’t think that’s practically viably an option. I don’t know maybe I can be proven wrong. I don’t have a great track record of predicting political outcomes. But that just sounds like you generally don’t get elected here. And I think in most places by kind of angry and or upsetting the retirees. So that kind of puts you to the other side of the equation. Well, if we’re if we’re not going to cut benefits, if we’re not going to slash benefits, how much do we have to increase taxes? So the estimates that I’ve seen are I’d have to go About 12.4%. So again, right now that’s 6.2% coming from employees, their employers match that. So you get to 12.4. I’ve seen estimates that if we increase that to 16%, so presumably eight and eight, that would shore this up for 75 years or so. Now, that’s I think that’s, that’s a big ask to to tell people in this current environment, when when inflation has already taken a huge bite out of their paycheck, you know, hey, by the way, we’re going to take another, we’re going to take another 2% out of your paycheck, and by the way, employers, your payroll cost just went out by it’s a lot more than 2%. Because it’s, it’s, you know, instead of paying 6%, they’re paying, they’re paying 8% here. So, I mean, that’s a tough sell to right. So you kind of say, retirees, I’m not going to cut your Social Security, that’s one way of hearing that message. The other way is, well, the only other option then is to increase taxes. So right to kind of to two bad options there, at least in my mind, those are our two bad options that I think would be difficult sells politically to different groups of people for different reasons. But but still tough sells politically. Yeah.

Gene Tunny  21:11

And so these contribution taxes are these payroll taxes, they’re the same, regardless of the person’s income, is that right? And in terms of the rate, there’s no, there’s not a progressive rate at all?

Michael Johnston  21:24

Correct. It’s not a progressive rate. So so it kind of starts at your first dollar and it goes up. So there is actually kind of the opposite of that there is a cap on it. So I think for for this year, it changes each year, I believe that only your first it’s about $168,000, you pay this 6.2%. And then after that, it drops to zero. So only the first bout $168,000 of income is subject to the Social Security taxes. So I think you’ve touched on here, you’ve kind of got the two extreme options, you raise taxes to 16%, you slash benefits by 20%. Those are like the two easy extreme options. And then you get into kind of all these little things you can do around the edges that kind of nibble away at this. And you just you just touched on one of them with that last question. That’s one of the things you can do, you can say, okay, it’s no longer only your first $168,000 Look, bump that up, it’s the first $250,000 Or it’s the first 200,000 Or you know, you can move that up and down, you take the first million dollars in social in, in your, your income is going to be subject to Social Security taxes, and you kind of start nibbling away a little bit at the edges. It’s not quite as big of a lever to pull as just saying, we’re going to increase the tax rate to 16%. But I don’t know, I think personally, my opinion here. I think that’s a lot more palatable politically to say we’re going to make because it kind of targets high earners, right. So we’re going to say, we’re going to raise this this limit from 168 to 250. It’s going to bring in a little bit more money, like yes, it’s a tax increase. But it’s it’s only really affecting people who make more than $168,000 a year. So then you kind of start getting into these, like I said, these little things that they kind of chip away at the problem. They don’t they don’t fix it in one fell swoop. But you kind of start to nibble away at it. Yeah,

Gene Tunny  23:16

I’m wondering, I’m wondering, too, is whether it’s a bit technical. I could I might, I can look it up later. I’m just wondering, has that 100? And was 168,000. Has that been indexed to inflation? Or does it get regularly adjusted for inflation? It

Michael Johnston  23:31

is, yeah, it’s been indexed for inflation. So it is it is going up, you know, which I think makes it a little bit harder to it’d be easier to sell if it had gone up 20 years, right. And it was at this level that was last set and 9090 or something, but it has gone up, which I think makes it you know, a little bit of a harder sell. But I still think that’s probably one of the least one of the least controversial ways to do this. Or it’s going to upset the the fewest number of people here. And I think there’s some other options too. And maybe we can talk about the like, I think there’s other ways that you kind of, I call it you kind of Frankenstein together a solution. You don’t you don’t take this drastic action of slashing benefits or this really visible significant tax hike. But you can kind of I think string together a few of these things that kind of maybe start having that effect.

Gene Tunny  24:19

Yeah, yeah. Well, I mean, I think in a lot of the, the policy outcomes you see, or the you know, the attempted solutions are Frankenstein solutions in a way. So yeah, I’d be interested in your thoughts on that marketplace.

Michael Johnston  24:35

Yeah, so I think you know, one of the things you can do is you can increase the retirement age. So right now in the US, we say that the full retirement age is 67 years old. So people are living longer. I mean, you could say, well, you’re not going to start getting your benefits at 67. Now we’re going to bump that up to 68 or 69 or 70. And we’ve actually done this before like the the starting age for Social Security used to be 65. And then it went up to 66. And now we’re kind of gradually phasing it up to 67. So, you know, that’s, that’s one of those things that again, kind of kind of nibbling around the edges. And it means that you kind of this is on the other side of the equation. Now, on the benefit side of the equation, that means, well, next year is justice, security’s not gonna have to pay out to 67 year old, you got to wait till you’re 68 6970. I think that that kind of chips away at it a little bit, you could also tinker with. So to your point, you asked about indexing for inflation. So Social Security benefits go up each year, they get adjusted a cola adjustment, a cost of living adjustment, so those benefits go up each year to account for inflation. So you can tinker with that a little bit. And that’s effective, like, it’s the same thing as cutting the benefit, like you’re effectively cutting the benefit, right, because you’re gonna have less of a cost of living adjustments. So it’s it, but I think it’s my point, I guess is I think it’s more palatable. Even if the the bottom line effect is the exact same, you’re effectively cutting benefits to say, we’re going to rein in those cost of living adjustments every year, we’re going to do them a little bit less than the general rate of inflation, and we’re gonna change the methodology of how we calculate those. So we’re gonna lower we’re going to rein in our benefit payments or outflows a little bit, but in a way that maybe isn’t quite so offensive, politically raw, stringing together some of these and you kind of start to have, I think you start to get to shoring up this programme, or at least kicking the can a little bit further down the road. You know, another option and to just get into, like a political lightning or out here is another another lever level here is immigration, right. Like, if you need more people to pay into the system, one way to do that is to bring in to loosen the immigration restrictions and say, Let’s have let’s have a lot more people coming into the country who are going to work, who are going to pay into Social Security. And that kind of offsets the fact that people are having so few kids 2025 years ago. So, you know, again, I don’t think any of these is this is the fix on its own. And there’s there’s issues with all of these things that I’ve proposed here. But you know, it’s kind of done in moderation, you get to start putting stringing together, something that moves the needle.

Gene Tunny  27:26

Yeah, yes. I was just thinking about that, Michael, I mean, immigration, I guess the issue is that, you know, that could help you maybe for 20 or 30 years within the immigrants themselves retire. So if they’re not having, you know, if their fertility rates not much higher than the existing population, then yeah, that that may not be it’s

Michael Johnston  27:48

a great point, right, like, absolutely. You would. And I think that’s, you know, that’s kind of a problem with all of these solutions is, I don’t know that any of them kind of get to the structural issues here. There are ways to, to kick the can down the road a little bit further. And I think that’s kind of an interesting conversation as well, if we’re going to tweak this, do we tweak this towards an off ramp? Like, do we start steering this towards that call this essentially a failed experiment? And say, Well, if we’re going to tweak it, let’s tweak it in a direction that starts to kind of wine this thing down and eventually get us get us off of this? Or do we kind of double down on it and make it more entrenched? And, you know, I have, what kind of my preference would be to go towards the the former of those, I think that’s extremely unlikely. Again, I think these these are all pretty politically unpopular decisions. So I think we’re more likely to double down on this than to kind of, if I were steering the ship, I would kind of steer us off of this, I’d say, pick the intentions were good, but that the math of it just just just no longer works, right? Wrong.

Gene Tunny  28:55

Yeah. Just don’t go ahead. And

Michael Johnston  28:59

I say that because I kind of think it’s an interesting thought experiment of if this were optional, right. Like, that’s the thing. And maybe I should have mentioned that the beginning like this is mandatory, you have to do this. It’s essentially a forced retirement programme. But it’s a forced retirement programme that has pretty bad returns, like the effective return, like, like I’ve paid in hundreds of 1000s of dollars, or my employers have into Social Security, and I’m affected like, I’ve run the numbers, I’m effectively earning a 2% return on that. If you look at the numbers of the money, I’m going to pay in between age 21 and 67. And then what I’m going to get out between 67 and whenever I die, like the numbers are not great. It’s essentially like a 2% return on investment during a period where the stock market has returned eight nine 10% a year. So it’s it’s it’s not it’s mandatory, but unfortunately, like the results are just not good the way that it was set up. So in a perfect world, people would be setting aside this money on their own but you know, of course, that’s That’s not easy for other reasons to think that people are going to, to kind of magically change their behaviour and start planning on their own for retirement. So I hope we’re not depressing people out there too much Jean, I keep saying there’s no good answers here. Right. And this is a messy situation and sticky. But I think it’s fascinating to look at kind of how we’ve gotten here, what went wrong, and, and to kind of explore these different reasons why, why there is no good reason and what, you know, what becomes most acceptable and kind of the least bad option out there. Yeah, but no one was hoping for a super uplifting, rah rah conversation here.

Gene Tunny  30:36

Yeah, I think the the issue the problem is in the states is that is the politics around it on the retirement age. So I’m just thinking. I mean, there’s one option, I mean, sure, you can raise the retirement age. But what about could you grandfather, the recipient, so draw a line in the sand and say, Look, if you’re, for those people who haven’t turned 18 yet, or people who were born in, you know, in 2005, or whatever, you’re going to get much less benefits from Social Security is just going to be a safety net, and we’re going to push you into this new scheme, we’re going to have individual retirement accounts, compulsory individual retirement accounts. Could something like that work? Yeah, I

Michael Johnston  31:24

think I think it could, like you’ve got to make, you’ve ultimately kind of got to make, you’ve got to make the numbers work. And, but but I think like that is, that is what I would prefer, we steer towards a steer towards a way where we kind of, we kind of get off of this, and it’s going to upset, you know, it’s going to upset, it’s gonna upset someone, right, you’re gonna have like you said, you’re gonna have to draw a line in the sand somewhere. And there’s gonna be a lot of people who are just on kind of the wrong side of that line in the sand, who who are maybe going to, you know, do worse than that 2% number I mentioned. But yes, I think that you, I think that you could do that, I think we should do that. Honestly, I think we should steer more towards kind of these individual retirement accounts, instead of just throwing all this money into into one bucket. And then kind of dishing it out of that one bucket. Yeah, I think you know, the devils in the details on that. But I think that that’s, I think that would honestly be the responsible thing to do.

Gene Tunny  32:23

Okay, we’ll take a short break here for a word from our sponsor.

Female speaker  32:29

If you need to crunch the numbers, then get in touch with Adept Economics. We offer you Frank and fearless economic analysis and advice, we can help you with funding submissions, cost benefit analysis, studies, and economic modelling of all sorts. Our head office is in Brisbane, Australia, but we work all over the world, you can get in touch via our website, http://www.adepteconomics.com.au. We’d love to hear from you.

Gene Tunny  32:58

Now back to the show. Gonna ask on this retirement age to i One concern that people have is that we’ll look lifting the retirement age, that’s, that’s fine for professionals. For, you know, it’s but what about for manual workers who, you know, they really look forward to retirement and, you know, manual work is challenging as you get older. I mean, what, what happens if someone can’t I don’t know enough about the US Social Security system. But what happens if someone you know, they’re in the late 50s or early 60s, and then they really can’t work for medical reasons, they feel they can’t work in a manual job. Is there any coverage for them?

Michael Johnston  33:48

So there’s, there’s a couple of parts of this system that I think are designed? And I think do I’ve been kind of beating up on the system a little bit, but there’s some, I think, some some good parts of it, too. So one of them is we’ve kind of been talking about people who retire voluntarily for the most part of this conversation. Social Security does also the other people who get to security are those younger than retirement age, who had some sort of disability. So there’s, you know, there’s a process for verifying that and for applying for those benefits. So that’s a part of this programme. It’s a pretty small part of it. But But yes, that that that does exist. And then kind of the other nice, I guess, flexibility that’s built into this system right now is so at age, by default, your full retirement age is 67. That’s when you’re going to start receiving your benefits. You can say, You know what, I’d like to start benefits at 62. That’s the earliest you can do it, and you’ll get a smaller benefit payment. But if if for whatever reason, whether you want to or you’re you’re forced to, you can say I’m gonna start at 62 I don’t want to wait till 67. I’ll take my smaller amount, and I’m going to start getting it earlier. And you’re able to do that. And I think for the reasons that you mentioned that type But flexibility is important. And you can go the other way too, you can say, I’m going to, I don’t need to start at 67, I can rely on my personal savings or I’m still working. I’m going to wait till 70. And to incentivize that behaviour, the Social Security Administration will give you a little a little bump then. So instead of, you know, getting it’s effectively for each year, you delay receiving benefits, your benefit increases by 8%. So, if you said, I’m going to push it back from 67 to 70, voluntarily, they’ll say, Great, thank you for waiting to start receiving benefits, you get an extra 24% Bonus, essentially. And then the reverse the math is a little bit different. But essentially, if you want to bump it forward by by five years, you’ll get only 70% of the benefit you would have gotten otherwise. But you get to start it earlier. And actuarially, these numbers kind of all work out pretty similarly to the amount you expect to receive. Between when you over your lifetimes. Yeah,

Gene Tunny  35:54

I’m quite stunned by the number that we started at that we started the conversation with this 50% of Americans don’t have any retirement savings, I guess, what do we know if there actually is probably it’s bad, it’d be bad, even if you looked at added at a household level to because that’s individuals, but you’re going to have some people who are you know that you’re in a couple. So maybe one partner doesn’t have any savings, but the other partner is, has reasonable savings. But that probably doesn’t help the number too much. I’m just trying to wrap my head around what it all means. So it means that it

Michael Johnston  36:34

means well, so I think I think there’s kind of a couple of reasons for this. Like, how did this happen. So if you go back a generation or two generations, like my grandfather worked his entire career at General Electric. And when he retired, he got a pension, he got a guaranteed what’s called a defined benefit plan. So there’s a formula for calculating it, he worked there, let’s say you worked there for 40 years, and for every year, he got 2% of his salary. So he retired and he got a check every month from General Electric, even though he was no longer working there. And that used to be the norm here in America is that these pensions were what funded a lot of people’s retirement plans. And those have gone away. Like, at least in the States, the number of so called defined benefit contribution plans where you get a check each month from your employer in retirement, there’s still some, it’s mostly public sector employees, it’s cops and firefighters and teachers, some university employees will still have those defined benefit pension plans. But for the most part, those have gone away. And, and I think the idea was was well, you know, if employees, the individuals will step up, and the employers will fund these another way, but like nothing’s really stepped in to fill that gap. So it used to be fine to not save money for retirement because your employer was effectively doing it for you, and you are going to continue to get a paycheck from them after you retired. And that’s, that’s, that’s not the case anymore. And then I think just you know, culturally, like just to call it what it is, or to give my opinion on it, we’ve got a very consumer focused culture here, people spend money, they don’t have a lot of they spend money on status symbols that they don’t really need. You know, there’s a lot of of not great financial literacy and financial behaviour that goes on. We still don’t teach financial literacy in most schools here. And I think it’s a, you know, that’s a cultural problem. Like, I think that this is solvable, but it involves understanding the concept of, of spending more than you make, and compound interest and the, you know, the, the stigma of having debt, it requires understanding all these things and making it kind of a part of our culture, which unfortunately, right now, it’s very, very focused on, on spending and on the status symbol. So and I think there’s there’s similar issues around the globe, probably, to different extents. Yeah.

Gene Tunny  39:04

I mean, just as an outside observer, one thing that I think is, you know, does make it difficult for some people in the US is that you don’t have a well, you’ve got Medicare and Medicaid, but you don’t have a single payer or public health care system the same as we do in Australia or in in other OECD economies. And because I know that so many people in the looses the impression I get from the media that a lot of people in the US, they lose their savings, they get driven into bankruptcy because of medical debt. I mean, I don’t know if you’ve got any thoughts on that. But that just seems to me is something that is, you know, makes the situation in the US more difficult than in other countries.

Michael Johnston  39:47

Yeah, I think I think there’s a couple of things. I think there are plenty of those. I’ll call them acute instances where someone unfortunately has a significant injury and they kind of one off In this acute instance, they acquire a bunch of medical data, they have kind of massive one off costs. But then I think there’s a lot of kind of death by 1000 cuts to our cost of health care. And that in the States has gone up here. It’s way outpaced the cost of inflation just over the last 20 years, the cost of health care has skyrocketed. So even if you don’t have this acute event where you have an unfortunate accident or disease that requires huge outlays, I mean, you’re kind of like I said, you’re getting you’re getting paper cut to death, right, just with the the metric the premiums that you have to pay and kind of all these things that that add up. You’re absolutely right. It’s both those those kind of acute instances as well as healthcare in general, just counting for a big portion of a budgets here of household budgets.

Gene Tunny  40:48

Yeah, that’s we probably can’t tackle health care as well as social security day, unfortunately, it’s it is a big issue. I’ll have to cover it again on the show, because I know it’s a huge, a huge challenge there. Like, I want to ask you about it again, on this low level of savings. Or it’s extraordinary, because from my understanding, there are good tax effective retirement savings options available in the states aren’t there, I had a guest on who was talking about the 401, Ks and Roth, IRAs, the individual retirement accounts,

Michael Johnston  41:26

ya know, those are two incredibly powerful vehicles that allow you to essentially defer and eliminate a lot of taxes. So yes, and it’s a great question. And I think that these were introduced in kind of response to a lot of corporate employers cutting pensions with the idea was, okay, well, if pensions are going away, let’s give Americans these tools so that they can invest in a tax efficient manner, they can shield a lot of their significant portion of their assets and their income. And, you know, the trade off is the way that these accounts work at a very high level is you can defer, you can defer your income tax and instead put the money into this tax advantaged account. And you can shield it from from dividend and capital gains taxes. In the meantime, the trade off is you can’t just pull out money, if you want to go to if you want to go to a basketball game, or you want to go gamble, if you want to buy a sports car, you can’t just pull the money out, you’ve got to keep it in there. In most cases, it’s until just before age 60, age 59 and a half. So the idea here is let’s incentivize good behaviour, let’s give you these great tax advantages, if you invest in this account that you cannot touch until you’re 59 and a half. And you’re going to therefore kind of remove the temptation to blow this all on on something frivolous and something unnecessary. And we’re going to force good behaviour. So yes, those tools are there. And that’s part of the frustrating part of the frustration here is that they’re not being utilised to the extent that they should be I think part of it is folks are are unaware of them, it still requires level of discipline, even if you even if you are aware of them. It’s not that you know, it’s not that exciting right now to to put money in your 401 K when the alternative is you go buy something flashy that you don’t really need. So kind of comes down to delaying gratification. But yes, absolutely. These tools are available. And I You’re preaching to the choir, that more folks should use them and kind of take ownership here.

Gene Tunny  43:26

Yeah, I mean, what we do in Australia is we have I guess, we’ve got an age pension, which is, is funded out a consolidated revenue, and it’s not linked to what you contribute at all. It’s just available depending on eligibility, you get to a certain age, there’s an asset test to for, for assets other than the family home. But otherwise, it’s you know, it’s different. And then we also we brought in individual retirement accounts, I think that’s how you what you’d call them in, in the states the the superannuation, and that’s, you know, that there’s a huge pool of super assets as that’s been built up. Now there are, there’s a big debate about whether we should let people withdraw from that to get a deposit for a home. I think that’s probably a good idea. And then there’s, you know, concern concerns, maybe we’re paying too much into it, maybe the unions have got too much control of the funds. There’s all those sort of issues, but broadly, I think it sounds like, you know, relative to where the states is, I mean, we’re probably in a better position here. But everything’s, you know, it’s not all doom and gloom. Like I think you were saying, Well, this is a depressing conversation. I’m not, I think it’s actually quite, it’s been good for me, because it’s given me a good appreciation of what those levers are, that could be changed and because one of the things that that you often hear is that it’s called a Ponzi scheme. What do you think? and give that characterization. Well,

Michael Johnston  45:01

I would say that a Ponzi scheme is is fraudulent, right? It’s, it’s illegal. It’s inherently fraudulent. And for anyone listening who’s not familiar, essentially it means so let’s say Jean invest his money with an asset manager. And then I invest behind him. And this asset manager pays him out with some of my money. So essentially, it’s a fraudulent way to inflate returns. And Gene says, holy cow, this manager did a great job for me, I got a 50% return in just two years, I’m gonna go tell all my friends, and essentially relies on your it’s not actual games, you’re kind of paying them out with other people’s money. It’s fraudulent, it’s very clearly illegal. There’s nothing about Social Security that at least to my knowledge has been fraudulent or illegal or anything shady like that. It’s incredibly transparent. It’s working exactly like it was designed to there’s no kind of shady cooking the books things that are that are going on. So now, having said all that, essentially, is, you know, it’s not totally baseless claim, because it relies on kind of the same mechanism that a Ponzi scheme does. It relies on new people coming into the system. In this case, they’re, you know, new employees entering into the workforce. If they were all go away. We have no money to kind of pay out the retiree. So the mechanism is the same. But I want to make I think it’s important distinction that, you know, there’s while there are some similarities, there’s, you know, I’m certainly not I don’t think anyone’s accusing Social Security of being fraudulent or deceptive in any way. It was maybe just kind of poorly designed, I guess you could certainly accuse it of being that but to my knowledge, at least there’s there’s no serious accusations of any any kind of fraud or any misdoing in that way. Yeah.

Gene Tunny  46:51

And a point that Ryan Grim on counterpoints, which is part of that breaking points network he made the other day because they look at this issue quite a bit. From time to time, he was saying, well, let’s never missed a payment in over 80 years or something, whereas a Ponzi scheme probably would have been that times that would have collapsed. So it’s just a matter of Yeah, to me, it looks like it’s a matter of getting those benefit levels, right. Maybe they do need to be adjustments, increasing the retirement age, looking at the rate of contributions, but again, the politics that are difficult, just seems to me that there seem to be more focused on this or or there seem to be more practical policy work going on to try to resolve this in the 90s. And, and up until maybe, I don’t know, 10 years ago, I think was Paul Ryan, looking at some stage. But even Joe Biden, Joe Biden, when he was in the Senate was looking at this is Is there anything actually going on behind the scenes that you know, have to fix this?

Michael Johnston  47:55

Yeah, it’s it’s a great question. I’ll be honest, I don’t know how serious or how advanced you know, a lot of times in the states here, we you kind of have the the idea that that people are working on things, but it’s effectively a campaign mechanism to kind of talk about it at a very high level. I don’t know the extent to which there are, you know, aides behind the scenes, sharpening pencils and running calculations and kind of actually trying to find a viable path forward here. I think that it is, I don’t think we’re at that point, I think that this will continue to get this Ken will continue to get kicked down the road. Like I said, we’re still you know, we want to look at glass half full. And some good news here. We have time here, right? We have time to fix this. We’ve got a decade still. So I think that there are more pressing issues. And this is going to be fixing this is going to be a thankless job, because it’s going to upset guaranteed to upset someone, there’s no easy way to do this. And I think that thankless jobs that don’t need to be solved tomorrow, tend to get tend to get pushed down the road, probably quite a bit, which is unfortunate, because that’s uncertainty for investors, right? Like not knowing. In theory, the more warning you have, and the more clarity you have, the more time you have to react to this, to change your behaviour and to kind of come up with a solution. But to the extent that you’re kind of left guessing into the last minute how this is going to play out is you know that that ultimately hurts the investors. But I think that’s what’s going to happen here. Yeah.

Gene Tunny  49:28

Well, it’s a very important issue, because as part of the whole, I mean, you need to get Social Security fixed up. And then there’s a broader budget challenge. There are concerns about, you know, growing federal debt and what that means, whether that’s sustainable or not, and what that means to the global economy if there’s a fiscal crisis in the US, so I mean, that would have huge ramifications. So it’s something that I’m looking at very closely. Michael, is there anything else on this on this issue that We haven’t covered that you think would be good to, to inject into the conversation before we wrap up? Yeah,

Michael Johnston  50:06

I think I think we’ve kind of covered it here, we’ve kind of been pretty, we’ve been pretty wide ranging here. The one thing I was I was just thinking is we kind of talked about this, this Frankenstein solution where no one thinks the lover moves the needle, but you kind of stitch together enough of them and you start to get there. I think another thing that I’ve seen discussed, is you remove the tax benefits from some of these things like our IRA, or Individual Retirement arrangement, our 401 K plan, I’ve seen that discussed, as well as that’s another way to raise some incremental revenue for the system here is a, you’re no longer gonna get the tax benefits from contributing to a 401k from contributing to an IRA. And we’re gonna funnel that money towards social security instead, it’s a little bit, you know, robbing Peter to pay Paul like to kind of write trying to solve the retirement crisis and saying, Well, we’re going to penalise this type of retirement account to bail out this type of retirement account. But it’s, you know, it’s more it’s kind of more politically palatable, maybe so, you know, I guess in closing, I would say, I hope that this is one of those issues. It’s widely misunderstood. And, you know, I hope that we could kind of have an honest discussion about the merits here, or the merits of the system, where it’s working, where it’s not the pros and cons of the different approaches. I know, that’s incredibly naive, I can kind of feel people rolling their eyes at me saying, you know, this guy thinks we’re gonna have an intelligent conversation about this heated issue. So I know that it’s gonna, it’s going to be political. And it’s going to be a major point of all the campaigns probably for the next several years, but in my heart of hearts, I’ll hold out hope that we can have a an adult conversation and, and fix this sooner than sooner rather than later and come up with a compromise. Yeah,

Gene Tunny  51:54

yeah, I hope so too. Okay, Michael, before we go, your wealth channel, wealth channel Academy, your pitch is becoming or your tagline becoming a millionaire, is easy. And I’ll put a link in the show notes to your site, you say there’s seven basic concepts to understand. So I think, are there any? Is there anything you’d like to say about, you know, what you’re doing with wealth channel that? Yeah,

Michael Johnston  52:25

they Thank you, Dan, I just, I guess, I just like to say, we encourage people to take ownership take ownership of your financial future. So you are not dependent on Social Security, take advantage of these 401 K’s these HSAs IRAs. And, you know, assume you’re gonna get nothing and from from Social Security and take ownership of your financial future. It sounds complicated, it’s really not that complicated once you dive into it. So I’m kind of on a mission to simplify this process for people help them feel more confident with this process of planning for retirement, understand what’s actually going on what they actually need. So, and this is, you know, a great illustration of why so that you hope Social Security will be there, and the full amount you’re expecting, but if it’s not, you’re covered anyways. Right? Yep.

Gene Tunny  53:09

And so if you start saving at a young enough age, and I mean, the math of compound interest shows it’s you know, the earlier you start, the better, and you get so much benefit from starting in your, in your 20s as soon as you’re getting a good or even earlier, or getting a good salary saving, or any sort of salary saving a bit a little bit, or as much as you can, and then that just builds up and compounds over time. And you could be in a situation is it right, where, you know, if you get you could get some social security, but the majority of your income will be from those those assets earnings from those assets. That’s right.

Michael Johnston  53:44

That’s right. It’s you know, there’s, there’s a path for a lot of people to retire with a million dollars in your 401k or a million dollars in your IRA. And exactly what you just said Albert Einstein said that compounding returns are the eighth wonder of the world and he was a pretty smart guy. So good advice to follow. Start, start early. start young and do what you can. Very

Gene Tunny  54:05

good. Okay. Michael Johnson from the from wealth channel. Thanks so much for the conversation. I really enjoyed it.

Michael Johnston  54:12

I did as well. Pleasure to be with you.

Gene Tunny  54:15

rato thanks for listening to this episode of economics explored. If you have any questions, comments or suggestions, please get in touch. I’d love to hear from you. You can send me an email via contact at economics explore.com Or a voicemail via SpeakPipe. You can find the link in the show notes. If you’ve enjoyed the show, I’d be grateful if you could tell anyone you think would be interested about it. Word of mouth is one of the main ways that people learn about the show. Finally, if your podcasting app lets you then please write a review and leave a rating. Thanks for listening. I hope you can join me again next week.

55:02

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Podcast episode

Unlocking the Financial Black Box: Transforming Business Efficiency w/ Andrew Walker – EP232

This episode explores the crucial role of efficient financial management in driving business performance and productivity. Guest Andrew Walker, a seasoned financial consultant, shares his extensive experience advising businesses on utilizing data for improved cash flow and strategic decisions. Walker emphasizes the transformation from traditional bookkeeping to strategic financial planning as businesses scale.

Please get in touch with us with any questions, comments and suggestions by emailing us at contact@economicsexplored.com or sending a voice message via https://www.speakpipe.com/economicsexplored

You can listen to the episode via the embedded player below or via podcasting apps including Google PodcastsApple Podcast and Spotify.

About this episode’s guest: Andrew Walker, CEO, Improcus 

Andrew, with over 30 years of executive management and accounting experience, across global and local markets, brings a depth of experience and credibility built across the manufacturing, retail, franchise, construction and transport sectors. Whether as CEO or on the shop floor, Andrew understands the challenges and demands of business. Andrew has an intuitive understanding of business in both financial and functional areas. His work experience includes:

  • CEO of Improcus, a South East Queensland business improvement consultants company/business and has worked with 100 companies in 10 years with an aggregate annual turnover of $1.0b CEO of AAF Industries Plc, a London stock exchange listed company specialising in design, manufacture and installation of modular buildings in Europe. The Group also included a laboratory furniture manufacturing business and a scaffolding division.
  • CFO BTR Dunlop Ltd, listed on the Johannesburg Stock Exchange, responsible for all South African operations and the Financial Controller for Africa reporting to BTR PLc. Turnover R1.0billion
  • Divisional Finance Director of Dorbyl Automotive Components consisting of 16 divisions supplying various automotive components to OEM’s.
  • Financial Controller for the Aberdare Power Group, the largest manufacturer of power cables in South Africa

What’s covered in EP232

  • Introduction (0:00)
  • Streamlining business processes to improve cash flow. (4:15)
  • Automating business processes for efficiency and growth. (9:19)
  • Improving business performance through financial analysis. (13:54)
  • Financial management and growth in a business. (18:30)
  • Financial management and business growth. (23:55)
  • When businesses need a CFO or financial controller. (28:52)
  • Private equity, AI, and business trends. (32:09)
  • Business software and data analysis. (36:22)
  • Business productivity, taxes, and insolvency. (42:37)
  • Financial reporting and cash flow management in businesses. (46:54)

Takeaways

  1. The Peter Principle in Finance: Promotion beyond competence in finance roles can critically hinder a business’s growth. It’s crucial to elevate financial management capabilities as the business scales.
  2. Automation and Efficiency: Leveraging modern software and automating processes can significantly reduce time and errors in financial reporting, enabling quicker strategic decisions.
  3. Strategic Role of Chief Financial Officers: A CFO’s role transcends traditional bookkeeping, focusing on external growth opportunities, mergers, acquisitions, and stakeholder management. Understanding when to transition from a bookkeeper to a CFO is key for business evolution.
  4. Data Utilization for Decision Making: Effective use of data, including forecasting and performance analysis, is essential for driving strategic business decisions and identifying areas for improvement.
  5. Cash Flow Management: Proactive cash flow forecasting and management are critical for navigating financial challenges and seizing opportunities, underscoring the importance of a competent finance department.

Abbreviations used in the show

  • ATO – Australian Taxation Office
  • BOM – Bill of materials
  • CFO – Chief financial officer
  • CV – constant velocity, as in CV joint
  • DIFOT – Delivery in full on time
  • ERP – Enterprise resource planning
  • GST – Goods and Services Tax
  • IPO – Initial public offering
  • PAYG – Pay as you go

Transcript: Unlocking the Financial Black Box: Transforming Business Efficiency w/ Andrew Walker – EP232

N.B. This is a lightly edited version of a transcript originally created using the AI application otter.ai. It may not be 100 percent accurate, but should be pretty close. If you’d like to quote from it, please check the quoted segment in the recording.

Andrew Walker  00:04

I come across businesses, where the bookkeeper who started out with the original owner is now the CFO. And that’s the real old Peter principle that applies to finance departments as well. So, and when you have a person that has been promoted past the level of competency, what happens is they then start employing incompetent people below them.

Gene Tunny  00:33

Welcome to the Economics Explored podcast, a frank and fearless exploration of important economic issues. I’m your host Gene Tunny. I’m a professional economist and former Australian Treasury official. The aim of this show is to help you better understand the big economic issues affecting all our lives. We do this by considering the theory evidence and by hearing a wide range of views. I’m delighted that you can join me for this episode, please check out the show notes for relevant information. Now on to the show. Hello, thanks for tuning into the show. This episode of Economics Explored explores business performance and productivity with our special guest Andrew Walker, a financial consultant who works with businesses to improve efficiency and profitability. Andrew has over 30 years of executive management and accounting experience across global and local markets. He’s advised major companies in the manufacturing retail franchise construction and transport sectors. In this episode, among other insights, Andrew talks about how businesses could better utilise data to improve cash flow and drive strategic decision making. This episode of Economics Explored is brought to you by Lumo coffee Lumo is seriously healthy organic coffee. Lab tests have confirmed that Luma coffee has tripled the amount of healthy antioxidants and poly phenols than regular coffee. Health benefits from these poly phenols include a lower risk of heart disease, anti inflammatory effects, and improved mental and physical performance. Lumo coffee would like to offer economics expert listeners at 20% discount off all coffees for a limited time only until the 30th of April 2024. Go to Lumo coffee.com. And at the checkout, use the code explored 20 That’s all uppercase, X floored and the number to zero for a discount on all Lumo coffee valid until April 3020 20. For that code again explored 20 Check out the show notes for further details. Right. Oh, we’d better get into it. I hope you enjoy my conversation with Andrew Walker. Andrew Walker, thanks for joining me on the programme. Yeah. Good to see you again. Gene. Yes. Excellent to see you, Andrew. So I’ve been along to some of your breakfast. You’re very good at organising people. And you’ve got a really good group here in Brisbane, of business people, people with experience in the practicalities of running businesses and growing businesses. And I’m keen to pick your brain today regarding business performance and business productivity, because as economists we drone on all the time about efficiency and productivity, making a penny Dewar pounds work as my grandfather used to say something very critical, not critical, but a joke about economists. So I’m interested in your reflections as someone who who does work with businesses and advises businesses. What is it that other barriers to high performance? What is it that’s limiting the efficiency? The productivity of businesses, please? Yeah,

Andrew Walker  03:49

well, Gene, I think one of the there’s there’s a number but let’s start off and talk about some of the key ones that I deal with from a financial perspective. For example, inefficient processes. You know, outdated, convoluted processes can slow down the operations, waste, valuable time and resources, inefficient workflows also, and redundant tasks and excessive bureaucracy can contribute to decreased efficiency, and some of these sorts of things. For example, if you remember back in the day of mainframe sales, IBM had a salesperson of business development and design team, a credit approval team, and they were taken up to six months to turn a potential quote into an order. And they actually changed the whole process and made the salesperson, the responsible person to make sure it went through all the departments efficiently, and they reduced the time substantially. So I did some work with a franchisor on his sales process for bringing in franchisees and they were taking exactly the same thing six months around actually trying to vet the people, get them in, talk to them. And if you’ve got good franchisees if They’ve got the money, they want to take the opportunity, they can’t wait six months for somebody to decide whether they’re going to come in. And so we went through a workflow process, identified the issues, and actually cut that right down to one month to get the activity of signing up more franchisees a lot quicker than waiting six months to go through the whole process.

Gene Tunny  05:18

Right? What what sort of business was it that were broadly what industry was

Andrew Walker  05:22

it? I it was in the, in the industry in motor vehicles?

Gene Tunny  05:26

Right. Gotcha. Okay. Right.

Andrew Walker  05:29

You know, and other processes. For example, when we talk about processes, people immediately think about a manufacturing process in an organisation. They are lots of other processes that are actually embedded in the business. For example, I did some work with a large scaffolding business a couple of years ago. And the important thing there was their debtors were, you know, way above what they should be, and we brought them down from I think it was 65 days to I think, 45 days, there was an inflow of $1.6 million in the small business now. That’s, people think, Oh, well, what do you do, but you’ve got to examine the whole process from taking a new a new customer on what’s their credit limit, what’s the process of resolving credit notes quickly and efficiently. And so that you remove all the reasons for them not to not pay the business. And so having identified the process made people accountable within the organisation we were able to bring, the data stays down. And that helped in the sale of the business, because what was happening is we were setting the business up for sale. And the working capital average, when you sell a small business always catches people, because they think that debtors are are going to continue at that high level. And when you bring them down in a sale process, you actually have created an average working capital higher than what you should have. And therefore you’ll end up having to chip money in at the end after the when the deal is done.

Gene Tunny  06:56

Could you just go over that? Again. I’m just trying to make sure I understand that book. So I think you’ve identified a critical issue for any business, which is the cash flow. I mean, cash is king, and a lot of businesses get into trouble because they can’t manage their cash. And you had an example where did you say debtors days? So the people who owe your business money? Was it 60 days or something

Andrew Walker  07:21

like that 60 days, and we had to bring it down to 45 days to bring it in terms. And so if you when you start negotiating the sale of your business, especially with the purchase, I will lock in a date. Yeah. And in order. And through that process, I look at the last 12 months. What is the average working capital? Yeah, and when the actual transaction happened six months later, they use the average working capital. And when you hand over the keys to the business, they then calculate what the working capital is on the day and apply amid the metric to the average working capital of the previous 12 months. And if the working capital is lower than the average 12 months, the seller has to put the money into. So before you sell a business, you’ve got to make sure your balance sheet is actually well organised. The debtors are clear the creditors are always paid in terms that you can have a really good quality working capital base.

Gene Tunny  08:18

Yeah, so you’re gonna get all that lined up. So with the 60 days, on average, they were taking 60 days to pay. Right? So this business wasn’t chasing the invoices up is that right? That they weren’t managing their invoices properly? Well,

Andrew Walker  08:33

there was a lot of issues in there. Because first of all, getting the right customers, okay, don’t take on customers who are probably dodgy. So part of the whole process is, make sure you’ve got good customers. Yeah, make sure they understand your processes, and your terms of trade. And if they have credit notes, it’s important to get those credit notes processed quickly, because that becomes a reason for non payment. Right? What

Gene Tunny  08:57

What do you mean by that? Can

Andrew Walker  08:58

you explain what you mean by if I have the business $100,000 And I’ve got $3,000 I’m queering and questioning because the service didn’t happen or the product wasn’t supplied, or it’s a bad quality product. I use that as a reason not to pay the full 100,000 Yeah, so you know, it’s about processing those credit notes really quickly.

Gene Tunny  09:19

Gotcha. Okay, yeah, sorting, sorting out those issues. And so

Andrew Walker  09:23

another another sort of area is lack of automate automation, in a in a business. And once again, we straightaway think of the factory with robotics and welding and that, but also in the whole financial process, automating all the different systems to produce the financial management report to the end of the month is important. And I had a client this goes back a good few years, and their finance team took 30 days to produce the management reports of the previous month. And it was just out of control. And it was spreadsheets upon spreadsheets upon spreadsheets reconciling, reconciling reconciling and and when you When you when I laid it out on the boardroom table, because the owner didn’t believe this was this was a 30 30 million is probably a 30 40 million business now. I laid everything out on the boardroom table and said, right, you reconsider your team reconciles the spreadsheet to that spreadsheet. And I said, this is a waste of time, I said, let’s just let’s invest in some software changes. And the software changes, push the data from the ERP system straight into the financial system, they were able to produce the reports within three days, which is where you get to real world class standards. Okay,

Gene Tunny  10:33

so just for those of us who aren’t familiar with the lingo, ERP stands for enterprise

Andrew Walker  10:38

resource planning. So it’s the whole, it’s the engine room of the business. So you’d have a financial system. And then you have the engine room. So if it’s a manufacturing business, it’s the bill of materials, it’s the labour, it’s the planning, all of those things around that create the activities, which then create a financial transaction that gets pushed into the financial systems in the business

Gene Tunny  11:01

by their software packages, or applications you’d recommend for this sort of thing? Well, no, it’s

Andrew Walker  11:05

about understand well, what I found in a lot of businesses that are getting involved in is the inefficiency is they’ve bought really good packages, right? The implementation has only a 20% delay, okay. And so it’s about understanding, yeah, people have done and then actually increasing the implementation of those packages up to the right level. And so in this instance, it was using the existing ERP system, changing the report writing, creating the link straight into the financial things. So there was no reconciliations and wasting time, they had a saving because we then were able to let the Financial Controller Go, which was $100,000, salary, wasting time doing all these requests, because that was they were they weren’t adding any value in the business. Yeah, in a perpetual income 100,000 a year, that’s a million dollars in 10 years that you’ve saved by simple small automation within a business. Yeah.

Gene Tunny  12:00

And this is, I mean, this is across the economy, right? This is what I think’s interesting about this, because as economists, we we tend to assume competition, competitive markets, weeds out the inefficient operators. And to an extent that’s true, right? I mean, that’s, that’s obviously true. You do have the situation where there are many businesses that just aren’t living up to their potential. They’re, like 10 or 20% off what their potential is. I don’t know if it’s that high. But for many it could be I mean, there are there a lot of there’s still a lot of inefficiency in business out there.

Andrew Walker  12:30

You know, I was dealing with a fast moving consumer goods business, and they were, they were processing different kinds of sources, which the order would come on a Wednesday, it would be cooked Wednesday night, it would be processed Thursday, it would be on a track Thursday night, into suddenly for the shelves for the weekend shopping. They they Dafydd delivery in full on time was was around 76%. And and you know, that whole process, they had implemented SAP, yeah, but they’ve never taken it into the production area. The production painting was sticky notes or post it notes stuck on production planners wore a telephone note, you know, telephone call and email, open the door, the wind blows, we’ve lost a few levels of

Gene Tunny  13:17

production cafe, right? Yeah,

Andrew Walker  13:19

exactly. And so what happened was, you know, I’ve, I’ve pushed this all out, and we then moved as SAP implementation into the production process. And that then opened it up. And after two months of working with the team there, I’ve got it up to 99%. Three months in a row, we achieved 99% The effort, and we also moved the business away from product centric, to customer centric at the same time, which customer centric had more margins than product centric, because product centric was high volume, this just get hot volume into this.

Gene Tunny  13:53

It’s gonna ask you about this die fight. I haven’t actually heard that expression, or haven’t heard it spelled as or set as die fight. It’s a good one. I understand what what you’re talking about. I mean, that’s 76% that’s, that’s terrible.

Andrew Walker  14:07

There’s more. So what happens is you lose then shelf space in the supermarket, because you’re not there on time. So you, you you get removed from the eye level shopper wants to pick off the comfortable level and you say your shelf space then moves down to the bottom shelf, because other people have got in front of you in terms of your your your space allocation within in the supermarkets and boutique.

Gene Tunny  14:29

Sorry, the supermarkets in the TV boutique shops selling the sources in APA Gotcha. Are they met other benchmarks for what all of these metrics? So you’re, you’re a former or you’ve got experiences as a chief financial officer, is that right? That’s correct. Yeah. And are there benchmarks or commonly accepted benchmark standards for what those data days should be for what die fight should be that sort of thing. Like when you go into a business that you Are you saying, like, based on my experience or based on industry benchmarks, you’ve got to be hitting these key metrics. I think

Andrew Walker  15:08

every business, you’ve got to actually look at it and understand it. You can’t just have a, there’s not a standard, there’s a standard bent benchmark, let’s say 45 days for dead end. But if half of your sales are cash, yeah, then it’s not 45 days, it’s probably 20 days. So when I walk into a business, and I start reviewing it through my model for real improvement, I have a look at that and say, Well, if 50% of your sales are cash, we exclude that out of the calculation. Otherwise, you look pretty good, because you might be reporting 30 days. And if the benchmarks 45, but you’ve got cash at 50% It’s actually misleading. So yeah, and our fight with that fight is about delivery in full on time. Yeah. 100%. Yeah. There’s no question that’s, that’s a standard you need to achieve. And so there are lots of different ratios. And the one has to just examine the business and identify, what are the key ratios and drivers that drive profit in the business?

Gene Tunny  16:06

What was his model for real improvement that you’re talking you’re talking about?

Andrew Walker  16:10

Okay, so I’ve I’ve developed some software offers a German platform, and the software is called jeddaks. And so that actually brings the financial information in. And I’ve developed a one pager that shows how to improve the business by making high level strategic decisions in the business, if I reduced it as days by X days, if I reduce stock by y days, and I put creditors out by another two days, what is the cash impact, but that is using all the historical information. And then I do the same on the profit and loss in terms of sales price increase, volume increase, expense increase, and then that’s all hinged around the DuPont, you’ll probably know the DuPont analysis, going back to the 60s, right created the return on capital employed. And then on top of that, I’ve then introduced cash flow to that to the point analysis, because now when he developed it was about return on investment return on capital employed. Today, it’s all about cash, cash is king, as you said earlier, so I’ve got this model for real improvement, which also helps then link corporate strategy to the financials. And then you develop that if you say you’re going to increase your your turnover by 10%, you then have to drive that in the rest of my modelling down to which product, which customer, what price, what product, what channel, and that then makes people within the organisation at the coalface accountable to the corporate strategy. So that’s the one of the big things that are found. We are very good at vision mission and fluffy stuff. But when it comes in to managing the actual coalface, it gets a bit difficult because it gets blurred. So my model for real improvement then looks at and says, that customer that price in that month on those products goes up by 5%. And that’s how you achieve it. And if you’re not achieving it, then people become answerable on that monthly management sort of review process. Right, which is what happens sometimes in businesses is the turnover goes up 10% For something totally different reasons. The core strategy is never dealt with. But we all pat ourselves on the back saying, Oh, we we achieving our corporate strategy, when in fact, we haven’t addressed the items that was identified at the strategic sort of review. Right,

Gene Tunny  18:30

gotcha. And how do you make sure that the people at the coalface are doing the things that need to be done to hit the targets? I mean, I do go and talk to them. You have dev workshop with them how to,

Andrew Walker  18:43

okay, so I’ve been, I’ve been working with a group of highly intellectual individuals in a business, I like to keep them the name out of the podcasts. And they were very focused around delivering their professional skills to their clients. Yeah, with no concept of profit. And there was just one high level p&l, then actually, and the profit had come down over a number of years. And you know, it was on a reduction, and I got involved to help them. And one of the things I did is turn it on its head and said, Well, hold on. You’ve got regions here, let’s let’s put in regional profit and loss statements, and then make the regional managers accountable. And then in this modelling of mine, I then took it down to how many hours are each of the people going to be working? What is the efficiency? What is the sale rate, what is their cost rate? And so now we’ve got this model that they can actually change every month in terms of this person is going to be off for three weeks or take him outside adjust the turnover. And this modelling then creates the three way financials, cash flow, balance sheet and p&l. And so that date in every, every month we review it and have a look at what’s happening within the business and make adjustments to look at the full We have forecast, as a result of I think, as a result to bring in that to play in the organisation, together with focusing around improving the efficiency of the computer system they’ve got they’ve got a cracking system, but they weren’t even touching the surface in terms of the capabilities of that software. I think the this year if it all goes to plan, we would have trebled the previous year’s operating profit.

Gene Tunny  20:25

Wow. Right. And that’s by giving people a better understanding of, of what actually contributes to the bottom line, what the

Andrew Walker  20:36

there’s an understanding hours rates, cost, expenses, margins, selling price to customers, all those things come into play when you’re having those discussions. Gotcha. Okay.

Gene Tunny  20:47

Are there any other barriers? We’ve been talking about barriers to to higher performance?

Andrew Walker  20:53

Yeah, I think, you know, I’ve got an interesting one. And this is, this is where the company starts out very small, the owner brings in the bookkeeper. And as the business grows, he doesn’t look at the finance department, and let it grow with the business and bringing the right financial level skill. So I come across businesses, where the bookkeeper who started out with the original owner is now the CFO. And that’s the real old Peter Principle and applies to finance departments as well. So and when you have a person that has been promoted past the level of competency, what happens is they then start employing incompetent people below them. And because they can’t afford to do the work because of the level of competency, and this always becomes manual and then and so I have this thing, we all know E because mc squared is speed of light, I say the Peter Principle of competency plussing competencies in competency cube, which is the speed to insolvency. And so and I’ve seen this before, we’re the bookkeeper, you know, rises to that position. So as a business is growing, it’s not a barrier, but it’s been able to recognise that as your business grows, you need to introduce different levels of people within the organisation. So you’d start out with a bookkeeper, maybe you then have the tax accountant to a point sometimes people hold on too long to the tax accountants, as the business is growing. And then you go to a financial controller, or Phantom, CFO, Lakhmi, or who then when it gets big enough, you need a real CFO and people don’t understand what a CFO is, versus a financial controller either, you know, CFOs, external mergers, acquisitions, stakeholder management, etc. And you’ve got to be ready to grow at that level before you start bringing CFOs into your business

Gene Tunny  22:46

for CFOs. You’re you’re about creating possibilities. We’re not just being a bookkeeper. But what are the risks? I mean, you can expand on that, but what are the risks of just having the person who started out as your bookkeeper become? Your effective, you know, become the CFO of as your business expands from being a small business to having, you know, millions or 10s of millions or hundreds of millions in revenue? What are the risks? What can go wrong?

Andrew Walker  23:10

Well, I think that the risks are, that person doesn’t actually grow with the business and start looking at the risk profile. You know, if we talk about a bookkeeper does the accounting the day to day bookkeeping of the business, but as you start growing, you start getting increasing your debtors? What about credit limits? What about the risk profile? What about your insurance? What about the systems as your business is growing? You know, a good CFO strike financial controller will be in the business, he’ll have the accounting work working really well. And a good solid bookkeeper is a person who consistently does the same thing all the time, at a high level of quality. And a good CFO will be across the business looking at systems and processes and thinking outside the box. Yeah, I think that’s the difference, I think. And I say this, and I’ve come up the finance route, so I can be critical of my own professional. Good Financial Controller doesn’t necessarily make a good, a good CFO, in the in the different financial controllers, inwardly focused, producing management reports, running the business. From that point of view, a CFO is looking externally outside the business risk profile opportunity to grow. Yeah.

Gene Tunny  24:22

So on these risks, I’m just so where the businesses get into trouble. I mean, they can I mean, some are just there are some that are going to be unviable. But there are many businesses that that actually end up. You know, they end up basically having to wind up because they mismanaged their cash or that if

Andrew Walker  24:41

you talk to any or most liquidators administrators and you say to them, what is the first impression you have when you walk into one of these distressed businesses? And they’ll tell you 80 to 90% of the time, the finance accounting departments in a mess, right, yeah. And that’s where you then have a bookkeeper who He’s become the CFO doesn’t understand the risks involved in running a much bigger business because their, their, their, their processes around transactional, yeah, processing, invoices credit, all those sorts of things and not looking at the bigger risk. And that’s that’s the real issue with regard to you know, these distressed companies, the accounts are in a mess. So you don’t know your product profitability, your customer profitability, where your market growth are, what’s your gross margin? What’s your breakeven, all those critical things that good? Finance controller Cummins CFO?

Gene Tunny  25:37

Net? Right. Yeah. So you could be losing money? Yeah, you’ve got you haven’t got your you’re not? You’re not selling in the right areas? You haven’t got your pricing, right. You’re not making enough money? Yeah, so yeah. Okay.

Andrew Walker  25:52

And so that comes to to what I call the financial blackbox. Yeah. So before you take off in there are playing on your journey of building this business, know what’s in the in the black box. And that’s around understanding what the financial department does, and how they can add value in your business. A lot of finance departments are seen as an overhead, an extension of the ATO to do the best and the GST and the PAYG, etc. But the finance department in a good business provides really quality information to help people make good decisions around what they do in in their business.

Gene Tunny  26:32

Okay, we’ll take a short break here for a word from our sponsor.

Female speaker  26:37

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Gene Tunny  27:06

Now back to the show. What are they doing? You’re doing modelling of, of, you know, what different scenarios? Are you thinking about shocks that could hit the business, what sort of works been done in

Andrew Walker  27:21

terms of just a normal. So the way I approach when I look at businesses and I’ve I’ve asked to come in and help, they could be distressed, or they could be growing exceptionally and need some support. The first port of call is the financial system, the financial systems have to be sound and producing accurate quality, timely numbers. And once you’ve got that in place, then you will identify then I start mixing in products, customers, margins, and the non financial elements and merge them together to get some kind of value reporting around. How do you improve the business? Once you’ve got that you can then start doing your ratio analysis and saying, where’s the gaps? Yeah. And then once you’ve got the gaps, and with my modelling, for real improvement, you can then say, what if? What if I put the prices up? And the volume goes down by percent? Or what happens if I put the the volumes up and prices up? What’s the impact, and that then gives you cash flow. But also having identified the gaps. I talked about the p to the power of four, which looks at the process, the process mapping the productivity of the people in that process, the proficiency of those people doing the processes, and then the profit and how the profit is generated. And that that then wraps into a good action plan to help the business go through its problems of getting back to normal profitability again. Yeah,

Gene Tunny  28:52

this is great. So you’re crunching the numbers. I like that. Yeah, because a lot of businesses I mean, they’re, you know, they’ve got founders and the founders, obviously doing something, right. Because they managed to, to grow from just being a micro business and they’re starting to, you know, they’re getting sales and they’re taking on employees, and they’re doing what works for them. But in your experience, you think all on their growth on on their journey through those like I often look at that I watch Dave Ramsey stuff. I don’t agree with everything he says, but I think he’s got some good points. I like his framework for the different stages of the business and how they, they start off with being a mum and dad business. So we get his actual terminology. But you know, the idea is you want to go through these different stages of being a trailblazer and then end up at at legacy and all of that. And I’m just thinking there, I mean, we we’re in the journey of being a business should should, should a business owner be thinking of getting a CFO or going you know, moving in If you’re having a bookkeeper or just having an accountant who helps them out with tax,

Andrew Walker  30:03

yeah, so I think I think it’s an that’s not a simple answer that if I hit this turnover, people have this perception I’m doing 20 million, I need to see it depends on a number of things in the business, you know, if you have a very simple business, which is purely trading, urbanna sell, and it’s a simple transaction, do you really need a CFO in your business, because you’re going to bring the CFO in, he’s not going to actually add the value you want. And invariably, he’s going to get bored. And you’ve wasted the the investment of recruiting somebody who then moves on very shortly afterwards, because it’s a simple business. But when you start getting into, for example, manufacturing, and you’ve got bombs, and you’ve got, you know, having to back flush your bombs in terms of understanding what’s happened in the business, then you should be looking for a financial controller in terms of getting into the nuts and bolts of reporting activities in the factory, the number of tonnes, the tonnes use the scrap, what does that bomb, say? Are we producing more scrap than what the bombs? Do? We need to adjust that that affects our price? What about the process of steel Steel’s gone from it? You know, it went up 25% Down again in the last couple of years. And if you didn’t have somebody on the numbers there, you could have lost a lot of money in an organisation.

Gene Tunny  31:19

What was what were you saying bombs? Will you believe material are sorry?

Andrew Walker  31:25

We’re not going to blog, anything but

Gene Tunny  31:29

materials, materials that

Andrew Walker  31:30

you know, and that’s important. And and then when you in again, back to understanding that the lifecycle of a business Yeah, is there is a point when you’ve established yourself, you’ve got a good business, you’ve got a good product, you know, everything’s good, the culture is good. And you want to now do the big the big expansion, that’s when you start thinking, I need a CFO, if I’m going to IPO it, you know, listed or stake other stakeholders in or I want to exit Yeah, you know, that’s when you need them the CFO. So and it’s not around turnover or number of people, it’s around the type of business and how you operate within that business. Yeah.

Gene Tunny  32:09

As someone who works with a lot of businesses. Do you have any thoughts on this whole, you know, the private equity, sort of, you know, that industry, because I’ve had, well, I’ve had a guest on previously who’s over in Rhode Island. And what he does is he’s looking around for smaller businesses that he can come in, and he can take over and then and then sell at a later date improve things. So I’m just wondering, do you have any, do you have any thoughts on that? I mean, like, there’s a lot of, you know, there’s a lot of negativity out there about private equity, there are people sceptical over there are people who accuse private equity investors have been vultures. Any thoughts on private equity at all? Andrew, I

Andrew Walker  32:57

think I think back everything, this is a spectrum of private equity companies. And if I could define it in the, at one end of the scale, they probably private equity, who want to buy a good business, and they can offer their investors a better return. So they don’t actually do anything, they try and buy low, and then they provide a bigger return. So if you, if you’re in high net worth individual, and you’ve got a couple of million, you want to check in with some of your mates, you can buy business, and you’ll probably get a better return than you would with the banks. But there’s obviously risk with that. So you get private equity that fill that space, and then manage the company. And sometimes you do find, you know, private equities, they have it for three or four years, and then they flick it on to another private equity, and it just keeps rolling around in terms of, but what they’re doing is giving their their investors a better return than what they would have got elsewhere. So that’s the one scale. Yeah, he got to the other scale, you get the private equity, who are looking for the roller. So for example, there have been a few good ones like that the vets the greed, CrossFit story, where they went around and rounded up all the small private vets and brought them into a single group got purchasing power, and helped them with their business, streamline their processes, and then IPO that and made a lot of money out of it. So you get to two scales and like everything, there’s good accountants, but I in my presentations, I have the good, the ugly, what’s the good, the bad and the ugly? And in that spectrum, you know, it’s the it’s a wide spectrum of people out there all looking to make some money and it’s how they do it.

Gene Tunny  34:40

Yeah, gotcha. Okay. Okay. Now, what are the big business trends you’re seeing at the moment? Andrew, do you have any thoughts on AI, for example, how that’s impacting Oh,

Andrew Walker  34:52

that’s, uh, I think in my area, I think we’ve got a long way to go. You know, everybody’s got this buzzword and we can all look up chat, GP or PIO, and get a big download of a whole lot of stuff. And I think we smart. But I think in the finance world, we’ve got this great opportunity to actually develop AI. But it’s going to take, you have to teach AI to produce what you want, for example, so analysing businesses, financial businesses, and then using AI, to, to benchmark that business against the local industry, in terms of what’s out there. And the National, and maybe the international share prices, exchange rates, all those things could have a big impact as your business is growing to use AI to, to give you some kind of understanding on what to do within your business. But I think we saw a long way before we get to that. I mean, AI is getting implemented in a lot of the software to be able to do that now and the software that I’m using jet ox, they’ve got a module on AI. And so you know, we, the, the corporate performance models are really starting to introduce that. But I think we slow way off. But it’s going to be like steel, steel, steel belt tires versus Canvas, you know, what’s ever going to happen. And when they crossed, it was almost exponentially he went to steel belt. So I think there’s going to be a point where AI will just really take off. Yeah, so what’s jet ox again, that jet ox is the software I use to do that I’ve used to develop my modelling. So it’s a big corporate performance management software, right, that big corporations are using in terms of producing this new way financials, their dashboards, because it can drill into different systems, financial, non financial, the ERP systems, and pull that data in and then create dashboards for for managers and team leaders and supervisors to see where they’re going. But then it also links it to the financial, so then you can start pulling your financial in and have really good quality ratios around using non financial data and financial data and creating activities around how do I improve the

Gene Tunny  37:07

business? Gotcha. Now this, hopefully, you can answer this, I think you can answer this question because it’s something I’ve always wondered. And I’ve sort of vaguely a sort of a vague understanding of what SAP or SAP is that system, what is it and how does it relate to the jet ox? Okay,

Andrew Walker  37:24

so, yeah, that’s, that’s an interesting question, because it blows open a hole. Right? In terms of, if we start on the other end of the scale, you’ve got my OB, and you’ve got zero and all these packages. And they produce financial results. And then what they’ve done is they’ve linked other applications or apps to create other kinds of things around the financials, the payroll, or CRM packages, Customer Relationship Management packages. And that’s it. It’s a very small thing. S AP is right at the top where they try and do all of that for you in one package. Right? Which makes it really expensive. Yeah, because then you also almost are actually customising the software to suit your business. Yes. And the business has changed. I think in Australia, there’s a lot of small to medium sized businesses and SAP are now coming up with as it was, I don’t know how long it’s been out. But it’s a PB one, which is for smaller businesses. Because I’ve seen there’s an opportunity in the market. But you know, all the software you finding, they can’t cater for everything, you’d have a really good software package that looks after an engineering shop is a cut up so they’d have the nesting of how you cut your, your laser cutter to not only one big sheet of steel, you’d want to nest all the products on once you get maximum use of the steel. And all so that’s been designed by a really intelligent engineer understanding that business Yeah, but he has no idea of financials or raw customer relationship. So then you have these add ons. Yeah, where’s SAP tries to do everything in one raw. Okay, so jet oxen sits on top of those, that software not not SAP, where you’ve got an ERP system, you’ve got Salesforce manager, you’ve got a financial package with sage or BB or QuickBooks or NetSuite, whatever it is, and you can draw it and he’s competing in, in the space of Power BI, which I don’t really write in terms of raw of widget oxes because jeddaks is right up there with some of the top players.

Gene Tunny  39:43

Okay, I’m gonna have to look at jedoch so I haven’t come across it before.

Andrew Walker  39:47

It’s new in Australia. Yeah, um, practice. One of the gold partners of Jeddaks

Gene Tunny  39:53

Oh, great. Yeah. Okay. Yeah, definitely have to check it out. I think what what you’re This discussion is highlighting to me just how challenging it is really, if you’re in a corporation, you’re in a business or any, you know, even an SME, just how challenging it is getting across all of the data or the financial and performance information within your business. And that’s why you need to have those systems and you need someone like yourself or, or a team that can actually drive it and make sure all the data are sort of, you’re getting the data you need, and is producing those reports that are necessary to make the decision so you can move in time to take advantage of the opportunities

Andrew Walker  40:35

that are in that it’s very interesting, because there’s so much data coming at us new skill, in my view, is is how to interpret that data quickly. Yeah, and get it in a succinct format to make decisions. Yeah, and now you get in every way you look, whatever you’re doing, there’s a data recording. When you’re shopping at Coles or woollies, or you know, all that’s happening all the time. And so those suppliers, and those manufacturers and producers are getting all that data and there’s a there’s an opportunity or not an opportunity. But it’s it’s a problem, because you can end up with data overload. Ron and organisation. So you’ve got to have the skill to be saying, what data do I need out of all this data? And how do I best presented to understand what’s happening in a trend? Or and then make decisions on it? Yeah, and just coming back to your previous question, genius, you have all these systems. And what I believe is, you’ve got to create the electronic thread through your business. And that that thread takes every single system and it weaves its way through. And once you get this electronic thread, you’re actually creating a competitive advantage that nobody can steal. If you make a product, people will take the product, they’ll reengineer it, they’ll ship it to an offshore country, and have it manufactured and come in and smash your costs to your selling price and, and take your market. But if you’re a business, and you’ve got an electronic pipeline, that links your front end of the business, the customer end right down to cash in the bank, the inquiry all the way through to cash in the bank. And if you if you work on getting that really efficient, what it does is nobody can steal it, they can steal people out of your organisation, but that could actually creates a really good culture. And it also then what it does, it makes your systems efficient. So you can put more volume through that swelling the belly. Andrew, do you have any? And

Gene Tunny  42:37

I know this is almost an impossible question to answer. But do you have any feeling for what you know what percentage improvement across industries we could get from? You know, just sorting this sort of stuff out? Right? For, you know, among, among businesses out there? Because it sounds like, look, there are a lot of the sounds, it sounds like there’s potentially a lot of inefficiency or a lot of bad processes that that need to be fixed up across businesses in even in advanced economies, such as Australia. I mean, obviously, we’re, we’re probably far ahead of businesses and some other countries, but what’s the what’s Do you have a general feel for that?

Andrew Walker  43:16

Ah, I think in the businesses operating with small to medium, you know, Bologna, 100 million turnover. Every business, I walk into this opportunity, every single and but the problem is, is people don’t recognise that the owners believe the business they’ve created, they’ve developed it, and you’ve got to have a catastrophic event to happen for them to say, I need help. And that’s, you know, where were you then get the introduction into going into these businesses, and then creating the opportunity? I think, in every single business I’ve worked in over the last 1617 years in Australia, I’ve created increased wealth for for the owners, what percentage and how does that relate from, from your point of view of the macro environment? I couldn’t I wouldn’t even ever guess at a time. That’s

Gene Tunny  44:06

okay. It’s one of those very difficult questions to answer. I’ll have to look to the economic literature and see if anyone’s tried to quantify that that recently, because there are all sorts of studies of, of, you know, how far firms are from the world’s best practice, or you know, what they call the efficiency frontier? Yep. So I might go back and look at that literature and see what that says, but just just chatting with you. It occurs to me too. I mean, yeah, there could be some real productivity gains that we could make in our economy. And that gets me thinking. And, you know, if you’re thinking productivity, you probably shouldn’t then government, but is there is there anything government should be doing? Are there any policy levers that should be that could be pulled or changes in In tax or regulatory settings, do you have any thoughts on that? You’ve gotten

Andrew Walker  45:04

into the big macro worlds? Yeah, in terms of taxes and reducing taxes. And, and that’s those are all very complex discussions to bring down into something simple. I think, you know, I said to most of my clients say always bitching about paying too much tax. Yeah, I say to them, You know what, the more tax you paint means you’re more successful. So let’s get away from, you know, worrying about that to focus on your business, and drive your business rather than worrying about tax and regulations and things like that. Yeah,

Gene Tunny  45:35

I think that’s a really good point. Now, just going back to our discussion of the risks, and one of the risks is, you’re not you’re not managing your cash, well, you’re not actually accounting properly for the fact you will owe tax in the future. And so so many businesses get into into trouble like that. And now the ATO our tax, our Australian Taxation Office, they’re chasing our businesses, and they’ve been pretty hard headed. Yeah, really aggressive about it. And then that’s what’s driving up the insolvencies to an extent here,

Andrew Walker  46:06

I think that’s a bit of a lag from the COVID era that people businesses that should have gone, gone to the wall then survived through job keeper, those sorts of things. And but I think we now seen that and we also seen the person insolvency starting to come through they also up a lot higher compared to the previous year. Yeah, I think that’s a hangover from the COVID days. Yeah. But you know, I mean, if you look at what why did why businesses, why did they go insolvent or be put into administration? And I would say, 80 to 90% of the time, it’s management, it’s bad management in the organisation, you’re going to have catastrophic events, major data fails on you. But as management, you would have seen it, it’s a large data. How did you do the risks? What risks did you take? Did you take insurance on it? So? Yeah, I think that yeah, in terms of, of businesses, and risks, and cash, if you’re running your business well, and you can see the margins and you’re getting monthly reporting happening, that is where you actually drive the business. But if you have a bookkeeper who’s been doing the work and is now in that elevated position, they don’t understand the importance of of producing results three or four days after month in and out of interest from Alan Jackson and and if you know Alan Jackson, he used to sit on the reserve, the Australian Reserve Bank, O ra going back, I don’t know 2025 years ago, when I was going through the BTR thing I had to ask the comptroller for Africa for Dunlop, and three days off the mantained i to produce to London, a set of turnover and operating profits for the Dunlop business in Africa. Yeah, in seven days, I had to produce a set of financials three way with the reconciliation waterfall analysis. And by day 10 We were in the boardroom was Alan Jackson and he wasn’t a con man. He was a real driver. He took the business from, I think about 700 million to $3.4 billion and increased operating profit from I think 14% of sales up to 16%. So he drove that business but one of the real principles on that was monthly financial reporting as quickly as possible and if you didn’t get it I tell you the phone was red hot. Yeah,

Gene Tunny  48:25

so just what was the abbreviation BTR a

Andrew Walker  48:29

Bter? BT and Alex I think Australia as BT in the UK, the listing was BT RPL and yeah, so um, Dunlop. They had a lot of businesses. The African element was, was all around the Dunlop products Slazenger, golf balls, cricket pads, rubber conveyors and all that sort of thing. We used to call it blood tears and repression. And Alan Jackson was, yeah, Alan

Gene Tunny  48:56

Jackson was the CEO to look at look it up. And that it was that an operating profit? Increase? You’re talking about like it sounded. There was hugely impressive. Do you know how that roughly what he did? I mean, it was at all he went on acquisitions.

Andrew Walker  49:11

Right. And he grew the business through acquisitions. But then there was a very strong once I’ve taken over a business, I had a very clear plan. Yeah, this is what’s going to happen. That done the due diligence properly, okay, people that needed to go left on the day, they had the team that were taking over stepping in. And then I had the financial performance, the last three years driven to their standard, and you were expected by the next month to be reporting in their level and they reviewed him and he’s his CFO, Kathleen O’Donovan. Yeah, they used to just keep going around the world. All the locations, so we, we, we’d seem Tinder is regularly or every month in and they would be going through our financials because they had standard throughout the world. So yeah, say the financials in a When I was running the Zimbabwean business we had, we had, we had a coffin business in Zimbabwe, it was prospering because of the, the Isaac. But we had a set of financials, which would have been the same as a company in Coventry, producing CV joints. And that’s how they drive the business. And that’s why finance departments and good financial people in your organisation are important to take it to the next level.

Gene Tunny  50:26

Yeah, it sounds like they were very hands on. You said they were travelling and visiting the businesses. Yeah. Yeah. That’s fascinating. Yeah, not to have to look, look more into that. Anything else we’ve we’ve missed Andrew. I mean, I’ve enjoyed learning about all of this. And it’s, it’s made me think more about the the, you know, the importance of understanding your what is driving profitability, and really getting across that. And then all of the data, the the number crunching that needs to be done, and

Andrew Walker  50:57

let’s come in, as I’ve just said, every month, you’ve got to be reviewing that every month, because people they get one month, and then it just wanes, going to have that, that, that good discipline, and routine happening in your business to then take action to make sure you you’re taking the action in a timely manner. The other thing I think, is, what I found is a lot of businesses don’t actually look at cash flow. And then try and project it forward and come across a lot of financial people, it’s too hard to forecast your cash. Well, no, you do the best you’ve got with the current information. And then you keep tweaking it. And every time you’re doing that you’re getting better at it. And I always say to my clients, when I come on board with them, let’s get the cash flow, three months, six months ahead. So we can know in three or four months time we’re going to hit a problem. Yeah, you can deal with it now. Other discount your products, get cash in or, or have a chat to the ATO and try and extend your terms of payment or whatever, or talk to the landlord. There’s lots of ways to manage your cash and that seems to be lacking. Yeah.

Gene Tunny  52:01

I mean, I do that myself in my business. Just because I’ve learned what one I’ve learned from experience, it’s important to do it and, and to we also did it in in government in Treasury because we needed to make sure that the the Australian Government had enough money, like day to day in the, in the official public account, the Reserve Bank, so the the team at the Australian Office of Financial Management used to do a detailed daily cash forecast for the Australian Government. And yeah, they, you know, they managed to do it. And, you know, the Australian Government is being hit by all sorts of shocks all the time. So, yeah, I think the Australian government can do it, your own small business can do it. That’s a lot less complicated than the Australian Government. I’m

Andrew Walker  52:45

sure it is. But yeah, but that’s a key element of of understanding your business. And that’s from the finance department.

Gene Tunny  52:51

Yeah, absolutely. Okay, Andrew, this has been terrific. Any anything? We’ve missed anything else you’d like to add?

Andrew Walker  52:57

Um, no, not really. I think I mean, there’s a lot of topics we could feel like talking down going down different elements of this. But yeah, and I think for business now is, you know, if we look at it, look at your finance department. And I’ve been doing some, some presentations to different groups around the blank box, opening the financial blank. And I get, I get the CEOs that come to the thing, the presentation to score the finance departments in two different ways that gut feel, yeah. And then score on performance around management accounts. How long do they take? Budgeting, forecasting? zero based budget? All those things? Yeah. And I think I’ve probably, I’ve just I’ve had present, I’ve done presentations to probably about, it must be in excess of a billion dollars of companies all added up an annual turnover. And, you know, What surprises me is it’s 50%, the satisfaction ratio of the CEO, and his finance department is a 50% level. That is, that is frightening.

Gene Tunny  54:06

Yeah, at the moment that the current labour for you

Andrew Walker  54:09

Yeah. And then I go through the whole process with them. And then, and then are related back. How much are you paying these people? Yeah, and you only have 50%. And it’s funny, I said to the one guy said, If you bought if you bought your fancy Maserati, yeah. And then any came was one wheel, how would you feel about it? So, you know, you’ve rented your finance department at 50% value producing the car with two wheels, you know, and so, and I think that’s where I have a problem. It’s my own profession, you know, but I think there’s a really there’s no real standard in in in how financial departments should perform. You look at it manufacturing, they have to produce the product with quality, service with quality or the report with quality. When it comes to the finance department. The scale of a printout out of the system, which is used is used There’s a chocolate via God to a proper set of financials. It is just so broad and a lot of CEOs don’t actually understand it. And so I spent a lot of time on doing presentations to make people aware. What should a good financial department deliver? Okay,

Gene Tunny  55:15

I want to put some links into if there are any presentations you’ve got in the public domain, Andrew, I can put links to them. And I’ll also put a glossary and we’ve covered some yeah, there’s some interesting new terms the the delivery in full on time the die fight. I love that. I’m going to start using that. And the bomb the vom the bill of materials. That’s a good one, too. Very good. Okay. Henry Walker. Thanks so much for your time. I really enjoyed the conversation.

Andrew Walker  55:44

Yeah, that was good to be a gene and always happy to come back and maybe explore a sliver of dollars because there’s a lot of detail in this. Absolutely.

Gene Tunny  55:52

I think I think we might have to do that. So Andrew again, thanks so much. Yeah, thank you, Rod. Oh, thanks for listening to this episode of Economics Explored. If you have any questions, comments or suggestions, please get in touch. I’d love to hear from you. You can send me an email via contact@economicsexplored.com Or a voicemail via SpeakPipe. You can find the link in the show notes. If you’ve enjoyed the show, I’d be grateful if you could tell anyone you think would be interested about it. Word of mouth is one of the main ways that people learn about the show. Finally, if you’re podcasting outlets you then please write a review and leave a rating. Thanks for listening. I hope you can join me again next week.

56:46

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Credits

Thanks to Obsidian Productions for mixing the episode and to the show’s sponsor, Gene’s consultancy business www.adepteconomics.com.au. Full transcripts are available a few days after the episode is first published at www.economicsexplored.com. Economics Explored is available via Apple PodcastsGoogle Podcast, and other podcasting platforms.

Categories
Podcast episode

Alternative Investments & Investable Mega-Trends w/ Ben Fraser, Aspen Funds – EP231

Ben Fraser, Managing Director of Aspen Funds, argues “there’s a huge opportunity to get into fossil fuel production.” He discusses macro-driven alternative investments, investable megatrends, including the disruption to energy markets as advanced economies decarbonise, and the outlook for the US economy, particularly inflation. Disclaimer: this episode presents general information only and is not financial or investment advice. 

Please get in touch with us with any questions, comments and suggestions by emailing us at contact@economicsexplored.com or sending a voice message via https://www.speakpipe.com/economicsexplored

You can listen to the episode via the embedded player below or via podcasting apps including Google PodcastsApple Podcast and Spotify.

About this episode’s guest: Ben Fraser 

Ben Fraser is the Chief Investment Officer at Aspen Funds, where he combines his analytical nature with a passion for delivering outstanding client service and strong returns through out-of-the-box investments. With a professional background that spans over a decade, Ben has become an expert in the field of investment management and has worked for several reputable financial institutions.

Ben is the co-host of the Invest Like a Billionaire podcast, where he joins his father, Robert, co-founder and CFO of Aspen Funds, along with co-founder Jim Maffuccio, to discuss economic trends and best practices for alternative investing.

Prior to joining Aspen, Ben served as a Commercial Lender at First Business Bank, one of the top SBA lenders in the nation. There, he specialized in government-backed loan originations, specifically SBA and USDA loans. Before that, he worked as a Commercial Credit Underwriter for Crossfirst Bank, where he personally underwrote over $125MM in C&I and CRE loans across various industries.

Ben also has experience working in the asset management industry, having served as a key member of the team at Tortoise Capital Advisors. At Tortoise, he helped grow institutional managed accounts from ~$3BN AUM to ~$7BN AUM.

Ben holds an MBA from Azusa Pacific University and a Bachelor of Science in Finance from the University of Kansas, where he graduated magna cum laude. Ben’s commitment to excellence and his ability to deliver strong returns for clients make him an invaluable asset to the Aspen Funds team.

What’s covered in EP231

  • 00:00:04 – Global Energy from Fossil Fuels (excerpt from interview)
  • 00:00:33 – Introduction to Economics Explored Podcast
  • 00:01:06 – Guest Introduction: Ben Fraser of Aspen Funds
  • 00:02:08 – Aspen Funds’ Investment Focus
  • 00:05:17 – Accredited Investors and Investment Opportunities
  • 00:06:04 – Expanding Accredited Investor Definitions
  • 00:08:47 – Alternative Investments and Client Strategy
  • 00:11:29 – Investable Megatrends for the Next Decade
  • 00:13:03 – Inflation and Energy Market Outlook
  • 00:15:37 – Private Credit in Real Estate
  • 00:20:37 – Commercial Real Estate Market Dynamics
  • 00:23:42 – Energy Investments and Fossil Fuel Outlook
  • 00:29:10 – OPEC’s Influence on Oil Prices
  • 00:31:28 – Gold, Bitcoin, and Investment Hedges
  • 00:35:09 – US Fiscal Policy and Debt Concerns
  • 00:38:40 – Closing Remarks

Takeaways

  1. Macro-Driven Alternative Investments: Aspen Funds focuses on macro-driven alternative investments, which involve understanding long-term economic trends to identify investment opportunities.
  2. Investable Megatrends: Aspen Funds has identified investable megatrends for the next decade, including higher inflation for longer and an energy crisis due to a transition to green energy.
  3. Opportunities in Real Estate: Aspen Funds sees opportunities in private credit within the real estate market, particularly in the midsection of the capital stack, where risk can be reduced while achieving good returns.
  4. Energy Market Insights: Ben Fraser discusses the impact of transitioning to green energy on fossil fuel production, highlighting potential supply shortages and investment opportunities in fossil fuel production.
  5. Views on Gold and Bitcoin: Ben Fraser comments on gold and Bitcoin as alternative investments, acknowledging their role as hedges against fiat currency but cautioning against heavy allocations due to the risks involved.

Links relevant to the conversation

Aspen Funds

Invest Like a Billionaire Podcast 

Transcript: Alternative Investments & Investable Mega-Trends w/ Ben Fraser, Aspen Funds – EP231

N.B. This is a lightly edited version of a transcript originally created using the AI application otter.ai. It may not be 100 percent accurate, but should be pretty close. If you’d like to quote from it, please check the quoted segment in the recording.

Ben Fraser  00:04

Right now about I think it’s 83% of all of our global energy needs come from fossil fuels. And that’s usually pretty shocking number for people to hear. They think we’re way farther along. Right. You mentioned nucular, which I’m a huge proponent of, but that only makes up I think it’s less than 5% of total global energy needs.

Gene Tunny  00:33

Welcome to the economics explored podcast, a frank and fearless exploration of important economic issues. I’m your host gene Tunny. I’m a professional economist and former Australian Treasury official. The aim of this show is to help you better understand the big economic issues affecting all our lives. We do this by considering the theory evidence and by hearing a wide range of views. I’m delighted that you can join me for this episode, please check out the show notes for relevant information. Now on to the show. Hello, thanks for tuning in to the show. This episode, we’re joined by Ben Fraser, Managing Director and Chief Investment Officer of aspen funds, which offers alternative investment opportunities for accredited investors that concentrates on real estate credit and energy markets. In this episode, Ben explains what he means by macro driven alternative investments. Ben and I discuss what he sees as investable mega trends. And we also talk about the outlook for interest rates in the US economy. Among other things, venture is some great insights into what’s coming up in energy markets as advanced economies decarbonize right, oh, we’d better get into it. I hope you enjoy my conversation with Ben Fraser of aspen funds. Then Fraser from Aspen fans, welcome to the programme.

Ben Fraser  01:50

Hey, thanks for having me, Jean.

Gene Tunny  01:52

Oh, it’s good to have you on Ben. And I’ve been listening to episodes of your invest like a billionaire podcast that you do with your father. So good work on that. And I’ve got a couple of questions coming from that, to start with grass. Q, what’s the what’s the pitch of aspen fans? Like, based on what I’ve seen, you’re focused on macro driven alternative investments. What do you mean by that, then?

Ben Fraser  02:21

Yeah, well, great question. And, you know, it really kind of ties in both to our podcast platform as well as what we do on the investment side. But the podcast invests like a billionaire is really intended to educate, you know, what I call the everyday millionaire strategies and tactics that the ultra wealthy are using, and have been using for many, many decades in growing and preserving their wealth. And usually, the biggest difference for what we find from the ultra wealthy calm institutional investors, family offices, the endowments, and pensions, relative to say the retail or the everyday millionaire, is the allocation to alternative investments, and specifically private alternatives. And that usually is comprised of the private equity, hedge funds and real estate really being one of the bigger ones. And so what we’ve found is there’s a huge gap of knowledge for the retail investors in understanding how to invest these asset classes. That’s really kind of what we we focus on. But then comes the question of, well, where do I invest, because there’s a myriad of opportunities to invest in kind of the alternative space. So then we use our framework that we tagged, you know, macro driven alternative investments, and really comes from the experience a lot from my father’s background, which we could talk a little bit about this, this driven kind of focus here of our economic themes. But really, the whole idea behind the tides are different than the waves, right? We can understand that there’s economic tides that are you know, seismic level shifts that happen usually over a slow period of time like these, these tectonic plates that are shifting, right. And we don’t really necessarily does nothing big are kind of boring, you kind of see it happening. But those create the the tailwinds the rising tide that lifts all boats that position you if you’re as an investor in pay attention to these, and a way to outperform because of where you’re positioned. And so what we usually kind of use that phrase for macro driven is we’re looking at it top down approach, we’re looking at what are the long term economic trends that are creating opportunities that then we can take advantage of as investors and outperform over a period of time from a allocation perspective, not just a individual investment perspective? Rod

Gene Tunny  04:58

Okay. So, your, your clients, the people who invest with you, you’re focused on accredited investors, is that right? So that’s a segment of the market where people have a particular level of income or level of net worth, is that correct? Right?

Ben Fraser  05:16

Yeah. So you’re in the US, we have a definition called accredited investors. And that’s basically driven by the SEC that says, you have to meet some minimum requirements to be able to invest in a lot of these types of deals. And so it’s really kind of driven from the regulation side of it, though, we do try to educate people that aren’t quite there, you know, the not quite yet accredited, because there are opportunities, and we actually believe the expansion of that definition will continue to go downstream. Because some of the changes they’ve made to the rules for accreditation have actually been expansionary to include more people over the past decade. And so we’re hopeful that they continue to make it more accessible for people. Yeah,

Gene Tunny  06:04

yeah, I’m interested in that, because I’ve been listening to Tony Robbins, his latest book, The Holy Grail of investing. And I mean, he has a case talking about the value of alternative investments. And he’s saying that a lot of people are locked out of them. Because of they don’t meet this accredited investor threshold. And I think he mentioned that there is or there was an act of Congress last year that is requiring the SEC to now bring in a test whereby you can establish your credentials as an accredited investor, if you pass the test to do you know where that’s up to you? Is that something you’re following, then? Absolutely, yeah,

Ben Fraser  06:46

that’s, that’s a pretty big deal. That’s kind of what I was referring to is, you know, from, from our standpoint, having a certain number financially, whether the income you make or the net worth you have is is an okay proxy to establish? Are you sophisticated enough to invest in something as gentle if you have to make a good amount of money and you have a lot of money? You know, theoretically, you’re, you’re, you’re smart enough to make these decisions. But what about the people that have studied this as a career and they’re maybe earlier in their career, and they want to make inroads into the alternative space, they’re trying to expand it based on knowledge, not just purely based on financial status. And so I don’t know the exact status of over that sat, it seems to me from what I’ve read recently, that that is either in play currently or about to be in play as an option. So it still requires a test, right. And there’s, you know, something you have to pass, I don’t think it’s terribly difficult, but it is an extra layer. But by doing that, you can, theoretically become accredited just through passing a test. Now, they’ve also included, they did this couple of years back where they, if you worked for a provider of alternative investments and operator or sponsor, after one year anniversary, you become what’s called a knowledgeable employee, to where you now have access to invest as an accredited investor into these types of investments that are being offered by your firm. And so, you know, I’ve told young people and love people that work for me, you know, I’m encouraging them to hit that one year mark, as to, hey, you’re now credited. So, you know, we’re going to try and wait minimums, or we can and make it easier for you to participate in a way that it’s comfortable for you at this point. But yeah, there’s definitely a cool trend for that. And we’re hoping that it continues, because there’s definitely some pretty big advantages when investing in alternatives. Right

Gene Tunny  08:47

now, I mean, the alternative investments so they can bring higher returns, obviously, there’s higher risk associated with that. Well, how does it work? I mean, if I come to you, so say, I’m a high net worth individual and I come to you and invest the funds, I come to Aspen funds, do we sit down? Or do you work out a portfolio? Do you say, you work out there’s this allocation, alternative investments is this much in domestic equities, this much international this much fixed income? How does that work? Ben?

Ben Fraser  09:18

Yeah, you know, it’s probably a little bit different than what you’re describing sounds more like meeting with a financial advisor. And, you know, to be clear, we’re not financial advisors. We don’t ever anticipate being that and I think there’s a role for a financial adviser, though, I do think a lot of the big shops they just kind of create echo chambers that don’t really know what they’re talking about and they just spout here’s the three things you should do. And honestly, isn’t that helpful, but we actually work with a lot of investment advisors that understand the importance of alternatives in a portfolio and actually are pretty big feeder system for us to help their clients allocate to what we’re working on. But you know, Working with us, it’s it’s a little bit different in the sense of, we have a few different opportunities, right, and we try to present here’s the characteristics of both the risk and the reward of each set of opportunities. Here’s the reason why we like you, I believe it. But ultimately, it’s up to you to decide what fits your investment profile, what fits the status of where you’re at, in your career, and your areas, spectrum and all those kinds of things, then, you know, we can help provide information, but we actually legally cannot give advice because we’re not advisors. So it’s really more of a here’s, here’s all the options, you get to pick and choose what what works best for you. And I always recommend, right finding an advisor that likes alternatives can be actually a great resource because they can help you not only on the portfolio allocation standpoint, a lot of times they can help you on the tax implications, and the basic financial planning of say, a budget and those kind of things. Estate planning, asset protection, a lot of broader topics that are important, but way outside the scope of what I’m an expert in, right.

Gene Tunny  11:06

Okay, gotcha. On your website on the Aspen funds website, which I’ll link to, in the show notes, or might have been on your podcast website, you’ve got the there’s a webinar about investable mega trends for the next decade. Could you tell us so what are some of those mega trends that you’re looking out for?

Ben Fraser  11:29

Yeah, so it kind of stems back from our approach of finding the best opportunities. And, you know, what’s, what’s different about us and maybe other operators, or sponsors of investment offerings is we’re not a hammer and everything is a nail, right? Well we try to do is identify where are the opportunities first, right, without any dog in the fight without us forcing a square peg into a round hole. And then we’ll actually create the strategies, build the teams, and put together these kind of investor friendly structures. And in terms to put together an offer that fits is supported by by these trends. So for us, it really comes down to where do we really believe the opportunity is because that sets the, the, you know, the next levels of dominoes to determine what how we present offerings for investors. And so, our research, we kind of consolidated into what we call an investable megatrends for the next decade. And so we these are trends that we believe are in play right now, and will be in play for a long period of time, that are really shaping the economy, and both right now and in the future. And those that are standing up, see this, and position themselves will be rewarded by the market. And so that’s really how we’re looking at it, you know, some of the things and we have a whole presentation, it’s a very long presentation. So I won’t get to all the details in this interview. But you know, some of the snippets, and we’ve been saying this for a little while, is we believe inflation is going to be higher for longer. And that has now become more popular sentiment. But you know, was it for for a period of time where inflation is more transitory. This is a short term phenomena. And there’s really two reasons that we believe are driving inflation likely been higher for longer. And this is, again, mostly in the US. But one of those being the huge labour shortage. And so we’ve really, since COVID, ended pressures in the BNF cover, we had a huge spike in unemployment. And then that kind of came down. There’s an interesting chart that we have in our presentations that, you know, shows there’s this huge gap that has continued to grow over the course of the past year to have job openings relative to those looking for full time employment. And it’s a pretty big gap by a factor of a million to several million job openings that can’t be filled. And a lot of it’s because the labour left the market after COVID, a lot of late stage career, folks took early retirement, a lot of dual income families went to single income and one of the spouses decide to stay home. And so the reason that’s important is the labour shortage puts a lot of pressure on wages increasing, which is very inflationary, because the primary driver of GDP is consumer spending. And so if the consumer continues to have more earnings, and they continue to spend that that will continue to contribute to a higher inflation number. And the other one is really we think it’s playing out right now, but we haven’t seen we go into the early stages of it and we think we’re at the early stages of a an energy crisis that we hadn’t seen in a long time. And it’s really going to be driven by a supply shortage of fossil fuels. As we’re making a transition into more green energy, renewable energy sources that is really being driven by a political narrative that, hey, as best as well, attention at its worst is creating a huge gap of understanding what it’s going to take to make this transition. And really putting ourselves in a really bad position from a production and supply standpoint of fossil fuels over the next several decades that we believe is going to be pretty, pretty severe.

Gene Tunny  15:38

Right? Yeah. Yeah. I mean, we’ve got some of the world that energy issue here, arguably in Australia to their concerns about reliability of the network as our coal fired, power stations are decommissioned or shut down over the next couple of decades. And so that’s, that’s a big issue were grappling with here at the moment. And there’s a big debate about nuclear energy, and whether that’s an alternative and that that’s becoming incredibly political. Over here, so yeah, good points, then can ask how do they affect your, your investment strategies is mean, inflation higher for longer, okay. Yep. Yep. Yeah, that that’s, that’s plausible. And then the energy, shock or crisis, or whatever you want to call it? How does that affect your investment choices?

Ben Fraser  16:35

Yeah, absolutely. So if, if we believe inflation is going to be higher, for longer, it really kind of sets the stage for where opportunities will kind of be over the next several years. If that’s the case, right here in the US, the Federal Reserve is really become the point of a lot of conversation, a lot of emphasis in trying to decipher what their approach is going to be. And they’ve been pretty clear from the get go, Jerome Powell stated, they need to get to a sustained level of comfortable GDP growth, which he stayed is 2% and Intel, and when that happens, they’re going to maintain a more aggressive monetary policy to bring inflation back into check. And so obviously, we’ve come way down from the highs of a year or two ago, you know, six and 8%, inflation numbers, you know, we’re down into the threes, which feels like a huge, you know, improvement, which it is, but it’s still very far off the mark. And there may be periods where we kind of dip down to the twos potentially. But given the things I just shared, that we think are systemic issues that are going to be very inflationary, they’re gonna have a hard time keeping interest rates or inflation to where they want to be. And that really drives monetary policy and interest rates. And so we’ve seen, obviously here in the US the fastest increase in interest rates that we’ve ever seen, that has caused a pretty big shock through the commercial real estate market, that we think is still being digested and will really start to play out over the next price several years, depending on what happens, but what our approach is that because inflation is gonna be higher, for longer interest rates will likely be higher for longer, the markets already priced in several rate cuts. This year, I think that’s pretty optimistic, or even heard some economists say that they think we could see six rate cuts this year. I think that’s very, very optimistic, given some of the numbers we just saw reported for q4 for both GDP and unemployment numbers. And, you know, we’re actually even seeing a probability now have an interest rate increase in very small probability. But you know, that’s back on the table if these numbers continue to come in, and you know, beyond expectations, and so we’re this driving opportunity is where we kind of see the biggest opportunity in the real estate market right now is in private credit. And so what that means is playing in this kind of mid section of the capital stack, if you understand what that means, but basically, generally in every deal, you have a senior lender, and you have equity investors, right. And right now, both of these parts of the capital stack are standstills. The lenders are pulling back, they’re tightening credit, they don’t want to put more money out, thanks for getting nervous equity investors, they’re getting capital calls, they want to preserve cash, they don’t want to put more money into deals. And so it’s providing opportunity for the market to come in across the middle part of the capital stack. So you can actually reduce your risk because you can get priority of payment. And you can help inject Apple into a project that, you know has a great path to stabilisation, a great path to reach its ultimate value, but needs a little bit of capital to get there, you come in with with pretty incredible rates of return for pretty minimal risk at this point of credit cycle. So we think it’s a great opportunity, kind of in this transition of the credit cycle, to take advantage of well positioned real estate and good markets with good operators that just need a little bit of extra cash to kind of take it to that next level to make it through and ride out was probably gonna be a pretty bumpy ride in commercial real estate the next few years. Yeah,

Gene Tunny  20:37

yeah, for sure. So I saw your you know, I listened to your episode on what’s been happening with the banks, and he was stunned by just how bad commercial property suffered in the States during the pandemic, and I mean, we had a bit of that, but the, the the plunge in values looks a lot larger in the States. Where’s the market at now? I mean, what’s it like? I mean, are there just parts of CBDs? That are the empty office buildings? Is that is that essentially what’s going on? What what’s the what’s the story there, Ben? Yeah,

Ben Fraser  21:14

so it’s, it’s interesting, because you see the headlines saying commercial real estate is down 30% or 40%. And, you know, as we all know, headlines are usually exaggerated, exaggerating what’s really going on. And while there are certain parts of the market, they’ve definitely been impacted to that degree, what most people think of when they hear commercial real estate, when they think of the big distress. In course, real estate is office. And, you know, when I say commercial real estate, I mean, the whole broad spectrum of all types of real estate, including office, multifamily apartments, you know, single family residences, industrial properties, retail, et cetera, et cetera, et cetera. So there’s lots of components within that big category. And everyone’s performing differently. So there’s some measures of Office that say, Yeah, values are probably dropped 30 to 40%. And, you know, I still think it’s a knife that’s, that’s falling, that we don’t really know where it’s going to where it’s gonna land, because we don’t really know what the value of an office property is that, say 50% occupancy and not probably going to improve from here on, you know, what’s the use case of that property going forward? How much is it worth? Well, I think the market is trying to digest that. But in other asset classes, we’re seeing a pretty different story industrial real estate, it’s actually it’s probably the least impacted by some estimates, it’s maybe only been impacted five, maybe 10%. Values. Retail similar way, apartments are probably the next biggest impact. And a lot of it’s because some of these really hot markets here, the Sunbelt markets are, we’re we’re very, very, the guy very aggressive in the prices. And so we’re seeing kind of a tail off some of these these high prices, but long term trends still support strong values, and housing and multifamily. And so it’s really trying to decipher, you know, here’s the big the big picture narrative, but then where’s the real opportunity to where maybe there’s a dislocation between the headline understanding the narrative and the actual underlying data. And that’s we’re always trying to look for that gap. Because if the market believes there’s a big issue, but the data supports something different, that’s where you can kind of come in and capture the opportunity.

Gene Tunny  23:36

Okay, we’ll take a short break here for a word from our sponsor.

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Gene Tunny  24:11

Now back to the show. And what about energy? Ben? What what is your analysis? What does that tell you about where your investments should be focused?

Ben Fraser  24:25

Yeah, so try continuing what I was saying a minute ago on fossil fuels. We’ve really seen a pretty big shift or the past decade from investment into new production. And if you think about fossil fuels, it’s very different than real estate where real estate naturally appreciates. Over time with inflation. The fossil fuels naturally deplete over time as we pull more resources out of the ground, there’s less and reserves and by some estimates, it’s somewhere between you know, five to 8%. have total global production is depleted every year. So just by normal usage and demand, numbers, we’re depleting about 5% of all the production that we’re using every year. And just to maintain the same levels of production, there has to be new levels of investment to find, you know, new wells and new reservoirs and build out the infrastructure to increase production, or just to maintain production. So, what’s been interesting is about 10 years ago, we saw a pretty big shift from the the political narrative of the environmental societal governance standards that have been imposed on not only the operators of these assets, but also the capital allocators. And so a lot of the allocators that are investing into different energy verticals are being either penalised for investing in fossil fuels, or they’ve been rewarded for investing in renewables. So it’s created this incentive structure that is moving capital away from fossil fuel production and development into other technologies. And I’m not saying we should suspend all investment into green energy, you know, that, you know, to put on the fossil fuels, but we can’t do the the inverse of bomb or capitalist to new technologies and, and not realise the impact that would have in current energy needs. Because right now about, I think it’s 83% of all of our global energy needs come from fossil fuels. And that’s usually pretty shocking number for most people to hear they think we’re way farther along, right. You mentioned nuclear, which I’m a huge proponent of. But that only makes up I think it’s less than 5% of total global energy needs. And we’re not seeing these these big shifts, we’ve been trying to invest herbal energies for many, many decades. And so to think we’re going to be 100%, the transition to green energy in the next 10 years is just completely irrational. So what’s really happening is this lack of investment is going to cause a future supply issue, right, because as we’re not reinvesting that supply curves continuing to decline, and By most estimates, including the most far left leaning the most renewable, energy focused agencies are predicting that demand for fossil fuels will at least be the same 10 years from now, but most estimates actually anticipate that’d be higher, because we have population growth. And here, at least in America, and so they’re, you know, JP Morgan, just put out a report a month or so ago, predicting a 7.1 million barrel per day shortfall of oil and gas, actually just oil, just oil needs per day. By 2030. If if we don’t have a massive course correction. And so the opportunity is we really believe there’s a huge opportunity to get into fossil fuel production. So we’re investing a lot into these operating wells at really good prices. And we’re, we have pre distort prices right now. But we also think of the probabilities and, and, you know, there’s probabilities to the upside and price as we kind of go later into this energy. kind of issue. Yeah. Good

Gene Tunny  28:30

points there. It’s just I was just thinking that, you know, Saudi Arabia and, and Russia, they’ll be, they’ll be happy because you’re talking about oil, and, you know, potential, you know, shortages and, you know, implications for prices, higher prices in the future. They’ve been trying to engineer that, haven’t they recently, so there was a report in the Financial Times. Yesterday, so OPEC plus members extend production cuts in bid to boost oil price. So they, they’ve been trying to get that up. And it’s been, it’s been quite stubborn that even with all of the geopolitical tensions, I don’t know if you’ve been following that at all.

Ben Fraser  29:10

Yeah, yeah. Yeah. I mean, it’s there’s a lot of game that ship that goes on with with OPEC. And, I mean, what’s interesting, now people don’t realise is that the US is actually the largest exporter of oil in the world. Right. So Saudi Arabia is huge. And they’re, they’re a big player in this, but most people don’t realise that the US is actually the largest. So we have a pretty big place to play in this global geopolitical thing. But in the short term, there’s a lot of, you know, supply cuts or, you know, we’re going to flood the market and there’s a lot of kind of gamesmanship to a certain degree on the short term, you know, prices but at a certain point, you know, supply is inelastic because you can’t just flip a switch and all of a sudden, you know, we just have so much more oil there’s there’s a stir certain range, right, they can they can reduce supply the short term and just keep certain wells not producing. But if your capacity is x, you can’t do more than that, right. So at a certain point, there’s going to be this divergence between supply and demand. And I think that’s where, in a longer term timeframe, we’re gonna run into some bigger issues. But in the short term, I mean, I don’t mind higher oil prices, because I’m a seller of oil, because of my made the investments that we’ve made. So, you know, it’s been interesting to there’s been a lot of shift of the market from kind of years past, here in the US, at least, where, you know, they’re, they got a very aggressive and drill and very aggressive and trying to produce as much oil as possible, kind of flooding the market and got a little bit in front of their skis to where prices dropped massively. But the the market is kind of pulled back today was kind of like these higher oil prices, and we’re okay to, you know, not massively increased supply, because one we’re getting, you know, bad mouth from the politicians and two, will make a lot more when prices are high. And so it’s kind of created this really unique environment where we’re, we’re sitting it kind of elevated prices from a historical standpoint, and, you know, some of this interaction interplay between OPEC in the US, and, you know, other players of oil, like Russia, are, you know, intentionally keeping prices higher in the short term, and I think it’s only going to continue wrong.

Gene Tunny  31:29

Okay. That’s a good insights there, Ben. Now, before we go, I’ve got to ask, I’ve got some of my listeners would describe themselves as libertarian, and they’re very much in or they’re, they’re concerned, or they’re Austrian economists, you could say and they’re very much concerned about the actions of central banks and their money creation and all that and the risks of fiat money. And so they’re very, they’re very interested in gold and I see gold as you know, that’s what is it? It’s was it 2600 Or something an hour or maybe 2100 USD announcer saw the other day, so it’s getting it’s getting up there near the, the historic high. And, you know, so gold’s something that is up again and Bitcoin is dead, it’s had a bit of a surge, particularly since the these Bitcoin ETFs have been allowed. Do you have any thoughts on gold Bitcoin? Where does that fit into your evey alternative investments that you’re looking at?

Ben Fraser  32:33

Yeah, I think they definitely are categorised as alternative investments. This is outside the scope of what we invest in as Aspen. But we definitely comment on gold a lot in our podcast, because we have a lot of listeners probably like you that, you know, want to get have a hedge against, you know, fiat currency. And I mean, I haven’t been around the game, as long as some, but you know, to me, it’s whenever there is maybe undisciplined from central banks, all the gold bugs come out and say, See, we told you so and I think there’s an element of truth. But it also never plays out the way that they expect. It For Me, gold has always had an identity identity crisis, right? Is it a currency? Is it a hedge store value? I think there’s an element of it’s all the above. But I think Bitcoin is also confused the use case for gold as well. Right. And so I do think it’s good to have hedges, I think it’s good to have as a portion of the portfolio, just like a lot of these different things that we’re saying. But people that have really heavy allocations into gold and, and other Kryptos for that matter, I think, take a lot of extra risks, they probably don’t need to, because of, you know, some of these things that are hard to know where they go, I think, you know, the I used to be a much more staunch Austrian economist and, you know, hard money, kind of side of things. But from what we’ve seen since COVID, the modern monetary theory, principles have played out and just certain degree have kind of worked and I think I’ve had to kind of readjust some of my initial thoughts because we would have expected a massive amount of, of deflation throughout the game, we are seeing some higher inflation, but definitely not to the degree that of the stimulus and monetization of what we saw over the past few years. And so I think it definitely can drive higher inflation, but I think it’s only to a certain point. And meanwhile, we’re having a really strong assumer in the US a really strong economy from a GDP standpoint, that continues to support a stronger dollar and so, you know, I’m not, I’m not a, you know, gonna take a big bet against the dollar. anytime soon. And, you know, I think it’s good to have edges, just like anything. But I also think it’s important to have have that imbalance and and measure.

Gene Tunny  35:08

Gotcha. Yeah, yeah. Yeah, I wouldn’t be necessarily betting against it anytime soon that that’s for sure. One thing I guess I should ask because just before we go, because this is something that does, as an external observer, looking at the US and looking at the budget situation, and that big structural deficit that the federal government has, and the debt to GDP ratio just keeps climbing. And, you know, you’re always there’s always talk of a potential shutdown from time to time. And it just, I just wonder, Where are we going to get to a point where there will be a US fiscal crisis at some stage, I’ve had one guest on from Cato Institute’s she was warning against that in the future. Do do you have concerns about the state of US public finances?

Ben Fraser  36:01

Yeah. I mean, it’s no one likes a budget deficit, right. I mean, there’s a lot of reasons that doesn’t work. The thing that’s interesting now is the US of all developed economies, you know, is doing the same thing everyone else is doing, and probably to a lesser degree from a debt to GDP GDP standpoint, you know, we we have one of the better ratios. And you also think about inflation, what does that do to borrowers? Right, it benefits borrowers, if you have higher inflation, the value of the dollars, you take on now, and you pay back later are worth less. And so the US government being the largest borrower, I don’t think I think they want to get inflation down for other reasons, you know, whether it’s political or keep the economy in check, but they also don’t mind a little bit of extra inflation in the short term to erode the value that they gotta pay back. I think the bigger question becomes, at a certain point, do you know government bonds become less attractive than, than other countries and people aren’t willing to take the risk on the government be able to pay back the all the money they’re printing? So I think, at a certain point, yeah, maybe the, you know, that things have big fiscal breakdown. But as of now, I don’t see that happening. Is it happening anytime soon? And, you know, when we’re able to continue to pray, and we saw buyers for, you know, all the bonds, then we can continue to keep it going.

Gene Tunny  37:37

Yeah, that seems to it seems to be the case for the moment. It’s interesting. You mentioned the Yeah, it doesn’t look as bad as some other countries. I mean, you’re talking about I suppose Japan and Greece, I mean, Japan show that you could actually, oh, it’s just extraordinary what Japan has been able to get away with for decades now. Yeah. And the US seems to be, you know, just just keeps going along there. The other point you may, which is a good one is on inflation and inflation, eroding the real value of the debt that’s got to be paid back. There was a famous study by I think it was Robert Eisner in the late 80s, which showed that a lot of the the budget deficit was in the 80s was being offset by that reduction in the real value of the debt, which was quite a clever paper at the time. I put a link in the show notes. It’s very good. Good piece of work. Yeah. Yeah. But I’ve been it’s been terrific. Any, any final points before we wrap up? Now?

Ben Fraser  38:34

This is a fun conversation. And I love love the good question. So appreciate you having me on.

Gene Tunny  38:40

Very good Ben. We’ll all put a link in the show notes to Aspen funds and also invest like a billionaire podcast, which I’ll definitely recommend. I’ve been getting some great insights out of it. I think you’ve got a great interaction with your with your dad on the show. So yeah, really, really good stuff. So again, thanks so much for your time.

Ben Fraser  38:57

I appreciate it dude with fun

Gene Tunny  39:00

rato thanks for listening to this episode of economics explored. If you have any questions, comments or suggestions, please get in touch. I’d love to hear from you. You can send me an email via contact at economics explore.com Or a voicemail via SpeakPipe. You can find the link in the show notes. If you’ve enjoyed the show, I’d be grateful if you could tell anyone you think would be interested about it. Word of mouth is one of the main ways that people learn about the show. Finally, if your podcasting app lets you then please write a review and leave a rating. Thanks for listening. I hope you can join me again next week.

39:47

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Credits

Thanks to Obsidian Productions for mixing the episode and to the show’s sponsor, Gene’s consultancy business www.adepteconomics.com.au. Full transcripts are available a few days after the episode is first published at www.economicsexplored.com. Economics Explored is available via Apple PodcastsGoogle Podcast, and other podcasting platforms.

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Podcast episode

From the Vault: Antitrust with Danielle Wood, now Australian Productivity Commission Chair

In this installment of “From the Vault”, we revisit a compelling 2019 episode on antitrust featuring a conversation with Danielle Wood. At the time of the interview, Wood was a director at the Grattan Institute, a leading Australian public policy think tank. Since then, she has ascended to the influential role of Australian Productivity Commission Chair, marking a significant journey in her career dedicated to economic reform and policy innovation. You can listen to the interview wherever you listen to your podcasts (e.g. Spotify) or via the embedded player below.

This episode dives into the intricate world of antitrust laws, fueled by a renewed interest in scrutinizing the massive market power wielded by big tech companies such as Google, Facebook, and Amazon. Danielle Wood, with her expertise as a former principal economist and mergers director at the Australian Competition and Consumer Commission (ACCC), offers invaluable insights into the evolution of antitrust laws from their inception in the United States in the 1890s to their critical role in today’s digital economy.

The conversation illuminates the historical roots of antitrust laws, born out of a desire to combat the influence and economic power of “trusts” in sectors like railroads, energy, and steel. This backdrop sets the stage for a deeper exploration of the challenges and complexities facing contemporary antitrust enforcement, especially in an era dominated by digital platforms and the unique economic dynamics they present.

Wood’s analysis provides a nuanced perspective on the “hipster antitrust” movement, which advocates for a broader interpretation of antitrust enforcement, beyond traditional economic harms such as price gouging, to include considerations of impacts on innovation, privacy, and political power. This movement, symbolized by figures like Lina Khan and Tim Wu, underscores a growing concern over the adequacy of current antitrust frameworks to address the multifaceted influence of tech giants.

Reflecting on Australia’s own regulatory environment, Wood highlights the work of the Grattan Institute in assessing market concentration and the effectiveness of competition law. Despite not identifying a systemic market power issue, Wood acknowledges sector-specific concerns, particularly in technology, where the enforcement of existing laws, rather than the introduction of new ones, might be key to addressing competitive imbalances.

This episode serves as a timely reminder of the ongoing debates surrounding market power, competition, and the role of policy in ensuring a competitive, dynamic, innovative, and fair economy. As we continue to navigate the complexities of the digital age, revisiting conversations like these provides valuable context and guidance for future economic explorations.

Transcript of Episode 22: Antitrust with Danielle Wood

N.B. This is a lightly edited version of a transcript originally created using the AI application otter.ai. It may not be 100 percent accurate, but should be pretty close. If you’d like to quote from it, please check the quoted segment in the recording.

Gene Tunny  0:08  

The Economist magazine published an article last October titled dismembering big tech. The massive market power of the big tech companies such as Google, Facebook, and Amazon has prompted a renewed interest in antitrust laws. To help us understand antitrust, I’ve invited Danielle Wood from the Grattan Institute onto the programme. The Grattan Institute is a leading Australian public policy think tank based in Melbourne. Danielle is the budget policy and institutional reform programme director at Grattan. Later this year, she will take up the CEO role at the Institute. Danielle is well qualified to talk about antitrust, as she once worked as principal economist and mergers director at the ACCC, the Australian Competition and Consumer Commission. I hope you enjoy our conversation.

Danielle Wood from the Grattan Institute, welcome to the podcast.

Danielle Wood  1:17  

Thanks for having me, Gene.

Gene Tunny  1:18  

Excellent. Danielle, today, we’re going to be talking about antitrust. And this is a topic that has had a resurgence of interest, particularly due to the market power of the big tech companies such as Google and Facebook. Could we begin with you explaining what is this concept of antitrust? And where does it come from, please, Danielle?

Danielle Wood  1:47  

Yes, sure. Well, this is a concept that’s been around a very long time, even though as you say, it’s recently had a resurgence, which is always very nice when something you’re interested in, finally comes to prominence in the debate. But people have been worried about the impacts of market power and concentration of big firms going back a long time. So the first antitrust laws were introduced in the United States in 1890. And at that time, there were a number of big firms known as trusts, they dominated particular sectors: railroads, energy, steel, and sugar. And people were worried about the power they had, their economic power. So because they were in a dominant position they were able to price high. 

They were worried about the impact that had on societies, and on groups like farmers who were suppliers, on inequality, and on the political power that those firms had. So, in response to that, they introduced some antitrust laws. And during the 20th, the early 20th century under Theodore Roosevelt, they started to be quite strongly enforced. So the government actually use the powers that were there in the laws in order to break up those trusts in a number of cases. 

So, from there, many other countries got on board. And now almost every major developed country, and most developing countries have some form of law that controls the actions of firms. So normally, there’s some component that says they can’t get together with their competitors and do things like fixed prices. And then there’s rules around firms with market power, how they behave. So essentially [there are] regulations to stop them misusing their market power.

Gene Tunny  3:25  

Okay. And the big concern back in the late 19th century and early 20th century in the US…you mentioned a number of industries, but particularly, big oil, is that correct? With Standard Oil? 

Danielle Wood  3:40  

That’s right. So the railroads and the oil companies were really a couple of the really big trusts. And they had almost entirely monopoly positions. There was particular concern. Theodore Roosevelt was very worried about the amount of political influence they held. And so breaking up those trusts was really one of the defining features of his presidency. He was referred to as a Trust Buster, and also an octopus hunter, which I love–the idea of these kinds of firms having their tentacles in all sorts of different markets and being being reined in by the exercise of these powers.

Gene Tunny  4:19  

Yes, yes. That’s a really good metaphor, isn’t it? And I think Standard Oil was broken up, wasn’t it? That was broken up into, I think, was it Exxon? Esso?

Danielle Wood  4:35  

Many of the companies that we still know today, were broken up from the original trust of Standard Oil.

Gene Tunny  4:42  

You mentioned an act in the US. I think it’s the Sherman Act. Is that correct?

Danielle Wood  4:51  

That’s right. So, the Sherman Act went through in 1890, and then it sort of sat there unenforced for more than a decade. And it’s one of those laws that could have just withered on the vine if someone didn’t pick it up and use it. But Theodore Roosevelt, who I mentioned before, was particularly concerned about the amount of political power that these firms were exercising. So he took, I think his first case was against JP Morgan and the railroad trust, but then went on to take on Standard Oil and a number of others. And I think he filed more than 40 cases, during histerm as president, so he really enlivened that law by using it very actively. And that, you know, really sort of set the precedent for future administrations.

Gene Tunny  5:40  

Right. Okay. Now, why I approached you on this topic, Danielle, was that you wrote an article on hipster trust busters last year, which I thought was very good. And I’d just like you to explain, if you could, who the hipster trustbusters are and what they’re concerned about, please.

Danielle Wood  6:07  

It’s one of those terms that really catches the imagination, but it was originally used, actually, as a pejorative. And it was simply directed at a group of young scholars that are the ones that have really led this push to revive antitrust laws. So there’s a group of them, Lina Khan is probably the best known. She wrote a very well known paper on Amazon and why she believed it was misusing its market power, while she was still at law school, and she got a huge amount of prominence for that. Tim Wu, who’s recently written a book called The Curse of Bigness, is another one that sort of gets lumped in as a hipster. 

And really, the main contention is that antitrust laws have not been enforced to their full capacity. They are particularly worried about the dominance of the big tech companies, as you mentioned in your introduction, and they would like to see a return almost to those early days of the Sherman Act. We were just talking about it. In those days, really, the laws were enforced quite strongly. And they were enforced, not just with reference to potential economic harm through market power, so that the normal things we think about there: no firms are in a dominant position, so they might be able to up their prices, somewhat. 

They say no, no, that’s certainly not the only harm we should be worried about. It doesn’t even make sense to talk about that kind of harm, particularly for products like Google and Facebook, where it’s free. You know, we should be thinking more broadly about the harm that these firms do to the competitive process. And even things like their sort of dominant political position, their impact on inequality. So they have a very broad ranging set of complaints about how the economy is functioning. And they would like to see a stronger antitrust policy help deal with those.

Gene Tunny  8:00  

Okay, so they think that we don’t have strong enough laws already. Do they give any examples? Are they able to point to cases where governments haven’t had the powers that they’ve needed?

Danielle Wood  8:19  

It’s less about that the laws aren’t there. And certainly, the antitrust laws are cast quite broadly. it’s more a critique of the way in which they’ve been enforced. So it’s a view that, in recent decades, that people have taken too narrow a view on what sort of harm antitrust law should be concerned with. And certainly the case they put, if you go back to the early case law, there was a lot more going on than concern just about price increases. So they say, you know, the law is fine, but it’s how we enforce it that needs to change.

Lina Khan, who writes a lot about Amazon, says we have this firm that we have allowed to become really dominant in terms of online and retail. Yes, it’s priced at a low [price] but if you look at things like its price-earnings ratio, it’s pretty clear that it’s buying market share and at some point in the future, people are expecting it to start upping its prices to take advantage of its dominant position. We’ve let it vertically integrate so now that it’s both a platform where people buy products, as well as a supplier of those same products, and this has all sorts of implications for how retail markets function. So the thesis there is we should have first of all stopped it taking over other competitors, we should have intervened early to limit its behaviour, or we should get involved at this point to try and break it up in some way just like happened with Standard Oil as well as a lot of the other big trusts back in the day.

Gene Tunny  10:04  

What did you mention with Amazon? Would that be an example of predatory pricing? Is that what you’d call that, that they’re charging a price that’s lower than the cost just to gain market share, just to try to crush their competitors? 

Danielle Wood  10:22  

I’ll say this is the challenge. So I mean, how does the behaviour fit into the normal economic models? And what the hipsters are saying is the normal economic models are broken. So if I was normally thinking about predatory pricing, it’s quite a specific conduct, which is really the firm setting the price below cost. It is making losses in the short term in order to drive out competitors in order to later up the price and it would recoup those losses. So normally, that’s the kind of framework that we think about something like predatory pricing in. 

Here, it’s difficult to say that it would meet that technical definition of predatory pricing. They are probably pricing close to costs, certainly not being a company that’s posted a lot of profits. But they’re not necessarily making losses. But they have clearly been aggressively chasing share. And clearly the market does expect some kind of recoupment at some point. But the sort of time horizons we’re talking about are pretty incredible. And it’s been doing this for more than a decade. Normally predatory pricing models expect a short drop in price, and a year or two later prices jump up again. It looks very different. And I think partly what they’re picking up there is the standard economic models have struggled to cope with quite a different paradigm.

Gene Tunny  11:48  

It would be good to talk about what economists have traditionally thought about antitrust. What have been the different schools of thought on it? Because opinion amongst economists has changed over the decades. Is it fair to say that there have been times when economists have been more in favour than less in favour, and maybe economists are more in favour again? Are you able to tell that story, Danielle, please?

Danielle Wood  12:16  

Yeah, sure. Look, so really, the resurgence of economics, really the point at which antitrust became a very economic discipline. And I’ve always said to people, I really think of it as where Economics and Law meet, was in the 1970s, with the emergence of the Chicago school. So the Chicago School, in an antitrust sense, was really almost a single person at the University of Chicago, Aaron Director who went on to lecture a lot of people that became prominent antitrust scholars in their own right, like Richard Posner, and Robert Bork. And the idea they introduced was that this was an economic law. So we shouldn’t be worried about all those other considerations I was talking about around political power, or the impact of market power on inequality, or other types of concerns. We should be sort of narrow, really looking at this question of market power through the lens of consumer welfare. So the only question we need to answer when we’re looking at conduct is does it enhance consumer welfare? Or is it hurting consumer welfare? And so that was very much an economic approach to bring. 

From my perspective, I think that was a good thing to introduce more of a structure and certainly put economic considerations foremost in the enforcement of the law. I think it’s arguable that in the decades prior to that, there was a lot of inconsistency in cases. And there were certainly some cases that by today’s standards would be viewed as very unusual, intervening in mergers where firms were going to reach 2%, market share and things like that. So they said, let’s focus on this, will there be consumer harm? 

The criticism of that approach is that, perhaps it was a little too narrow. So, in defining consumer harm, there was a lot of focus on price as an indicator of harm. What we know, of course, is that in markets where firms have market power, they may choose to exploit that through monopoly pricing, but there can be all sorts of other detriments as well and maybe poor quality. It may be that they are asking us to accept terms and conditions that we might not otherwise accept. So, for example, diminishing privacy would be an example. Or it can just be that they’re enjoying the quiet life. So they’re not pushing to find ways to cut costs or to innovate their product in a way that firms in competitive markets do. So there’s a whole lot of harms that I think are rightly considered economic harms that were perhaps not really emphasised by that narrower Chicago school approach. So I think the Chicago School was good at taking the discipline forward and putting economics front and centre. But at the same time, the criticisms that it’s too narrow in approach do have some validity.

Gene Tunny  15:22  

Okay. So you mentioned the risks of monopoly power. There’s also risks from oligopolies. When you have just a small number of companies in an industry, there are risks of the oligopoly companies coordinating their prices and effectively having some sort of cartel and conspiring to raise prices and rip off consumers. There’s that risk. Now, can I ask you about the view that came in the early 80s or late 70s, early 80s, from William Baumol, that contestable markets view. Was that influential in how we thought about monopoly power and antitrust?

Danielle Wood  16:07  

Yes, it absolutely was. So, previously, perhaps people were very keen to look at indicators of market concentration. So how many firms are there in the market? If there’s not very many, well, then we should assume that there’s a market power problem. So the idea of contestable markets is that, so long as there is a threat of entry, that could be sufficient to constrain the behaviour of the firms in the market. So even in a market where you might have only two or three players, if barriers to entry are low enough, if they tried to either get together, or they found a sort of non-cooperative way to increase prices, then they know that someone’s going to come in and compete those margins.So that kind of keeps prices down. 

So, when when economists are talking about market power, they always have an eye to that question of barriers to entry. 

But I think, perhaps we’ve, in a lot of cases assumed that barriers are lower than what they’ve turned out to be in practice. So often, I think it can be harder than people might expect for firms to enter the market. So if we look at the big tech firms as an example, what’s the entry barrier there? It turns out to be a lot about the data that they already have, and the fact that they’ve collected such deep profiles on all of us, it’s just simply harder for someone to come in and build an equivalently good product.

Gene Tunny  17:46  

Absolutely. And there’s that strong network effect, too, isn’t there, the fact that I mean, Facebook has 2 billion people on the platform already. So it’d be very difficult to set up a social media platform in competition with Facebook.

Danielle Wood  18:05  

Right. So, for some of the platforms, network effects really matter. And Facebook is definitely the most obvious example of that. So, network effects, really, that I get more benefit from being on that platform when other people are already there. So when I’m on social media, and I want to see what my friends are doing, the fact that they’re there on Facebook already adds value to my experience going on Facebook. The same arguments don’t necessarily apply in the same way on something like Google. You can imagine a new search engine coming in. The fact that there’s not a whole lot of other consumers or advertisers, that might not bother me if I’m just there for organic search. But we do know that people prove to be a lot more sticky than we might expect. So even something like changing your search engine, which is a pretty low cost thing to do, there’s literally zero price, you just need to go to a different website to what you’re used to. Even then people prove to be very kind of path-dependent in their behaviour, and they’ll tend to just keep going back to the one that they know.

Gene Tunny  19:15  

Okay, Danielle, I know that Grattan has done some interesting research on market power, the concentration in different markets. Would you be able to give an overview of that research, please? What you found in Australia in the US, I mean, what what industries are the most concentrated overall, how much concentration is there? And is it something we should worry about? So if you could just give us a flavour of what Grattan’s found, please, that would be great.

Danielle Wood  19:49  

Sure. So this is actually work done by my former colleague Jim Minifie and another former colleague Cameron Chisholm. And so they were sort of I’m interested in this claim that markets had got more concentrated over time. So they went to have a look at the data for Australia. And the picture is a bit more nuanced than I think a lot of people might expect. So, you know, they found that there were a lot of concentrated markets in Australia. And perhaps if you think about, supermarkets or insurance or a lot of manufacturing, that’s probably not going to be a surprise to people. 

When they compared market concentration in Australia by market to overseas, they found that we didn’t actually look that bad by international standard, although there were some markets in Australia that were particularly concentrated. So things like supermarkets, mobile phone networks and life insurance,were three that looked particularly more concentrated in Australia than elsewhere. 

In terms of concentration over time, there was no clear pattern. So some industries, like banks have become more concentrated over the past 15 to 20 years. In others, like supermarkets, its concentration has actually fallen. And nor could they really find evidence that profitability, had substantially increased over the last two decades. So sometimes, when you’re trying to measure market power, you look more at profit margins than market concentration, because of some of the limitations with market concentration as an indicator we were talking about before. 

The one thing that they did find, though, that I think perhaps suggests that all is not well is that, in more concentrated sectors, profit margins were higher, and that those profits tended to endure. So if you looked at the 20% of most profitable firms, a decade later, about a third of those were still in the top 20%. So, if you think that markets are contestable, you would expect to see these sorts of excess profits eaten away over time, by new people coming into the market. We seem to have a segment of markets where that didn’t occur over as long as a decade, and they were able to maintain high profit margins. So it suggests there might be parts of the economy where competition isn’t working as well as it should be.

Gene Tunny  22:20  

Yes. And in Australia, that’s probably in banking, is that fair to say? The big four banks have a privileged position in the marketplace, for, well, a variety of reasons. One of which might be the government of the day appears to favour the big four banks and gives them special deals. Remember, during the last financial crisis, for the big four banks, it was much cheaper for them to access the government borrowing guarantee, than second-tier banks. So is that an issue, that we have regulations that favour particular market players? Is that one of the things that’s driving concentration in some sectors?

Danielle Wood  23:14  

It certainly can be. So, we certainly found that firms in heavier, more regulated industries tend to have higher returns than those in less regulated industries. It can be a bit hard to unscramble that observation, because, of course, we tend to regulate more in concentrated industries. So natural monopoly industry is a good example. The reason governments are in their regulating is because it is, by definition concentrated, and it’s trying to sort of mimic competitive market outcomes. But there are certainly examples, and the banks might be a good one, of where the regulation itself can create an entry barrier, and are an advantage for a particular group of firms, which can increase returns. 

So high-regulation firms definitely stood out as tending to be more concentrated and having higher returns, as did innovative firms. This is a pretty consistent finding across the world. So a lot of the work in different countries has suggested that returns have gone up over time, but they’ve gone up only for a segment of the market. And that’s tended to be the firms that are heavily exposed to innovation. So tech firms, platforms, and pharmaceutical companies, tend to be the ones that have been making higher returns over time.

Gene Tunny  24:39  

Could that be a good thing, Danielle?The fact that these firms are being rewarded for innovation, that’s probably what we’d want to see, isn’t it? It might be necessary to have those higher awards to provide the incentives to undertake that innovation. What do you think about that? 

Danielle Wood  25:03  

Sure. I would say that this is the idea really that our law is based on. So, under Australian law, it is not illegal to have market power. And the reason it’s not illegal to have market power is you want market power there as an incentive. So if a firm has got there by competing on its merits, so it’s designed something better than its competitors, or it’s just done something, it’s played hard, or whatever it is, if it’s got there on its merits, and then it stays there on its merits, then it has done absolutely nothing wrong. And that is really the fruits of that work, and what creates the incentive for firms to innovate in that way. What the law says is that’s fine. 

But you can’t misuse that market power when you’re there to maintain your market position. So, if you are doing things like predatory pricing, or bundling your monopoly product with another product to leverage into another market, there’ll be certain circumstances in which those things are being used in order to maintain or grow a dominant market position. That’s when you’ve got a problem, not with the market power, per se.

Gene Tunny  26:16  

Absolutely. You just reminded me with that example of using your product, bundling it with something else. You’ve got a monopoly in one area, and then you bundle it with something else to try and get into another market. That reminded me of what happened with Microsoft in the 90s. And that’s why the US Department of Justice went after Microsoft, over the Internet Explorer browser, if I remember that correctly.

Danielle Wood  26:42  

Exactly. Right. So I mean, it’s interesting, another tech example. And probably the last time the Department of Justice went in really hard on a big company and a big tech company. And the browser was free. So it wasn’t an issue of price. But it was a question of leverage. Were they using their dominance in the PC market in order to get a dominant position? And what they saw was the next big thing, which was the browser market, and that really drove their major competitor at the time who were getting out of the browser market at the time, because everyone ended up using the Microsoft browser that came with the computer.

Gene Tunny  27:26  

Yes, I think it was Netscape if I remember. 

Danielle Wood  27:29  

I was trying to remember whether Netscape was Microsoft’s or the competitor. That’s right. Yes.

Gene Tunny  27:33  

Because I remember the first time I ever saw the internet, it would have been second or third year uni. And we were taken to the library and shown this wonderful new tool. And Netscape was the browser of choice at the time.

Danielle Wood  27:49  

It’s so funny to think back to those days as well. It was it was high school for me. And there was one computer in the library that you could access the internet from. And your librarian had to sit with you and supervise. And I always thought, Gosh, why would anyone want to use the internet when we’ve got this perfectly good library here? All these books. Goodness me!

Gene Tunny  28:07  

Absolutely, Danielle. Before I ask the last question, could I just ask you to tell us where we can find out about your work on the internet, please?

Danielle Wood  28:17  

Yes. So if you go to the Grattan website, and you’re interested in our work on market concentration, there’s a report called Competition in Australia: Too Little of a Good Thing? That’s the place to look. If you’re interested in the article that I wrote on the hipster trustbusters and how things are changing, that’s an article on the Inside Story website called The Hipster Trustbusters.

Gene Tunny  28:45  

Very good. Now, to wrap it up, Danielle, I’d like to ask how concerned are you overall about market power? And what do you think needs to be done? Do we need specific measures to rein in these big tech companies?

Danielle Wood  29:06  

Look, so as an overall proposition, I think it’s not clear to me that there is systemic market power issue, but I think there are clearly concerns in particular sectors, and Tech is one of those. Do we need special measures is an interesting question. And you know, the ACCC has just spent more than a year doing an inquiry on the power of the digital platforms. And my reading of their findings there is, really, that they’re not looking for new powers. They believe that existing powers will generally be enough perhaps with some tweaks. 

I mean, I think if we reflect back on how we got here, in terms of the tech companies, there may have been some decisions around mergers. that you would have hoped would go a different way. So if we look back, we know that Facebook bought Instagram, it bought WhatsApp, Google bought YouTube. I think there is a fair contention that perhaps the major US regulators were too relaxed about those acquisitions. And what looks to be, you know, acquisitions in different markets have actually helped enhance their power in the core markets in which they operate because of the sort of data advantages that we’re talking about. So I think we could be stronger. And this is largely for the US regulators, because obviously Australian regulators can’t control those types of mergers or future acquisitions. 

The ACCC has pretty clearly signalled that it will be looking very closely at all sorts of behaviour by the tech companies under existing laws. So things like trying to leverage power into other markets. So Google, using its search results to favour its phone product, and it’s already been taken on by the European competition authorities over that sort of behaviour. All of that can be done under existing laws. 

And probably the next question is should we see a break up? Again, that’s not a proposition for Australian regulators and Australian regulators do not have the same divestiture powers that they have in the US. Could you envisage a world where at least they reverse the impact of the mergers? A breakup only makes sense if you can kind of find units, self sufficient units to break these companies into, but I could certainly see an argument that you could go back and reverse some of those problematic mergers which occurred in the past. And I think that’s a really interesting proposition, whether a future US government and the US regulators will have the appetite to do that. And that’s certainly come up as a big issue during the Democratic primary race. Candidates are really expected to have a position on whether or not the big tech companies should be broken up, which I think is a pretty interesting development.

Gene Tunny  32:19  

Right, absolutely. Okay. I’ll have to go back and have a look at what some of those candidates have said. I know there have been a lot of debates on health care and on tax. Now that you have mentioned it, I am recalling some of that discussion. So I might go back and look at that. Thanks, Danielle. 

Danielle Wood  32:39  

Elizabeth Warren, in particular, as she has a very long history of advocacy around antitrust law. So she’s got very well-thought-out positions, but certainly, others have thrown their views into the races. 

Gene Tunny  32:54  

And before we conclude, Danielle, are there any other points you’d like to make? Is there anything you think we might have missed in our discussion, our broad overview of antitrust?

Danielle Wood  33:06  

Look, I would just say that I think even though this hipster antitrust movement has been very critical of both the courts and regulators in the US, it’s not clear to me that the problem is anywhere near as acute in Australia. I think we have a real history and a record of pretty robust antitrust enforcement. There’s a reason why the chair of the ACCC tends to be a household name in this country. They’re out there and pretty heavily using the law. The thing I think we should look out for in Australia is what further powers they might seek. 

So the ACCC has been pretty successful in campaigning for law changes where they don’t think they have enough power. And the kind of beefed-up misuse of market power provisions that came out of the Harper review is an example of that. At the moment, they are saying that perhaps the mergers laws aren’t sufficient to block anti-competitive mergers. So I think it’s ‘watch this space’ on whether we actually do get some further beefing up of our laws, but not necessarily to do with the tech companies, but to deal with the fact that the ACCC’s struggled to win mergers cases in courts.

Gene Tunny  34:26  

Okay. So it sounds like the ACCC, the Australian Competition and Consumer Commission, has been doing some great work, but you mentioned it has struggled to win in the courts. So I guess the big corporations can hire the top QC’s; perhaps that’s the issue. 

Danielle Wood  34:49  

Well, look, I think that’s probably partly true, although the ACCC’s got some pretty good QCs on the payroll as well. I think there is a particular problem with mergers cases that courts struggle with because it’s prospective, trying to work out what might happen in the future with and without a merger. It’s quite a different exercise to the normal exercise the courts are going through, which is trying to establish something that’s happened in the past. So I think there’s inherent difficulties in that prospective nature of the mergers tests, which has made it really hard for the ACCC to win. And I think the stat is that they haven’t actually won a mergers case in court in 20 years.

Gene Tunny  35:30  

Oh, no. Okay. Well, we might have to come back to that topic. I haven’t, haven’t looked at mergers for a while, but that doesn’t sound good. And that sounds like something we should look at in the future. 

Danielle Wood  35:43  

Yes, so the agency took one to court, the Vodafone Hutchinson one to court last year, and I think if they lose that, we’ll be hearing a lot more on the topic.

Gene Tunny  35:54  

Yep, absolutely. Okay. Danielle Wood from the Grattan Institute. That’s been terrific. I’ve really enjoyed our conversation, and I’ve learned a lot. So thanks again for coming on to the programme.

Danielle Wood  36:06  

Thanks for having me, Gene. 

Categories
Podcast episode

The Gender Pay Debate: Understanding the Factors Behind the Gap w/ Dr Leonora Risse – EP230

This episode of Economics Explored analyzes Australia’s new gender pay gap data reported by large companies. Are the data useful or are they nonsense, as some critics have alleged? Host Gene Tunny interviews Dr Leonora Risse to discuss the methodology, findings, and criticisms of the report. Risse provides context on factors influencing the gender pay gap, like occupational segregation. Tunny and Risse also debate the impact of societal norms and long work hours or ‘greedy jobs’. While acknowledging limitations, Risse argues the data highlights the need to address remaining gender inequities. 

Please get in touch with us with any questions, comments and suggestions by emailing us at contact@economicsexplored.com or sending a voice message via https://www.speakpipe.com/economicsexplored

You can listen to the episode via the embedded player below or via podcasting apps including Google PodcastsApple Podcast and Spotify.

About this episode’s guest Dr Leonora Risse

Dr Leonora Risse is an Associate Professor in Economics at the University of Canberra and a Research Fellow with the Women’s Leadership Institute Australia and serves as an Expert Panel Member on gender pay equity for the Fair Work Commission. She formerly held roles with the Women and Public Policy Program at Harvard University, the Australian Government Productivity Commission, and RMIT University. She earned her PhD in Economics from the University of Queensland. Leonora is a co-founder and former National Chair of the Women in Economics Network (WEN) in Australia.

What’s covered in EP230

  • Introduction to the Episode and Topic (00:36)
  • Overview of Gender Pay Gap Data Reporting (02:59)
  • Calculation and Implications of Gender Pay Gap Data (04:48)
  • Insights on Compositional Factors and Industry Dynamics (16:28 & 16:41)
  • Critical Analysis of Gender Pay Gap Reporting (33:29)
  • Claudia Goldin’s Work and Nobel Prize Discussion (41:02)

Takeaways

  1. The new gender pay gap data reveal significant disparities across companies in male and female median earnings, with factors like occupation and industry composition playing crucial roles.
  2. In Leonora’s view, transparency in reporting pay gaps is crucial for raising awareness but also poses some risks of normalization and misinterpretation.
  3. Leonora argues societal norms and gender biases significantly influence occupational choices and bargaining power, contributing to the gender pay gap.
  4. Future research and data analysis are essential for understanding the drivers of the gender pay gap. 

Links relevant to the conversation

Link to WGEA Data Explorer (can look up each company’s pay gap and other gender equality statistics)

https://www.wgea.gov.au/data-statistics/data-explorer

Leonora’s Twitter exchange with Senator Matt Canavan:

https://twitter.com/leonora_risse/status/1762395543366717877?s=20

Gender wage transparency and the gender pay gap: A survey

https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/full/10.1111/joes.12545

Do Firms Respond to Gender Pay Gap Transparency?

https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/jofi.13136

Pay Transparency and Gender Equality

https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3584259

Claudia Goldin

“Career and Family: Women’s Century-Long Journey toward Equity”

https://press.princeton.edu/books/hardcover/9780691201788/career-and-family

Leonora’s book review in Economic Record (copy attached)

https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/1475-4932.12716

 Leonora’s Conversation article on WGEA pay gap data

https://theconversation.com/qantas-pays-women-37-less-telstra-and-bhp-20-fifty-years-after-equal-pay-laws-we-still-have-a-long-way-to-go-223870

Transcript: The Gender Pay Debate: Understanding the Factors Behind the Gap w/ Dr Leonora Risse – EP230

N.B. This is a lightly edited version of a transcript originally created using the AI application otter.ai. It may not be 100 percent accurate, but should be pretty close. If you’d like to quote from it, please check the quoted segment in the recording.

Leonora Risse  00:04

The risks and opportunities of publishing pay gaps transparently. It does come with potential risk of misinterpretation. It even comes with the risk that some people some employers might look at this list and go you know what? Yes, our gender pay gap is pretty bad but so are all the other companies in our industry and it normalises it and it legitimises going, you know what we’re not that out of step as it is?

Gene Tunny  00:36

Welcome to the economics explored podcast, a frank and fearless exploration of important economic issues. I’m your host gene Tunny. I’m a professional economist and former Australian Treasury official. The aim of this show is to help you better understand the big economic issues affecting all our lives. We do this by considering the theory evidence and by hearing a wide range of views. I’m delighted that you can join me for this episode, please check out the show notes for relevant information. Now on to the show. Hello, thanks for tuning into the show. In Australia, big companies have been forced to disclose differences between male and female median earnings. The Australian Workplace Gender Equality agency published its first set of gender pay data in late February 2024. And these data have prompted a fierce discussion. Do they show a real gender pay gap that we should be concerned about? Or are the figures nonsense as some prominent critics argue? Joining me to discuss the data is returning guest Dr. Leonora Reese, Associate Professor in Economics at the University of Canberra. She’s a research fellow with the Women’s Leadership Institute Australia, and she serves as an expert panel member on gender pay equity for the Fair Work Commission. Previously, Leonora has held roles with the women and public policy programme at Harvard University, the Australian Government Productivity Commission, and RMIT University. Leonora is co founder and former national chair of the women in economics network in Australia. As always, please let me know what you think about what you hear on the show and about ways that I can improve it, including suggested topics and guests. Right? Oh, we’d better get into it. I hope you enjoy my conversation with Dr. Leonora Reese on the gender pay gap. Leonora thanks for joining me again on the programme. Thank you, Jane for having me. Oh, of course, it’s a big week in your field of research, which broadly is, am I correct in calling agenda economics? Right. Okay, great. Because there’s been a really interesting report that’s been published by the Workplace Gender Equality agency, which is an Australian government agency, and it’s on the gender pay gap. And what it does, it reports the gender pay gaps for one of the largest companies in Australia. Can you tell us a bit about it, please?

Leonora Risse  02:59

That’s right. So this is new data that’s now been publicly released. It’s the gender pay gap for all private companies in Australia that have at least 100 staff. So this is not just a sample, this is every large company. And they have to report this data to the agency to Weijia. Anyway, and this is the first year that this data is now publicly available. Previously, companies could voluntarily share this data, they could share the size of the gender pay gap. Now it’s mandated and that came about through reforms to the Workplace Gender Equality Act. And the idea is that this transparency, this openness of information, is designed number one, to raise awareness and attention and get people talking about the existence of the gender pay gap, which I think has achieved, we’ve ticked that box. And then secondly, to really focus attention on what do we need to do to narrow this gender gap? And how do we understand the drivers behind it? Yeah,

Gene Tunny  04:10

look at certainly started a conversation and in terms of reports of data, so economic or financial data, I can’t think of many others that have generated so much discussion and debate and, and controversy and really strong opinions as this one. So it’s, it’s been quite extraordinary. I must say that. So you, you mentioned private companies. Do you mean companies in the private sector? Is it publicly listed companies traded on the stock market as well? Or is it

Leonora Risse  04:41

I think it’s to the exclusion of the public sector that doesn’t include the government but they have other reporting? Right?

Gene Tunny  04:48

Okay. So it’s the largest companies in Australia and they’re required to disclose this gender pay gap and how do they calculate this gender pay gap? Yeah, so

Leonora Risse  04:59

there are various Ways to calculate the gender pay gap, although most, most of them you still see this, in fact, all of them, you still see a gender pay gap. What this particular data is based on is what we call the median. So like the midpoint of salaries that men are earning in a company, compare that to the midpoint, the median of what all women are earning in a particular company. So within the company comparison, if people are curious to know, what is the median compared to the average, the median is a way of controlling for some of those really extreme values, like very, very large values that can skew or distort the data. So we control for that. So you can’t say all this data is being pushed off or distorted by some extreme values, because statistically, we try to control for that this data also does not include remuneration of CEOs. That will be coming in future years. So it’s not being skewed by say, an over representation of men at CEO level. And it is disaggregated or so according to male concentrated industries, and female concentrated industries, and more what we would call more gender balanced industries. And what we see is that it’s in the male concentrated industries, where this overall gender pay gap seems to be the widest, you asked also how its measured. So this is annual salaries. And it’s includes full time workers, of course, but it also factors in, say, part time workers by working out what would be the annualised equivalent of those work. So it’s not skewed towards, you know, still just a segment of the of the workforce and excluding part time workers as well. Yeah. So

Gene Tunny  07:00

if you’ve got somebody who’s working for simplicity, they’re working half time, they’re only working two and a half days a week, then you would double their, what their earnings are to get a full time equivalent earnings. So

Leonora Risse  07:15

effectively, yes, yeah. And also a real added bonus to this data is that you, you have base salary, so you know what your standard salary would be for the year. And then it also includes a calculation which they’re calling total remuneration. And that’s where you factor in overtime payments, bonuses. Extra commission, for example. And when we factor that in, that’s when the pay gap tends to the gender pay gap widens even further, that extra layer of information. And

Gene Tunny  07:49

so it’s reported as a percentage. So one one that stood out to me is and was widely reported Jetstar, so the budget airline carrier in Australia, that makes huge amounts of money flying Australians to barley, among other places, 53.5% pay gap or something like that, if I got that right. Now, this is where I want to get into a bit of, you know, we, it’d be good to sort of ask, I’d like to ask you about the methodology and to what extent is, is giving us reliable estimates. Because like, that must be, that must be because pilots are disproportionately male, and the cabin crew is disproportionately female. So there are compositional issues there that will make it you know, when we interpret this data, we have to consider those sort of things. So yeah, I’m keen to get your thoughts on that. And also what really stood out to with this data, what do you think it really tells us? What are the highlights? What can we read into it?

Leonora Risse  08:51

You’re exactly right, Jane, that this number, this percentage, reflects a combination of different factors that feed into that. And one of those factors is the composition of the workforce within a company. So I’ve heard many people give the example that the aviation and airline industries tend to be characterised by on average, having more men in the roles of pilots or engineers, which tend to be higher paying roles, and proportionately more women, say in the administration or flight attendant roles, which tend to be relatively lower. So I think that’s great that people have picked up on that because yes, that’s one of the reasons there’s different composition. And instead of saying, well, then there’s no such thing as the gender pay gap that gives us reason to pause and think, Well, hang on, why do we see such stark gender patterns exist? Why aren’t more women being attracted into or working their way into into pilot roles? Why aren’t more men attracted to being a flight attendant so that already starts prompt us to think how are those factors conditioned by societal norms, gender biases, gender stereotypes, gender barriers to women going into fields that are traditionally male and vice versa as well. But then that compositional effect we know from other research, academic research that people like myself and many other economists in the field have carried out is that that’s not your complete explanation. So we use other data sets. And I think, over time, we’ll be able to dig deeper into this big data set, because the beauty of it is that he collects a whole bunch of other information about all these companies where we can plug that into our models and start to decompose, we’ll unpack and use decomposition analysis to figure out what are the contributing factors. So you might still see that even in the same sort of occupation, where you have men and women, so for example, say university lecturers, we know there are still pay scales, we know there’s still opportunity for some university lecturers to negotiate for a slightly higher pay, very high pay, then, then others. Because there’s still room for bargaining, there’s still room for negotiation, even if your job description on paper is the same. Often that’s perpetuating an existing salary that someone brings from a previous employer. So they say, This is what I was paid at my previous organisation or my, my previous company, someone might put that forward as that their their case for saying, This is why I should be paid more than my colleague, because this is, this is what I’m worth, if you need to attract me to this role, this is what you’re going to have to pay me not saying that’s valid or legitimate. But that’s some of the everyday realities of how these these gender nuances factor in. And it also speaks to the cultural norm or the societal expectation that it’s more legitimate for men to be more assertive in bargaining more so than women. And it’s very well to say, women, you just need to be more confident when you when you bargain, or, you know, put your facts on the table and say, I deserve a pay rise. But what’s really fascinating is that the research, including behavioural research in this space suggests that that can still be a really risky approach for women, because it’s not a society as societal norm that women demonstrate that behaviour. So it’s it doesn’t always work. It can backfire. Yeah,

Gene Tunny  12:43

I think we chatted about that in a previous episode. I might link to that because I thought that was a good conversation where we went over some of those factors. Can I ask you about some particular companies now? Hopefully, I got Jetstar. Right. Look at what please do just in case, because I don’t want to accidentally defame Jetstar and then have them sue me. But yeah, but I guess this does raise public relations issues for companies and some companies must be pretty annoyed at what the findings are. So that’s a median gender pay gap on base salary for Jetstar group are 53 and a half percent. And now we’ve got a median gender pay gap for total remuneration of 43.7%. So that’s when they factor in is that bonuses or overtime, then that narrows a little bit? Not, you know, it’s still it’s still significant. And it’s got to do with those compositional issues? Or, you know, that’ll that’ll be a big part of it. What are some of the other companies that stood out to you, Leonora?

Leonora Risse  13:41

Oh, I think you’ve got to have good reason to pick on one company than another. But I look at one observation, I think, is that there weren’t there weren’t really big surprises. For me, I have to say in this data, like we’re aware that there are some quite extreme gender pay gaps amongst some of these companies. I think it was to be expected that in some of these traditionally, male companies like transport and Postal Service’s warehousing, that suppose some of those gender pay gaps are quite stark, because it’s, it’s, it’s harder for women to work their way up the ranks in those companies. But then you also see these gender pay gaps still exist across even female concentrated fields like health care, social assistance. So it’s still it’s still pervasive across all of these, all of these industries. I do see some commentary. I think Dan zippers article on the ABC pointed out that some of these companies that have very large gender pay gaps are companies that perform ought to be being supported or catering to the female client group. You know, they they gave the example of some fashion retailers that, you know, really specialised in producing products for women, and yet they have this big gender pay gap. So that’s goes to show I think that some companies, it’s not all what it seems to be. And especially with the International Women’s Day coming up, I think what would be great is if you see companies that are saying, Yes, we support gender equality, and we’re having an International Women’s Day event will go and check their gender pay gap and see if the rhetoric stacks up with, you know, what are some of the dynamics in their company? Again, you don’t know, we you can’t make judgments just based on that pure number, you want to sort of go under the hood and figure out what’s going on? Is that compositional effects is that is there pay inequity. But all the companies also have the opportunity to provide what’s called an employer’s statement on the Wiggio website. So they’ve got a voice to then explain. This is why we have this percentage pay gap that you see. And it’s also a platform for them to explain what actions what policies, what new strategies they’re going to implement, to do something about it.

Gene Tunny  16:28

Okay, a couple of things. I’d like to pick up on there or ask about that. Company. You. You mentioned, the athletic leisure wear company, that’s Lorna Jane. I imagine

Leonora Risse  16:41

that’s the one that was mentioned. Right? Yeah. Dan Zephyrs article. And I think

Gene Tunny  16:46

I saw they had a law firm, did they have their lawyers say, if you’re going to talk about us in this regard, you’ve got to bake, you’ve got to provide the context or whatever. I’ll try and find that article and put it in the show notes. Right, I

Leonora Risse  16:58

think, I think it’s an example of companies feeling the pressure, which is partly what the intention was of these new reforms is to put the onus on companies to at least explain what’s going on and then try to take action. The whole logic behind this pay transparency is that companies care about their public perception. They don’t want to be caught out or perceived as being inequitable, presumably. And these reforms are meant to, I guess, prompt attention, but also give them a chance to explain and an act. So it sounds like you know, some of the ways that the companies have responded is a signal that they they do feel pressure, they are worried about reputational damage. And so the thinking is that that could be an incentive, I would like to also balance that by saying you do have a fair number of companies on this list that have a really narrow gender pay gap in some, and some have ones that are reversed the other way and are in favour of women. So we have examples of companies that are achieving gender equity in PE, what can we learn from those companies? What has worked? What is it about the culture or the practice or the industry characteristics that has given rise to these narrower gender pay gaps? And can we learn something from their experience that can be transferred to some of these worst performing companies? Or is there something really unique and an ongoing and particular struggle or challenge for some of these industries that have perpetually high gender pay gaps? What extra attention or investment do we need? So that these particular companies that are struggling can can improve over time so that how do we be constructive about this rather than just treating it as naming and shaming and like a punitive measure?

Gene Tunny  19:09

Yeah. Do you remember the high level figures? I might put them in the shownotes? Because is it about is it half of the companies have a gender pay gap, favouring males and there’s a like 30% or 40% that are sort of in where there’s no real difference statistically, and then there’s 10% that are if I got that wrong, you’ve got the figures, well,

Leonora Risse  19:30

they those percentages that you’re quoting yet that they are available, the numbers we’re looking at here. For a start, let’s give people a sense of what that reference point is. So a gap of 14.5% That’s the median across all these companies based on base salary, and if we add in bonuses, etc, then it widens to 19%. What we did in This article in the conversation as we calculated how many of these particular companies were kind of in the upper range the spectrum, right, so you’ve got almost 5000 companies on this spreadsheet on this list. So almost 1000, so around 20% have a gender pay gap that exceeds 20%. If we keep going further and further to the worst end of that, that list, 350 of them have a gap of over 30% gender pay gap of over 30%. And then you’ve got 100, at the worst end, where the gender pay gap is greater than 40%. You’ve also got quite a number of companies at the other end that have gender pay gaps that come negative. Yeah, it was, that was a little surprising as well, I guess, you know, in a good way, perhaps. But what we saw is these are particularly concentrated in Health Education and Disability Services where you have proportionally more women in those industries or those companies already, and therefore, your senior roles and more likely to be women. And also they’re just generally lower paid. So you might have a gender pay gap that mathematically comes out looking like women are being paid more, or in more of the senior roles. But compared to the other industries and sectors is an absolute sense. They’re all a bit lower. Yeah. So

Gene Tunny  21:31

they’re about 1000 companies. So that’s 20% of the 5000. And what you found is that they’re mainly in health education, Disability Services. So I’ll put a link in the show notes to that. And that’s getting to that point you were making. As part of like, there is value you see value in this data, because it can allow further research into what could be driving gender pay gap. So I’ll might explore that with you a bit in a moment. Because it just seems to me this issue of the composition is it’s a big deal, the, you know, the importance of the composition of the workforce. And I wonder if have they got enough warnings on this data? Do you think that they explained the data well enough? Do we shoot should this be up in lights, this is just, we’ve got a really simple, straightforward way of calculating this. There are all these other factors that are involved. So just be careful interpreting this data, give the maybe give the don’t sort of jumped to the conclusion that this company is discriminating against women. Is that clear enough? Or does that need to be clear? Look,

Leonora Risse  22:39

I think people’s reaction is a sign that they’re curious to know those answers. So companies can publish their their workforce profile, you know, in their annual reports, you know, they can publish this is this is the gender composition of, you know, our pilots or flight attendants, nothing stopping them from publishing that type of information either. And, indeed, Weijia does collect a lot of other data and statistics from companies that also reflect gender equality indicators, not just just pay. So it is in that data set, and I think, which is very research oriented and evidence based. So they will be looking to dig deep into that data through an analytical lens to you know, make sense of this. It means some of the policy implications could be okay, what are we doing in schools, and training to encourage more women will not just encouraged but support more women into aviation and airlines, and to ensure they thrive and succeed and feel respected and don’t don’t encounter sexism, which is, you know, currently still still an issue. So that in the future for these companies, they can say these compositional effects. We are acting on that, in terms of this, this pipeline, and also retention and career advancement. Of course, once once people are in the company. I think one one big takeaway, a positive takeaway from having this data out there is that we know that there’s a lot of backlash and resistance and scepticism, there’s no such thing as the gender pay gap. As someone working in this field. I hear that all the time. People feel like it’s not justified. It’s not it’s not warranted that you know, it’s against the law to pay women less than men. So really, this is all just an accounting trick. I heard that response in that comment, those comments and they flared up again, obviously, I think when you look at this data, this is these companies missing, saying yes, we have a gender pay gap, but the companies themselves are reporting This number. So you can’t really dismiss an argue and saying there’s no such thing as a gender gap in earnings basically, because the companies themselves now have publicly declaring that they do. So at least that gets us, you know, one step further along in this ongoing argument or case that we, you know, up till now, a lot of our time and energy is spent just simply trying to verify that there isn’t gender passion in earnings, a gender pay gap, partly due to composition, partly due to a whole lot of other factors. At least the companies themselves now are on record is reporting publicly, yes, this is the gender pay gap in our company.

Gene Tunny  25:47

Okay, we’ll take a short break here for a word from our sponsor.

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Gene Tunny  26:22

Now back to the show. So in terms of the criticism, so you you mentioned this, there has been some very strong criticism. And some of that has come from economists. So well, at least one prominent economist Judith Sloan commentator at the Australian former commissioner Productivity Commission. She has been on various boards. And she said that it’s nonsense. She thinks that it’s not comparing like with like soy, because you’ve got. So I’m just wondering, is there a way that they could do this? So it’s just not this one indicator where we’ve got these compositional issues? We’re not comparing, like with like, would it make sense to, like have a narrower, like habit for specific occupations or particular types of work in the company? Would that be? I mean, that could be a better way to do it. And it could be less controversial? Because I think it’s like, I like data. And I think this is interesting in terms of public conversation. This is it’s quite extraordinary. I mean, my mother’s actually contacted me about this, with her thoughts on it. So that’s an indication of how wide the reach. I mean, not that I mean, she does follow current affairs and all that, but usually she’s not getting in touch about the latest economic report. But this time she has because it certainly has. Yeah, it’s really gripped people’s attention more than any other report in recent times. So yes, I’m just wondering about that, whether there’s a better way they could present the data, or, you know, just more just make it clear. Yep. This is just be careful. Don’t read too much into this at the moment. We need, you know, you really need more data than this to make judgments.

Leonora Risse  28:15

Yes, look, this is the first year this data has been published. And even I put in a submission to the Workplace Gender Equality Act review, highlighting what some of the overseas experiences were about the risks and opportunities of publishing. pay gaps transparently. It does come with potential risk of misinterpretation, it even comes with the risk that some people some employers might look at this list and go you know what, yes, our gender pay gaps pretty bad, but so are all the other companies in our industry and it normalises it, and it legitimises going, you know what we’re not that out of step as it is, so we’re not that different from our competitors. So you’ve got all these potential risks around this. And I think you’ve you have articulated one there as well, but just with one number, people might dismiss it because they don’t feel like it adequately explains the whole picture, and therefore they disengage, and they put down and criticise the whole effort based on that reaction, so you kind of you kind of can inflame or agitate people because they might be a bit sceptical to begin with, or quite unsure. And this can push them just to disengage and spread rumours or misinterpretations or myths about inaccuracies and how to interpret the data. So I think you are pointing towards the fact that I think what people are searching for is a more complete explanation. That takes into account some of these compositional effects. That’s where economists come into the picture. So how do we how do we communicate I hate that in a way, and how do we build trust in the public to say, look, these methodologies, these analytical processes, they might sound technical, but you, you have to trust some of the way that we do this analysis, because we have rich data sets, like the Hilda survey that I’ve used previously, ABS data, where we can unpack and we don’t want to come up with ideologically driven inaccuracies in how we interpret it, that’s not really helping, because we’re not going to solve the problem if we, you know, diagnose this incorrectly. So, in terms of our role as scientists and evidence based and data driven, professionals, we have to treat this data, right. So I think the capacity is there to unpack it and to relay that interpretation and that story, to the general public and to decision makers and employers and employees. One example could be here is that, you know, there will be some employees of these companies that look at that data. And, and want to understand why there’s a reported gender pay gap of that magnitude, and want to understand what’s driving it. So should they be entitled to more pay? Or is it because they happen to be in the occupational category that’s relatively lower pay, I think employees deserve to have that type of explanation, as well, so they don’t lose morale. So they don’t feel underappreciated. Hopefully, there is there are opportunities where employers do pick up on where there are some gaps that can be can be narrowed. So I think it’s in the interests that we get the diagnosis. Right? Look, one thing I would also say with the analysis, and when when we run these econometric models, and we plug in all this data, what we can use are these decomposition tools that will tell you this is the component of that overall percentage that can be explained by industry confidence, or occupation, composition, or can be explained by that particular industry. Or it can be explained by educational background, for example, that’s something that works in favour of women, because they have overall average higher education levels. Something that is attributed. What part is due to more experience in the workplace and women on average, having more time out, we can actually get a grip on all of those percentages. I think where there’s also controversy is where people say, well hang on, is that, is that by choice? Or is that because of societal insufficient or cultural norms that that’s happened. So that’s another point of contention, where some very liberal thinkers will say, Well, yes, that can be explained by women going into lower earning occupations are spending time out, but that’s their choice or their preference. But then I think sociologists and other types of economists will, will contend that and say, No, actually, that’s not that choice isn’t made in a vacuum, that choice is made, because the full suite of opportunities, weren’t there for that, that person. So I think that’s another point of difference of interpretation.

Gene Tunny  33:29

So just to recap, is it true that the bulk of that gender pay gap can be explained in a way statistically, by differences in occupational choice or, or the industry, they’re working in educational qualifications, and there’s a small, just a small percentage that you really can’t and it’s

Leonora Risse  33:49

unexplained. Look, most of the time, what we try to do in these models is add more and more observable data and variables into the model so that the explained portion expands and that unexplained portion gets smaller and smaller. Now, some of the explained portion can still be interpreted as discrimination, and bias. So for example, you might say, Well, women are more likely to be in some of these care oriented professions, and then lower paid. And so that is one of the explanations for the overall gender pay gap. But then you might say, Well, hang on, what are the gender biases in society that don’t value that workers as much or that that still have gender norms and stereotypes that say that’s a woman’s job, right? So even if it’s explained, it doesn’t necessarily mean it’s free from biases and inequities as well.

Gene Tunny  34:52

Right? Okay. Yeah, yeah, yeah. Yeah, I understand the role of societal norms. And yeah, I think we chatted about that before. So I might put a link back to that conversation. I thought it was a good one. I want to ask about Claudia Goldin because Claudia Goldin, she won the Nobel Prize for Economics last year. Judith Sloan quoted her work in so in Judas article and Judas, because Judas is saying, Well, this is all nonsense, because this is just all yes, you’re not comparing like with like, it’s it’s all just explained by difference differences in composition, different choices people make, and she was interpreting Claudia Goldin to the students is interpreting 40 Golden is saying that the gender pay gap, it’s mostly due to the fact that there’s this premium for long and unpredictable hours and men are more likely to to work those jobs pursue that pursue those jobs, because women are more likely to be care as in they don’t have the Yeah, they, they’re more Yeah, they’re less likely to want to pursue those jobs like as as males, pursue them. So disproportionately, so what do you think about that? As a theory? I mean, what, because I think we’ve chatted about Claudia Golden’s work before or since the Nobel Prize was announced. So would you be able to comment on that, please? Sure,

Leonora Risse  36:20

absolutely. So, Claudia Golden’s. The concept that she’s coined here is, is greedy jobs to reflect these particular jobs in the workforce that demand a lot of you as a worker, to work long hours to be on call on weekends on late shifts, and to be rewarded for that. That’s the important part. So should be paid overtime rates to be fast tracked to promotion to get bonuses in reward for, for being, I guess, more available to your employer, I think it’s partly a symptom of capitalist society as well, you know, to really, to really draw as much of the worker that you can out in terms of their time, their loyalty, their commitment. And so the Claudia Golden’s work brings the gender dynamic into that this concept brings the gender Knight dynamic into that because the way that society and policy is structured is that it forces couples, if we’re looking at a male and female couple should make a choice with as a household as to which of them are going to be that particular worker and be on call, and which of them are going to attend to carrying responsibilities to household tasks at home. So collectively, they’re maximising or optimising their total income and trying to balance, you know, both both spectrums. So the way that gender norms give rise is that it tends to be on average, the male partner who will put their hand up for those greedy jobs. And females who, who would opt to, you know, be on call at home, basically. And so the gender pay gap widens, even on an hourly basis, because this there’s this premium attached with those types of jobs. And they’re rewarded, you know, it’s it’s seen as a positive thing in workplace culture. And so the, my, you know, the way that I interpret Claudia Golden’s work, and she articulates this, I think pretty clearly in her book, career and family is that unless you have gender equity at home, it’s very hard to achieve gender equity in the paid workforce. So as long as there’s some sort of gender division at home, you just don’t have that time availability in the paid workforce. So she’s actually advocating for, for gender equality, she’s not saying this rationalises or legitimises the existence of the gender pay gap, she says it’s a an explanation that needs attention. And that we should be looking at how do we look for ways to reduce this culture of expecting workers to be working such extensive hours and to be on call? How can they be more substitutable with each other, so you know, if you’re not available, it doesn’t matter because your colleague can step in. And she gives examples from the industry of pharmacy, the pharmacy industry where that that is, is a change in cultural practice, and that allowed more women actually to advance in that industry. So that, you know, the action or the policies that emerge from that are ones that start to address that existing inequity in the city. system and steer us towards something that’s more equitable. And I would say also healthier as well. Now, other people might interpret that differently. But I think that’s a very, very, you know, firm and widespread way of expressing Cambodia Golden’s work, I did write a book review of her book, and it’s published in the economic record. Yeah, I’d be very pleased for people to have a read of that and see what see what they think of the points that Claudia Goldin has expressed. And of course, yesterday, Jean, she was awarded the Nobel Prize in Economics, in recognition of decades and decades of work, looking at women’s participation in the workforce, and how that has changed over time, from an historical perspective, right up to contemporary time, so she is a big advocate and champion for working towards a more gender equitable economy.

Gene Tunny  41:02

Yeah, I have to read that book of hers. I read your book review and then read her book. She’s at Harvard, isn’t she? Correct.

Leonora Risse  41:08

She’s in the Harvard economics department. And I believe she was the first female to be tenured as appropriate and reach a professor status at Harvard University.

Gene Tunny  41:20

And you visited Harvard a few years ago. Did you did you get to meet Claudia Goldin? Yes,

Leonora Risse  41:24

that was an absolute highlight. Yes, absolutely. This was before she won the Nobel Prize. But even then, it was a huge honour. She was also very closely involved in the American economics Association’s women’s group, which is the equivalent of our women in economics, here in Australia, so we had a great conversation about that. But what was fascinating, I think, is that she has spent so much of her time and focus, telling this story of how women’s opportunities have changed over time. But effectively, they’re still not entirely a free choice. They’re still governed by, by policy, it’s governed by or shaped by technology. A great example of her work was the economic effects of the invention of the pill, the oral contraceptive, which really, you know, liberated women from a lot of it opened up more opportunities for them to control their their family planning and participate more fully in the paid workforce. So fascinating research over time that looks at what, what factors have shaped women’s opportunities in positive as well as negative ways?

Gene Tunny  42:44

Yeah, absolutely. I’m gonna have to read your work and try to get her on the show one day, for sure. Right? Oh, well, we better start wrapping up because I’ve, I’ve taken a lot of your time. It’s been it’s been really fascinating, good, good having this conversation and sort of delving into this and what it all means. And I think the way that you’ve, you know, you’re making me go beyond what the data, what the exact, you know, the data or just arts industry, its occupation, or think about what’s the other societal factors or norms that are leading to these occupational choices. I think that’s a good point. So certainly worth considering. on that issue of, you know, this greedy jobs, and I think this gets to what, why someone like Matt Canavan, Senator Matt Canavan, an old friend of mine, he’s a Senator for the conservative LNP party, Liberal National Party here in Queensland. And he’s come out very aggressively against this report. Matt’s been on the show before we had a chat about Net Zero. I’ll put a link in the show notes to that. And I think Matt was saying, look, the problem is that you can’t just scale up these jobs, like a point eight, you can’t just multiply it by one divided by point eight to get what the equivalent salary is, and then do a comparison because there’s that premium for the long and, and predictable hours. So that was, I think that’s what his point was, wasn’t it, but that he doesn’t think this exercise is particularly valid at all. And then you had a bit of an exchange with him on Twitter. So could you tell us about what that exchange was about? Please? Leonora? Sure.

Leonora Risse  44:23

So yeah, I mean, again, this is an example of this data, getting people talking, first of all, trying to understand the methodology, how were these gender pay gaps being calculated? So we get a grip on that, and it sounded like, you know, the way you’ve described it there, I think, was a good, good example of then people prompting, or is that the appropriate way to, to analyse this, this data? So I think on Twitter, I mean, I tried to use social media very mindfully and simply really to express what could be or to offer input to correct inaccuracies of interpretation just in the interest of public knowledge and public information is there something I can add so that there there is less risk of misinformation and debunking misinterpretations. So I pointed out, you know, this is the way the data is calculated, it does account for hours worked, it is annualised to a full time equivalent. So it does include people across the different hours spectrum. And it excludes CEOs, and it is calculators, medians, as I mentioned earlier, so we don’t have those statistical effects of extreme outliers. But then I think the way you’ve articulated it was that, you know, I guess Matt Canavan response was, Well, is that really how we should be going about it? Because if you’re working full time, does that mean that your contribution, even per hour is worth more than part time? That’s effectively I guess, one way to interpret it? I guess what he’s saying then is He’s agreeing with the greedy jobs phenomenon. And then that’s a question for all of us. So what is the greedy jobs phenomenon? Actually fair? And is it? Is it also reflective of productivity? Because if you’re working very, very long hours, is your productive value chain is a marginal decline? Is it actually worth more, as well? So you’ve got these other potentially offsetting rationale to think that maybe extra long hours, additional hours? Is that actually worth more per hour? This for hours? You know, so is there a premium? Is that premium justified? If people aren’t able to work more than part time hours, because they have care responsibilities, and so they miss out on that premium for overtime? Well, that will come through in the data. But then again, we should be questioning well, is that actually fair? Is that how we want society to function? Or can we restructure our policy so that if you have predominantly women who are working part time who aspire to work more hours, that can because effective marginal tax rates mean they actually take home less or they don’t have childcare places available? Or, you know, there are other carrying demands that it basically brings up a whole lot of other gender patterned inequities? I mean, what I would also say, I think the exchange with Matt Canavan online, also revealed, I think, some level of an underlying response, which was that we’re talking about masculinity norms coming undone. That there’s another there’s a deeper narrative here that the more that we try to advance women’s opportunities in the workforce, there will be some people out there whose responses? Well, there are still jobs that require physicality that’s associated with masculinity. And that’s worth more I think, I think some of the posts that Canavan posted could have been sort of along those lines, or has made allusions to people feeling that the gender pay gap or gender equity initiatives are unfair for Superman. And therefore that can, in his eyes, rationalise why men might look for highly masculinized icons and role models to gravitate towards for a sense of identity and solidarity. I think that’s potentially one interpretation of this undercurrent of reactions that was coming through,

Gene Tunny  49:01

right. Yep. So Matt, Matt suggested that reports like this could actually widen the gender divide, could actually lead young men to embrace Andrew Tate, for example. So I think that was the example

Leonora Risse  49:13

what is the conclusion he drew, but I think that’s a very, yeah, I wouldn’t enter into Logic.

Gene Tunny  49:18

Okay, I want to just want to go back on the greedy jobs, just so I characterise what Matt was saying, but the technical point he was making, so yeah, there’s the greedy jobs aspect of it. But there’s also the fact that if you’re full time, even if you’re just working 38 hours a week, or 40 hours a week, you’re more valuable, like say, compared with someone who’s only working half time, you’re actually more than you’re more than twice as valuable than that person, because you’re there all through the week and you can respond to the issues that come up and you’ve got continuity of the work so you’re more you can fit more into the the processes that are at play. You’re more reliable, you’re more diverse. In the world to upper management, for example,

Leonora Risse  50:02

I think that’s one party can go down based on that logic. I’m not sure if that if really, he was. He was expansive on that logic or based on on the Twitter post, but I think that’s, that could be one way of some people attempting to rationalise or legitimise why workers who work more hours in absolute terms should be given a higher pay rate per hour. Now, for some employers, that might be their logic, again, I would come back to is that really a measure of your true productive contribution per hour? Or is that a sense of some strategy for some employers to? You know, to really attract and retain and, and extract excessive time and energy from their employees and potentially, in an unsustainable way over time, if you’re working very, very long hours, if you’re always on call? Is that healthy and sustainable over the long run as well?

Gene Tunny  51:25

Possibly not I mean, that was one of the things i There are a lot of good things I liked about when I was working at Treasury. But one of the downsides was that you’re often always on call, depending on the area you’re in. So when I was in budget policy, for example, you were just always on call almost. And you you’d often have to come in on weekends work late at night, if the treasurer wanted a briefing or something. Yeah, it was, it wasn’t I don’t think it was, I don’t think

Leonora Risse  51:50

and also to Gene like, you can control for that in your model as well. So I’ve done analysis using the Hilda data for the gender pay gap based on hourly wages, and I put in a variable to control for overtime, and you still see an unexplained gender pay gap. Right.

Gene Tunny  52:07

Okay. I just finally, well, over time is this. This is both paid and unpaid overtime, because a lot of overtime. Maybe we can we can I can know,

Leonora Risse  52:21

in terms of the data that I’ve been Yeah, yeah. So it does ask, do you usually work more than I think it’s 50 hours, we’ll see it’s got all these different thresholds that you can choose. So you can put that in? And then of course, if you don’t control for that, then you are diluting your hourly wage calculation because you’re dividing by a bigger number. So you really have to control for that. Okay. Yes, yeah. But basically, I’m saying that even if you were to say and accept the logic that say, with the big data where we can’t use annualised full time equivalent, because there’s a premium associated with working sets of hours and overtime being on call, okay, if you want to buy into that logic, we can kind of control for that and adjust the calculations. Okay. It doesn’t, yeah, doesn’t explain away the gender pay

Gene Tunny  53:15

gap. Right. But this is where I think, yeah, yeah. This is where we need to use data sets like Hilda household income labour dynamics Australia, ABS data, to what extent does this do you think you can use this to to help improve the analysis? Or is this just a novelty? Or is this just something that, you know, makes the news? That is that is not really valuable for research and insights? What are your thoughts on this big

Leonora Risse  53:43

data set is one of the most valuable data sets? I would say internationally, right? It is a census. It’s not even a sample. It’s a census of all these companies. And we’re GIA collects a whole bunch of other information about these companies that can be plugged into an analytical model to conduct that type of decomposition analysis. So I know they have that research orientation, and they’re looking to conduct that type of research in the future.

Gene Tunny  54:14

Okay, well, I’ll look out for I’m sure you’re going to be analysing the data, you’ll be looking at the data, that can

Leonora Risse  54:21

be one of those researchers doing that, again, just to make sense of the data. There’s a lot of explanatory power in there. We use the analytical models to get under the hood. Okay,

Gene Tunny  54:33

good. Good. Finally, should have asked, Are we the only country that’s doing this?

Leonora Risse  54:38

Oh, good question. So my understanding is, no, there are a few other countries around the world. So a lot of this was informed by international experiences as well as that sort of gave rise to why these laws changed in Australia. So in the UK, they do it in Denmark. They do it could be a few other companies, but you know what, that’s where some of these lessons learned come from? So one example that I’m aware of is in the UK in universities, they had pay gap transparency. Yes, they saw the pay gap narrower. But mainly, by virtue of senior women negotiating for higher pay or leaving to go to a high paying employer, the junior women didn’t have the same sort of capacity to leverage that data or to bargain. So not all women, for example, can use this data. In Denmark, when they had pay gap transparency, they saw a narrowing of the overall gender pay gap through a slowdown in men’s wage growth on average. So it wasn’t because women’s wages accelerated and caught up. It was because over time, men’s ongoing wage growth, it didn’t go backwards, but it just didn’t go up as much. And so it meant overall, the wage bill for companies doesn’t necessarily go up because you saving maybe there was some men that you were paying more than what they said.

Gene Tunny  56:05

There hasn’t been a causal study of that, though, has there? This is just observation. This is Oh,

Leonora Risse  56:11

no, this is this is a proper academic journal study. Really? Okay.

Gene Tunny  56:15

I have to look at that, that I’ll have to look at the methodology to see how they draw that conclusion. Because it sounds like I mean, yeah, it’d be interesting if it were true. I mean, I’d be interested in seeing the methodology to just to check that, you know, it’s just not something that, you know, happened. I mean, the whole the whole post hoc, ergo Propter. hoc, as

Leonora Risse  56:33

in there could have been some external shock. Potentially, I think you always want to ask those questions. Yeah, sure. I think what was interesting was that it was yes, it was a narrowing, but it was because of this slowdown from men’s wages rather than accelerates it. So it shouldn’t just be expecting all women’s wages are going to catch up now. Yeah. And narrowing of the gender pay gap involves two moving pieces.

Gene Tunny  56:56

Right. Yeah. Okay. Well, you know, this has been great. I’ve really grilled you over the the geo data, and you’ve been doing great in answered a lot of my questions. And yeah, it’s been great to have you on the show. I think this is a very important topic. We’ve talked about it before. Other Any other thoughts? Anything you’d like to say to wrap up?

Leonora Risse  57:23

Open question there. I think I think you’re right, we covered we covered a lot here. I think the takeaway is so how do we act on this data in a constructive way, is to make sure we don’t put the onus on individual women to now go and get this data and expect them to rock up to their employer and say, I deserve a pay rise. Really, the onus should be on employers and companies to care enough about these pay gaps to want to at least explain it and do something about it. So that fix the system rather than fix the women is a recurring piece of advice that I think applies. In this context, if companies are asking or if you’re thinking, What can I suggest to my company? What should I do? What should we recommend that our company does? One evidence based strategy is to make closing the gender pay gap, part of your KPIs, your key performance indicators for your managers and executives. And that’s an evidence based way that really seems to get the ball rolling. Yeah,

Gene Tunny  58:34

yeah, that’s a yeah, that’s, that’s one thing that certainly could motivate the executives to pay attention to it for sure. I mean, I, I expect that for some of these companies, for jet staff or others that you look at the data and like, whoa, that’s, that looks like a much higher gap than I’d expect. you’d hope or Well, I think I would expect that they would have a board paper, the next board meeting, delving into it, trying to explain why there is this gap. Okay. Well, it’s because of the composition of the workforce, right? Yeah. So I think they’ll they’ll have to do

Leonora Risse  59:09

and one, one takeaway there is like, if we are going to judge companies, perhaps one way to look at it is which companies are improving the gender pay gap over time, so not just the absolute amount now, which in some ways might be slightly outside of their control. But if you look from one year to the next, which ones are narrowing, and getting better, in addition to other indicators, we should be looking at, like, other measures of safety and other things that matter for gender equality. So yeah, this is the first of a series of data points. And I think that indication of progress over time, could emerge as a more important indicator than a simple snapshot in time. Yeah,

Gene Tunny  59:55

yeah, I think that’s good point. Okay, Leonora thanks so much for your time. I really Lily enjoy the conversation.

Leonora Risse  1:00:01

Thank you, Jane for having me likewise.

Gene Tunny  1:00:04

Right. Oh, thanks for listening to this episode of economics explored. If you have any questions, comments or suggestions, please get in touch. I’d love to hear from you. You can send me an email via contact at economics explore.com Or a voicemail via SpeakPipe. You can find the link in the show notes. If you’ve enjoyed the show, I’d be grateful if you could tell anyone you think would be interested about it. Word of mouth is one of the main ways that people learn about the show. Finally, if your podcasting app lets you then please write a review and leave a rating. Thanks for listening. I hope you can join me again next week.

1:00:51

Thank you for listening. We hope you enjoyed the episode. For more content like this. To begin your own podcasting journey head on over to obsidian-productions.com

Credits

Thanks to Obsidian Productions for mixing the episode and to the show’s sponsor, Gene’s consultancy business www.adepteconomics.com.au. Full transcripts are available a few days after the episode is first published at www.economicsexplored.com. Economics Explored is available via Apple PodcastsGoogle Podcast, and other podcasting platforms.

Categories
Economic update

Does Quantitative Easing primarily benefit the wealthy?

With aggressive fiscal and monetary policy responses to the 2008 financial crisis and the COVID-19 pandemic, new evidence has emerged of the unintended consequences of activist macroeconomic policies. This article considers the impact of Quantitative Easing (QE) on wealth inequality.  It is cross-posted on www.adepteconomics.com.au

QE is an unconventional monetary policy used by central banks such as the US Federal Reserve, Bank of England, or RBA to stimulate the economy. It was widely employed in the aftermath of the 2008 financial crisis and during the COVID-19 pandemic. QE involves the central bank purchasing government bonds and other financial assets with newly created money and is intended to lower long-term interest rates. While it is designed to benefit the overall economy, there is a debate about its impact on wealth inequality. 

Some argue that QE has primarily benefited the wealthy, as it has increased the value of financial assets, such as stocks and bonds, predominantly owned by the rich.1 This has resulted in a significant boost to the wealth of the wealthiest individuals and households.2 However, proponents of QE contend that it has prevented a deeper economic slump and reduced income inequality by preventing larger increases in unemployment.3 The distributional effects of QE are complex, and its impact on wealth inequality remains a topic of ongoing research and discussion.

Professor Gerald Epstein of the University of Massachusetts Amherst is one of those who argues that quantitative easing primarily benefited the wealthy. At the same time, its effects on employment and the cost of capital for borrowing were relatively modest. Professor Epstein expressed this view in an interview on his new book Busting the Bankers’ Club in Economics Explored episode 226. You can listen to the conversation wherever you listen to podcasts (e.g., Spotify) or use the embedded player below. 

Professor Epstein suggests that the main impact of QE in the United States was an increase in the wealth of the wealthy. This is because the rise in asset values, resulting from the central bank buying up these assets, primarily benefited those who already held significant assets, such as banks and other wealthy individuals. On the other hand, the cost of capital reduction for borrowers and investors was relatively modest.

Did Quantitative Easing Increase Income Inequality?

Professor Epstein does not argue that the Federal Reserve intentionally pursued a policy to benefit the wealthy primarily. Instead, the impact of the policy was an unintended consequence of quantitative easing. The increase in asset values and wealth accumulation for the rich due to QE can further widen the wealth gap. At the same time, the modest impact on employment and borrowing costs may not effectively address the needs of the bulk of the population.

The findings mentioned in the podcast conversation align with studies conducted in other countries during the same period, which also found that QE had a greater impact on asset values and wealth accumulation for the wealthy than on employment and borrowing costs. The European Central Bank (ECB) published a study showing that QE in the Eurozone primarily contributed to an increase in the wealth of the richest 20% of the population.4 Additionally, a report by the UK Parliament’s House of Lords Library stated that QE is likely to have exacerbated wealth inequalities in the UK. However, it noted Bank of England analysis concluding the effect was relatively small.5 Research published in the Oxford Bulletin of Economics and Statistics found that expansionary QE via asset prices led to net wealth inequality increases on some (but not all) metrics for most countries under review.6

These findings suggest evidence broadly supports the claim that QE has disproportionately benefited the wealthy and exacerbated wealth inequalities. However, it may only be a small net impact as there are effects in both directions. While many households benefit from house price growth, those at the top of the wealth distribution disproportionately benefit from financial asset price increases. 

Regarding the Australian experience, the Housing and the Economy study by UNSW and University of Glasgow researchers surveyed experts and found that two-thirds of economists either agreed or strongly agreed that “ Monetary policy reliance on low interest rates and Quantitative Easing has exacerbated inequality by boosting the prices of housing and equities.” However, this was based on a sample of fewer than 50 economists, so we should note that it would be subject to substantial sampling error.

In a 2021 Agenda paper, leading Australian macroeconomist Stephen Anthony identified the contribution of QE to “the enormous widening of inequality across advanced economies.” Anthony saw some value in QE as an “expedient remedy for short-term crisis management”, but he was mindful of its adverse longer-term consequences, such as impacts on inequality and economic efficiency. The adverse efficiency impact can occur because cheap money can end up directing significant resources to “lower-valued activities.” These could include the activities of some tech companies that saw valuations soar as ultra-low interest rates meant that speculative gains in the distant future had higher expected values in the present (see Investopedia’s explainer How Do Interest Rates Affect the Stock Market?).   

While some studies suggest QE has primarily benefited the wealthy, some research has also found evidence to the contrary. For instance, a study by the European Central Bank (ECB) indicated that its QE program increased the net wealth of the poorest fifth of the population by 2.5 percent, due to QE lowering the interest rate paid by this group on their debts, compared with just 1.0 percent for the richest fifth.7 However, it’s important to note that the overall consensus from multiple sources and studies suggests that QE has exacerbated wealth inequalities and primarily benefited the wealthy.

This article was authored by Economics Explored host Gene Tunny. For further information, don’t hesitate to contact us via contact@economicsexplored.com.

Endnotes

  1. https://www.theguardian.com/business/2012/aug/23/britains-richest-gained-quantative-easing-bank
  2. https://www.positivemoney.eu/2017/04/ecb-shows-qe-benefits-richest/ and https://positivemoney.org/press-releases/qe-richest-gained/
  3. https://www.bankofengland.co.uk/monetary-policy/quantitative-easing
  4. https://www.positivemoney.eu/2017/04/ecb-shows-qe-benefits-richest/
  5. https://lordslibrary.parliament.uk/quantitative-easing/
  6. https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/full/10.1111/obes.12543
  7. https://www.ecb.europa.eu/pub/pdf/scpwps/ecb.wp2170.en.pdf, p. 17.
Categories
Podcast episode

AI in Finance: Empowering Investors with Real-time Market Insights w/ Andrew Einhorn, LevelFields – EP229

Andrew Einhorn from LevelFields shares insights into leveraging AI for financial market analysis. Their innovative platform is designed to detect key events affecting stock prices, enabling investors to react swiftly. The conversation covers the benefits of AI in democratizing financial information and the future implications for investment strategies. Disclaimer: Nothing in this episode should be considered financial or investment advice. Our aim is to provide information and insights to help you understand the evolving landscape of AI and investing. Always conduct your own research or consult a financial advisor before making investment decisions.

Please get in touch with us with any questions, comments and suggestions by emailing us at contact@economicsexplored.com or sending a voice message via https://www.speakpipe.com/economicsexplored

You can listen to the episode via the embedded player below or via podcasting apps including Google PodcastsApple Podcast and Spotify.

About this episode’s guest Andrew Einhorn

Andrew Einhorn is the visionary CEO and co-founder behind Level Fields, a groundbreaking company leveraging artificial intelligence (AI) to revolutionize the way investors interact with the stock market. With a career deeply rooted in technology and finance, Einhorn has dedicated himself to democratizing access to advanced investment strategies, making it possible for the average investor to make informed decisions swiftly and with confidence. Before establishing Level Fields, Einhorn led a successful event monitoring system company for a decade, serving publicly traded companies and offering insights into how market events affect stock prices. His passion for utilizing technology to enhance market transparency and fairness has led to the creation of Level Fields’ AI-driven platform, designed to scan the market for events impacting stock prices, thereby leveling the playing field between retail investors and the larger, more resource-rich players in the market.

What’s covered in EP229

  • Introduction. (0:00)
  • Using AI to analyze financial news and announcements. (2:47)
  • Using AI for stock market analysis and avoiding fraudulent companies. (7:19)
  • AI applications and their limitations. (13:38)
  • Using AI to analyze market data for investment insights. (18:24)
  • AI-powered stock market analysis. (23:26)
  • AI-powered investment research platform for retail investors. (28:01)
  • Using AI to analyze audio transcripts for investment insights. (33:12)
  • Using AI for event monitoring and investment analysis. (38:45)
  • Using historical data for investment strategies. (44:10)
  • AI’s role in investing and the financial establishment’s reaction. (49:19)

Takeaways

1. AI can help democratize access to investment strategies by scanning vast amounts of market data and financial reports that individual investors cannot monitor themselves.

2. Understanding how historical events have impacted stock prices can provide insights on predicting future price movements and avoiding losses from overreacting to news.

3. While AI is not a crystal ball, it can be a useful tool for investors when combined with human judgment, by automating tedious research tasks and identifying potential opportunities that may otherwise be missed.

Links relevant to the conversation

LevelFields website: https://www.levelfields.ai/ 

Andrew’s interview on the Side Hustle City podcast: https://www.sidehustle.money/1350142/14348901-revolutionizing-investing-andrew-einhorn-unveils-levelfields-the-game-changing-tool-in-stock-market-analysis 

Transcript: Revisiting Ricardo: The Rise and Fall of Ricardian Equivalence

N.B. This is a lightly edited version of a transcript originally created using the AI application otter.ai. It may not be 100 percent accurate, but should be pretty close. If you’d like to quote from it, please check the quoted segment in the recording.

Andrew Einhorn  00:04

Just like any new tech in the market, you’re going to piss off some people. And, you know, we’re trying to give some of these strategies to the general population and democratise access and everyone likes that.

Gene Tunny  00:26

Welcome to the economics explored podcast, a frank and fearless exploration of important economic issues. I’m your host gene Tunny. I’m a professional economist and former Australian Treasury official. The aim of this show is to help you better understand the big economic issues affecting all our lives. We do this by considering the theory evidence and by hearing a wide range of views. I’m delighted that you can join me for this episode, please check out the show notes for relevant information. Now on to the show. Hello, thanks for tuning in to the show. Today we’re exploring an exhilarating intersection, AI and investing. In this episode, we’re joined by Andrew einhorn the CEO and co founder of level fields, a company that’s at the forefront of applying AI in financial markets. Andrew and his team have developed a platform that scans the market for events proven to impact stock prices, allowing investors to make more informed decisions rapidly. For Andrew is not just about speed, it’s about levelling the playing field between the average investor and the big players in the market. As always, I’m interested to hear what you think about the issues we discuss on this show. So please get in touch and share your thoughts. You can find my contact details in the show notes. Before we proceed, I need to make a quick disclaimer. Nothing in this episode should be interpreted as financial advice specific to you. Our aim is to provide information and insights to help you understand the evolving landscape of AI and investing. Always conduct your own research or consult a financial advisor before making investment decisions. Right? Oh, we’d better get into it. I hope you enjoy my conversation with Andrew einhorn from level fields. Andrew einhorn from level fields, welcome to the programme.

Andrew Einhorn  02:15

Thanks, Gene happy to be here. Appreciate you having me on.

Gene Tunny  02:18

Excellent. You’re doing some very interesting things in AI and in applying AI to financial markets that I’m delighted to have you on the show to talk about so your company is level fields and the pitch is find better investments 1800 times faster. Ai scans for events proven to impact stock prices. So you don’t have to. Okay, so can you explain I mean, what are you actually doing there? Andrew? What’s this? What’s this AI? What’s it scanning? Can you please talk to us about that place?

Andrew Einhorn  03:01

Your Yeah, happy to, at a very, very basic level. It’s monitoring the market for events that are proven to move share prices, either north or south, and positively or negatively. If you know how a price is going to move, and you’ll learn about the event happening, then you can anticipate that move. And you can make short, mid or long term bets trades knowledge and information, you know, concrete piece of it would be you know, if the CEO departs from a large corporation like an Amazon, we have a data analytic system that shows that usually results for companies like Amazon in a price decrease of a couple percentage points, you know, what’s happened with Amazon. But the data also shows that within about three months, the stock is right back where it used to be in many cases, far above it. And we can see the different types of stocks, you know, smaller stocks versus bigger ones, profitable or unprofitable companies, they all react a little bit differently. If you take an unprofitable, struggling company, and the CEO leaves, the share price often goes up. People are celebrating that, hey, you know, hope is coming. Let’s bring somebody else in. And so the data set shows that and it alerts people of these kinds of opportunities, which happen in some cases 100 times a day, across 1000s of stocks that are in the market. And so we track all types of events, leadership changes, capital deployments, you know, being added to indexes. Investors coming in large billionaires coming in and buying positions and companies pushing for changes. We have lots of different event types and the ideas, you can just quickly find what’s going on in the market without actually reading very much, because the AI is out there reading all these company announcements, all the reports, they’re putting out the news that’s covering them. And just in the US alone, that amounts to about 6300. Companies, all making announcements constantly. And we get a large part of our information directly from those companies. But the reports can be long, it can be boring, and they can be tedious for somebody to read, even if they have the time to read the reports of 6300 companies, which is physically impossible. Unless you have a couple 100 analysts covering all the stocks, you’re never going to be able to do it as an individual. As a result, there’s a natural discrepancy in the market, where an average investor doesn’t have the resources or the time or even the knowledge sometimes to find out about all these events, to know what’s going on in the marketplace. So they’re constantly at a disadvantage to large hedge funds and asset management shops that do have the resources to scan the entire market to deploy capital. And if you want to test that theory, just ask an average person to name as many stocks as they can. I think you’re gonna stump people around the 20 to 30. Mark, everybody can name the seven, The Magnificent Seven, right? After that, they’ll start to slow down. Even very good seasoned investors will have a tough time after that. And as the reason is that, a lot of the media is biassed towards those mega cap companies, covering them all the time, making you aware of them all the time, because you click on it. And they can if you click on it, and you read about it, they sell more ads. So they keep writing about Elon Musk and everything he says on Twitter because it drives advertising revenue. But what it also does is really Rob, you have the opportunity to hear about all these other companies that are doing great things that the media doesn’t cover, or they don’t have the staff to cover. And so that’s where the AI comes in, it can monitor the entire market for you. And really, for the first time ever, you have a personal assistant in reading and understanding and analysing financial news and financial announcements. And you can take that and create a very customised AI search agents look for just this type of thing that you want. So if you say, You know what, I really love investing in energy companies, and you go out look for energy companies that are growing revenue, at least 10% growing earnings, at least 20% and recently increased their dividend by you know, whatever percent, I just alert me every time that happens, I don’t have to do anything, ever again, on my research, I’m gonna get an alert, right in my email, when my criteria is matched. And if that’s my investment thesis, then I just go along on on those investments. So there’s a lot of flexibility in the platform. And what we’re really trying to do is kind of break down that barrier that most people have, and not being able to monitor the market at scale, not being able to see those was really interesting. bull markets, or in some cases, bear markets, because we can go both ways, you know, in the, in the strategies, short and long, that are reacting to different macroeconomic events. And we see that on the basis of company financials, we see that in the basis of what CEOs are saying and our financial outlook. We see that in the basis of what the leadership is doing with capital allocation. And so, you know, an example is when, you know, when Russia invaded Ukraine, there was in the middle of a pretty decent sell off already in 2022. That was happening. And this really accelerated the market sell off. But there were some companies that were thriving. I doubt many people would know what those companies were could list them, but a lot of them were fertiliser manufacturers that are based in Canada and the United States. And the reason was, they couldn’t get fertilisers, which a large percentage of them came from Ukraine, Belarus and Russia, you couldn’t get them out of that region because of the conflict. So the price of these types of fertilisers was rising was doubling. And so companies that weren’t involved in the conflict and could export their product. Were then selling it for double the price. And so what we saw on the platform was a slew of fertiliser companies, increasing their dividends doing special dividends, increasing stock buybacks, and we’re sort of you know, beating earnings and we’re wondering what is going on with fertiliser companies? I had no idea I never bought a fertiliser company in my life. But you do two seconds of Google research you say okay, they sell this you know, potash potash is a lot of it coming out at Bell roofs, they can’t get it. Price is 100 percent bull market for fertiliser companies. And so this one company that I actually invested in, called nutrient because Canadian, you know, the share price jumped 75% In about two months. So, you know, if you’re an investor and you can go straight equity, you can leverage with options, stock options, you can make a lot of money on those types of things. But you have to have the awareness, you have to know those things are going on. And you have to have a system is sort of connecting the dots for you fast enough for you to react otherwise, you know, you’re kind of going to sit in the same 789 stocks forever, not really knowing why they’re going up and down. Yeah, gotcha.

Gene Tunny  10:43

Are you scanning social media too? Because I mean, some of the names, you mentioned them, and you think of some of these high flying CEOs. Many of them are engaging in risky activities, you know, go into space, and all of that. I mean, are you scanning social media for for, you know, hints of, you know, potential, you know, shock news,

Andrew Einhorn  11:04

we were a little bit, we kind of pulled back from it, because Twitter was cutting off access to their data sets and their API to third party developers like us. But we also found it for the most part, you know, we were relying wanted to rely on the company announcement as much as possible. We want to do overweight, potential pumping, dumps that, you know, market manipulation that can sometimes happen. We’re trying to protect, you know, the users and the investors on our platform. Because there are some savvy, bad actors out there that will utilise social media to pump up stocks and fake news. And, you know, sometimes, if you’re not watching closely, you can fall prey to that.

Gene Tunny  11:44

Yeah, that’s a good point. Yeah. So there’s a lot. Yeah, so yeah, you got to be careful, you don’t really know what, what’s true out there. So that’s a really good point. Whereas with the company reports, I mean, obviously, they’re, you know, they’ve got a legal obligation to tell the truth, but have been sometimes, of course, you know, there can be,

Andrew Einhorn  12:03

and that happens to they, you know, sometimes the reports are fake, there was a company. I forget the name, but the ticker was to T IO. And they faked all their financials. And it looked like, you know, they did this wonderful quarter, and they were growing by 5,000%. And it was like, wow, one of the scenarios in the events that we tracked is the short seller reports. So, in funds, you know, they specialise in kind of busting the fakers that are out there in the market. And so he saw in our platform, those short sale report went up on this, went out on this company to and said, you know, all the all the founders were criminals, and they had already been convicted fraud before. Looks like they’re doing fraud. Again, they investigated some of these alleged sales contracts that they had that were worth, like a billion dollars. And what the company had done was sort of open up like a shell LLC, create a fake purchase order back to the company, and use that as sort of evidence that they were driving sales up. And so the whole thing just fizzled out. And so you do you do see a good amount of that, you know, years back, it was luck, and Coffea, China, they were faking their arse. And a similar kind of hedge fund, you know, put up a camera and started counting how many people actually went into the luck and coffees and said, you know, if, if their numbers are right, then they’re they’re serving four times the number a couple of coffees and Starbucks. Yeah, yeah.

Gene Tunny  13:39

So I just want to talk a bit about the AI, because you mentioned you’re scanning these company reports and news from the companies. And so to an extent, you’ve got to trust what’s coming out of them. And what have you got, is it so people talk about, and this is what I want to explore with you, because I think pre show we were talking about how, look, there’s been applications of AI for years. And there’s been things like algorithmic trading, which I mean, I’d be interested in your thoughts on how close that is to the AI, whether that’s a true AI, that the public discussion about AI is just really taken off with these, what they call these generative, pre trained transformers, if you’ve got that, right, the GPT chat GPT, where we’ve got that interaction with a Can you talk about please Andrew, they’ll try to explain, like what you’re doing, is it a are you using a GPT? Is that right? And how does it differ from what other people have done in the past

Andrew Einhorn  14:43

now we developed our own proprietary artificial intelligence system. And the way you kind of think about it is, you know, the chat. gfpt is sort of the mouth of a body. And the stuff that we’re doing is more like The beating heart. Right. And so the interaction with AI through chat, GBT is obviously, you know, through chat, it’s a communication channel. And so that’s one deployment of AI. whereas ours is more sort of, like, you know, a monitoring, AI, it’s going and finding different pieces of information that are out there. It’s making sense of them putting them together, you know, it’s a little bit more like cognitive functioning, I should say, probably better, better than the heart analogy. And so AI, in general, can be anything, you know, very, very basic tasks, very, very difficult sort of self directed tasks, it sort of depends on on your goal. Chat. GPT is great, you know, for interacting, but it’s completely reliant on third party data that has already found the answer to the question that it’s now speaking, right. It’s not thinking and processing for itself, it’s going into a database of information that it knows. And then it’s extracting that information and then saying to you, and like, plain language, here’s what I found, you know, a little bit more like an advanced Google search. And so what we’re doing is we’re finding the answer, right? So if you ask a question, like, why was Apple stock down yesterday, you’re gonna get some message that says, you know, my, my training only goes to February 2023. We, you know, we don’t do real time analysis, or might say something like, Well, according to this one news article, you know, blah, blah, blah. It’s not doing anything on its own, it’s just summarization, our system is going out and coming up with an answer, because we are not only extracting what happened in that event. So let’s use the example of Apple. So Apple stock goes down yesterday, we find out that Apple made an announcement through our AI and AI identifies Apple doing a product release of vision, pro whatever. And then in the system, it’s identified that the share price moved down. And that was the only major event. So those pieces of information the AI then puts together and says the reason why apples down was this bullish event product launch, which, you know, seven times out of 10 is actually negative for Apple. Now that we have that piece of information, you could overlay something like a Chet GPT into our database and say, Hey, why was Apple stock down yesterday, it would look at our data, pull it out and be able to summarise, you know, coordinate a level fields. This was because of, you know, blah, blah, blah, like Apple stock was down because of a product launch that didn’t go well, instead of you. If you look at that at scale, and say, Okay, well, our system is more was a research agent that’s actively out there looking for information, assessing what’s going on analysing what’s going on, and then coming up with a data array of information, just showcase what happened. It gives you far more information about what’s likely to occur next. And I think the best example I can give is like a weather report. Yeah, here’s where it’s raining, here’s where it’s sunny, there’s an 80% chance that the rain is going to be four inches of rain. And it’s going to last for 12 hours. And that’s kind of what the analytics of historical data sets like ours can provide. And so if you are, you know, a type of person who wants to invest in stocks, but maybe doesn’t necessarily want to listen to someone’s opinion on CNBC, or, you know, one of these newsletter services, this is this is the next Amazon or these are five other stocks that are better than Amazon, you can actually look at the data set and see, well, this company had a big bullish event, this bullish event 80% of the time, ends up in a positive price return of 20% over the next X number of days, weeks, months. And so we’re trying to move away from that, you know, kind of human opinion driven stock market and move closer towards an understanding of how things normally play out. And a lot of the market, to your extent is is driven by algorithmic trading. And those trades, about 60% of the trades in the market are automated. And so why, how are they automated or automated on the basis of patterns that people are telling it to find? And so if you know how the algorithms are reacting, and you know what they’re reacting to, when you find the reason why they’re reacting, it’s easy to predict what happens next. And usually, they’re using some kind of technical analysis, looking at patterns and charts. And so the piece that we really plug in and say, well, these patterns and graphs and movements on the charts. That’s great. But events caused them. And so what we often see as the event happens, it starts to raise the price from the for the stock that that people are watching, then the algorithms see that price movement, because it breaks the pattern of some kind of technical analysis. And then the algorithms buy it and drive it even further. So you have that kind of double burst if you can get out in front of these events. Right. And that’s a lot of how the market moves. Yeah.

Gene Tunny  20:28

So yeah, a few follow ups. This is fascinating. Is your AI? Is it trying to then model how the algorithms will respond? Is it? Or are you just looking at the impact of events, so I know that you’ve from a previous interview, you’ve done your you’ve done a lot of deep research, we’ve looked at Google Scholar, you’ve pulled out studies, events, studies, which show how particular events impact the market, so you’ve got that information, or you also, and you know, there might be an immediate impact to you, then, are you trying to maybe to some extent, they’ve looked at this themselves, but are you then looking at how the market reacts through the reactions of all the other participants through the algorithmic trading, etc,

Andrew Einhorn  21:10

you look at an aggregate. So we think of market participants just broadly how it reacts, right, and in some cases, the system you can see, the speed of the reaction differs depending on the event type. For example, one of the events we track is an increase in dividend amount. You invest in dividend stocks are generally not moving really fast. You know, they’re there for longer term, they’re collecting dividends. And so the price action on that first event is relatively slow. Whereas other events, like a company being added to an s&p 500 index, there are big hedge funds that trade that specific scenario that have spent a lot of money to develop algorithms to buy shares, the second, the s&p organisation announces a new cause, you know, a new constituent in the index, that does trade very quickly. When we just show it, we just you can see it on the platform that they have, the average move is a percent done at an event like this. And if you start to look at some of the data, you’ll see it moves fast versus a dividend event, which may be moving slowly over several days, you know, and then if you’re looking at some of these things, in aggregate, like multiple dividend increases over the span of let’s say, a year, year and a half, you then can predict longer term gains, you know, a company that’s repeatedly saying things are good, so much, and they’re so good, we’re gonna give away money. And then that other pattern starts to reveal itself. And so it really depends how you want to use the system. And we’re, we’re very much the data provider using the AI to kind of showcase these patterns that exist all over the market. And in some cases, you can take kind of contrarian views or find these, you know, hidden gems that you would never see before. Just just just by having access to all of the data at kind of the palm of your hand. My favourite example is a stock called very, very active. It’s VR TV got bought out, but years ago, this was mid March 2020. We’re in the middle of COVID. And stock market selling off, we are going into lockdown globally. You know, the big ship is moving towards New York, you know, with extra hospital beds. And there’s there’s a there’s a panic. At that time, most companies, you know, are starting to slash their dividends. They’re looking at cost saving measures. There’s one company that came in started doing stock buybacks or buying back there shares. And it’s a very brave move. And you would think, stupid move for somebody to take their company’s cash right as we’re going into, you know, potentially a global depression and take that cash and start buying back their shares with it instead of using it for operating capital. Why would they do that? Well, this particular company is a engineering and kind of design firm. They build and sell direct to consumer product packaging, isn’t it that everybody used to sell through the big stores who had a product could no longer sell to the big box stores. They had to get it to your doorstep that required new type of packaging. In order to do that. The whole world was going through the same issue. Everybody’s Sitting at home buying stuff. And now you Commerce has completely shifted, this company is sitting in the middle of what ended up being a goldmine for them. And that precipitated a stock run of 2,600% growth over the next three years. And you would have never seen that had you not been following, you know, why would anybody be doing this random stock buyback in the middle of COVID. And so that’s the kind of thing that this system can can identify. And it’s, it’s, it’s a proof point that the macro economic event is either positively or negatively impacting, you know, these individual stocks. And you can’t, you can’t monitor the market for that kind of thing, because stocks still went down. That was a funny thing. And you hear people, you know, they’ll give a criticism, well, I just look to see what stocks are up. And when stocks are down, well, then it happens after Seminary has decided what to do. In this case, the stock kept going down for the next couple of weeks while the market sold off, and then began 26x run over the next three years.

Gene Tunny  26:09

Okay, we’ll take a short break here for a word from our sponsor.

Female speaker  26:15

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Gene Tunny  26:44

Now back to the show. Where are you guys? Do you in direct somewhere you’re in DC, the DC area or Baltimore? Is that right? Yeah, just

Andrew Einhorn  26:55

outside of Washington DC. We’re a Virginia based company.

Gene Tunny  26:58

Right authority. So Virginia rather than Maryland. And so if you’re you must have computer scientists on staff. Do you who develop this proprietary AI? I mean, what what’s your operation look like? Do you have? And you have people? Do you have actual analysts as well, I mean, you’re you solely relying on the AI to deliver the predictions.

Andrew Einhorn  27:21

We have all the above. You know, we have couple PhDs, some in linguistics, some in AI, some in physics, astrophysics, at do a lot of good in the modelling, and analysis work, we have those who have financial backgrounds, we have a lot of financial advisors that are from the street or certain hedge funds, previously, and sort of former lives that have helped devise the system. And so a lot of what we’re really trying to do is think, what are the big annoying, tedious, time consuming tasks that you have to do as an investor to figure out what to buy? And how can we automate that, all of it so that the barrier goes away. So you don’t have to sit there time and time again, doing a stock screen, or, you know, fiddling through a news feed for an hour and a half to keep up with what’s going on with your existing investments. We just want to streamline at all we want to give superpowers of investment research to an average person. So we started, you know, this process back in 2019. And it took several years to get it right. Part of it is built on historical academic models of others across the world that have studied, you know, how events impact share prices, some of them are original to us, others, you know, belong to hedge funds that we knew, use some of these event driven strategies and said, You know what, we could do this within our platform, let’s just put that on there. There should, shouldn’t need to have $10 million, you know, to be able to participate in the market. And so we saw subscription costs, very, very low, it’s the equivalent of $19 a month as our starting point. And then it goes up to 167 a month, depending on the tier that people are subscribing for, and the level of information that they want. But it makes it unique, more accessible to more people. So that you don’t have to rely on television stations, which frankly, are very often helping to push a narrative or push a particular stock, right? It’s often that these large asset managers are selling shares while they’re on TV talking about how great stock is because they need to sell 30 million shares. They need, you know, millions of buyers to offload those shares. Yeah,

Gene Tunny  29:54

yeah. So this is a you’re aiming at retail investors so you can Get this on while your browser or your phone, there’s an app for it, I imagine and you said their email alerts, is that right?

Andrew Einhorn  30:07

There’s email alerts. Yeah, we are, you can certainly access it from your phone, we don’t have a specific app, but we have mobile ready. And mobile accessible pages, you can get on your desktop, it’s very easy to use to try to make it as simple as like shopping for a flight on an airline. And unlike even unlike that, where you have to put in your destination, if you want, you can just browse to see, you know, what events that happened recently? And what are the price movements, quickly set an alert, and forget it, you know, and then the alert comes in, it will say, Hey, this is a bullish event. Share price typically moves, you know, X percent over time, or you can look into your own analysis, you know, based on the data that’s in there. So raw, we’ve tried to keep it very, very simple. Good one,

Gene Tunny  30:55

do you have any data on the performance of people who use your platform, or who you who use level fields,

Andrew Einhorn  31:03

we don’t track them. We have regularly, you know, get feedback, like thanks made a bunch of money on this are 1000 today that was, you know, bang for my subscription, 10 times, we do have a level we call it level two service. This is more of our white glove service where we have analysts that monitor the AI alerts. And they kind of cherry pick the best ones, and we’ve sent it out. And it’s really for people that want a little bit more help picking out your entry and your exit point that that service really outperformed our expectations. We we looked at the closed alerts for our first year of operating that and the return was 2,800% cumulative over the course of the year.

Gene Tunny  31:53

Right for the cherry picked alerts. Right. Okay. Do you have any data or any? I guess it’d be a very difficult thing to do. But of all the alerts, I mean, are you giving explicit bias buy or sell recommendations on with these alerts? Or are you just saying this, you should be paying attention to this?

Andrew Einhorn  32:14

Well, it will say, you know, this is a bullish event than in a bullish event, the share price goes up, right, so I tell them to buy, but it will say the share price is gonna go up, you can do whatever you want with that information, and it’s gonna go up by 3% in the first day, and then you know, 75% of the time by day 10, it’s going to be up this much. And so it’s really your job as the investor to say you how you want to play it, we have all types of users of the system, some will just buy it and make a quarter percent every single day. And others want to be able to just find the event that’s going to be up, you know, 100%, and they’re okay, waiting all year for two or three of those, which they do happen. They have others who have a lot of stocks in their portfolio. And what they’re looking to do is just find opportunities to make more money off the stocks that they have. So if they own apple, and Apple has a positive event, they get alerted to that. And they might sell an option contract for extra premium when this bullish event happens. Knowing that on day two, according to the statistics, that particular event actually pulls back to where it was people started to sell. So, you know, we’re we’re not trying to create the strategies per se, for folks, they’re there for the taking. And there’s a lot of guidance on the system. But the data itself is very revealing. It’s like, okay, if you knew every time you walk out the door, what the weather is, like, you know how to dress. This is the same thing. Like, you know what, what to do when these events happen. And that’s been a lot of the problem in the market is often people overreact, because they don’t know how bad the bad news is. They don’t know how good the good news is. And you see this like massive overreaction, you know, 2021, the whole year, but you see it all the time, you know, bow past where it’s supposed to be and then eventually pulls down and people get hurt because they buy at the top, and then they start selling on the way down and then stock goes back up. So, you know, it’s just as much about avoiding bad decisions, as it is finding good investments. And some of the events that we put on there we know, are 5050 they could go either way. You know, there’s a Tesla one on there as an example, and test the product launches. There’s a lot of traders that like to think, oh, every time there’s a new Tesla product, of course, Tesla’s gonna go up. It’s not true. After time goes down. And we we’ve gotten criticism for putting that event type on there. They’re like, well, like Can’t really trade this is 5050. And we’re sort of saying, well, that’s the point. Stop making bad decisions. That’s what we put it on there. So I knew it was like flipping a coin. Yes. Good point. Can I ask what? What markets you and you mentioned, you’re in, so equities in the US and there was what over 6000 companies on? Was it on the s&p. So New York Stock Exchange, Stock Exchange? Yep. Anything traded on the New York Stock Exchange anything on the NASDAQ, and we have some of the larger companies on the OTC so that includes foreign companies that have ADRs that trades in the US, it also includes, you know, the OTC Markets, which are some of the bigger European companies, like Volkswagen, is there. Yeah.

Gene Tunny  35:52

Okay. So just in equities? Are you in fixed income in bonds at all? Now?

Andrew Einhorn  35:57

Not yet, we’re just sticking to straight equities at the moment, although we do have a lot of option traders that use the platform to inform, you know, their particular option trades. Gotcha.

Gene Tunny  36:09

Okay. So as your competitive advantage, you’re getting this information quicker, because you’re getting a you’re looking at these reports that other analysts may not you’re getting a feed? Is it? Is it an API, you’re tapping into an API to get these reports? And then you’ve got the, the AI that analyses them all? Quickly? And there’s some AI magic there, it’s a neural net or some or something? Is that what is that what’s going on? You’re able to get this information in your Hoover it up, analyse it extremely quickly, and then push out the the advice is that essentially, what it’s about, in

Andrew Einhorn  36:51

a way? Yeah, I mean, it’s not necessarily a speed issue. You know, we certainly try to get the information as fast as we can. And largely, we get it within 45 minutes of an event taking place. Or being announced. We get the information ourselves, which means we data mined it ourselves, we pull it in, and we have it. And what the AI is really doing is it’s like a speed reader. So it’s reading 30,000 documents a minute. Yeah, okay, you just got through 30,000 reports. And then within that extracting 21 million events per year. And then looking at a group of events, saying okay, of these 21 million events, which ones actually move the share price and which ones don’t matter. And so then it’s selecting out about five or 6000 events that are known. We call them material events in their material to the share price movement. Once that happens, we’re then identifying what company had that event, pairing it with real time price action from the markets, to then correlate whether or not that particular event has had an impact on that particular equity. And then as we do that, for groups of events, let’s just say, you know, CEO departures, we have every CEO departure in an aggregate data set. And then you can look and say, Well, how to co departures, typically affect share prices, and it’s one click away. And there’s summary statistics that will show you okay, it moves in 4%. And it’s usually a bullish event. And then you can filter that information if you want. So, you know, is it the same cases in energy companies, as in tech companies? Is it the same case in large tech versus small tech, which is not the same case. So very quickly, you can kind of see, you know, with a couple filters, what’s going on there. And now that we have the data, yeah, you can get alerted to it. And you can act on it, if you want to trade it. Or you could just use it to do faster research. You know, by having all that you don’t have to read all that information yourself, because you just knew you now know what the main events are. For the equity that you’re doing research on, let’s see, pull up apple. In the platform, you put Apple Company page, and then you pull up a chart. And typically when you look at a stock chart, its ups and downs, ups and downs. Don’t know why it’s ups and downs, right? We’re just looking at it. And then normally, you would have to say, Okay, why did Apple drop 20% On this day? Let me go to look at a news feed. Let me go to the day of the news and look at the, you know, 300 articles that were about Apple that day and try to find information that would tell me why was it down 20% In this one day, you no longer have to do that. Because right on our charts, we have the event appended there that move the share price. And so you save yourself all that hassle all that time as you look at In Apple graph, you know, there might be 20 events, and each event is right before all those big movements on the graph, you can look at it that way, you could just scroll down the screen and see a list of all the recent events that Apple has has happened product launches, buybacks, dividends and so forth. And you just get within 15 seconds of view of, you know, what are the recent things that have happened to this company. And a lot of that is, is missing from the market today. Because if you were to go to something like a typical stock screener, and your brokerage system, and you’re gonna go, oh, I want to find out, I want to find a stock that has a great dividend, right? You’ll find these companies that have a 12% dividend. And you got to then then your research really begins because you get to find out, is there a weird reason why they have a 12% dividend, and then you pull up the share price? stock chart, and it shows that it was $60. And now it’s a $20 stock, which is why the dividend is now 12%. But why did it drop from $60 to 20? Now you have to go and do that research on our platform, you know, we would tell you, hey, you know, they’re filing for bankruptcy. You don’t need to do any research like that. But then it’s still what it is, they haven’t got it yet. So it’s time savings. It’s finding it investments, monitoring the market at large, setting your research process to be automated, but he’s AI search agents that you can use out of the box that we have or customised yourself, and really just see a lot more of what’s going on in the market and why it’s moving the way it’s moving. Right? So

Gene Tunny  41:43

you say AI search agents, out of the box that you have? Is this stuff you’ve developed? Or you’ve you’ve licenced from somewhere else?

Andrew Einhorn  41:54

No, we build everything from scratch, build everything. Right? Okay. So

Gene Tunny  41:58

you’ve How long have you been going have you been going before GPT and the GPT 3.5, for

Andrew Einhorn  42:06

where we started in 2019. Although I will say we had a company before this for 10 years that we operated, which also was an event monitoring system of sorts. Our client base was actually the publicly traded companies. And so the software system we built in that company did similar monitor events for large corporations. But it wasn’t geared towards investors, it was geared towards the public relations professionals that publicly traded companies. And so we’d see these patterns, and that, you know, something bad would happen, like if it was a train company, that train would come off the tracks for ash into a river or spill pollution, then the share price would plummet on the stock. And they would lose billions of dollars in market cap. And this would happen again. And again. And again, you know, same same type of event, same type of company. In other situations, you might have, you know, a data breach, like a cybersecurity data breach, then the company’s share price would fall. And so our software monitor that, and would send alerts to the corporate affairs and corporate communications people and they would get up in front of the podium where they would get the press releases out. And they would say, well, this wasn’t our fault. You know, they was actually the oil company that overloaded the train. And they would try to shake, save the share price by kind of blame. And so we have a lot of experience in that for 10 years. And then, you know, during that time, we’re like, maybe we on the wrong side of this issue, you know, we’re saving these people, billions of dollars a year. Maybe we should be using, you know, our knowledge and events to help make investments. And we sort of put that aside for a little while, sold the company and then started a new company and started checking with different ideas of what we could do with AI and how do we prove what we did the last 10 years. And then COVID hit in 2020. And it was like Aha, events, events, change everything that’s focused on events.

Gene Tunny  44:09

I do and day they’re doing day. You’ve got a fascinating backstory there. And I might, I’ll link in the show notes to a interview you did with on the side hustle city podcast, which was really good interview. And yeah, you told the full story and how you did consulting work for the Pentagon. I think it was and and then yeah, yeah. And your management, did management consulting, you did a grad, you did graduate studies at George Washington, if I remember correctly. So you’ve got an academic background, too, which is great. Yeah, so I’ll put a link in the show notes to that. I’ve just got a couple more questions. I’m wondering about hedge funds because one thing, some of the points you’re making, I’m thinking of that’s similar to the Ray Dalio Philosophy of because he’s he’s very interested in history and looking at how historical events played out and learning from those learning from events in the past. Imagine something, you know, Bridgewater or other hedge funds around the place, they must be interested in this sort of thing. Are they? Do you have any hedge fund clients? Are they like competitors of yours? Or how do you see? How do you see the other financial market players?

Andrew Einhorn  45:25

We don’t have a hedge fund clients, we certainly have some that have come to us. I don’t know if they’re pretending to be client or wanting to be a client, but they’re certainly interested in our methodologies and technology. I think, you know, just like any new tech in the market, you’re going to piss off some people. Have they cornered? And, you know, we’re trying to give some of these strategies to the general population and democratise access, and not everyone likes that. So we’re expecting it, you know, and the right now, you know, we’re for a self directed investor construct. The platform says it’s for personal use, commercial use, you know, will we make an API, you know, that can be accessed in the future? For certain types of data? Maybe, you know, we’re we’re looking at different ways that we could look, take our massive amounts of data that we have, and kind of enable different levels of processing of that data set. So yeah, I mean, it’s, it’s it’s an interesting marketplace, and that there are a lot of different strategies that people are deploying, there are large firms that have event driven strategies, some of them are fairly straightforward. Some of them are complicated. And it is a factor of historical information. But how you can utilise these patterns in the market to make better investments to make quicker money. I mean, the most famous trade in the world at this point was Bill Ackman straight during COVID, where he shorted the market while being on television, telling everybody to panic on CNBC, and made, you know, a couple billion dollars on that market short. And so the fund returned something like 75% that year. So when you can do those massive trades, then it’s great. You know, why? Why would you sit in the market all year, and watch, you know, these constant ebbs and flows of events, change the trajectory, or you’ve got wars that are breaking out, we have, you know, freighters that are being shot at oil prices are up, oil prices are down to nothing like you can’t, you know, and then you’re trying to be an investor and buy and hold philosophy, and then maybe you got a gain or you lose for the year, it doesn’t make sense to sit there forever, when you can just make that in a short period of time, hang out in cash at 5% yield, and then go back into the market when it’s safer. So our kind of method, or general philosophy really puts the buy and hold method on notice. And raw calls BS, okay, and says, you know, what, buy and hold is great if you’ve got the greatest stocks in the history of the market. But most of the time, it doesn’t work out so well. You know, GE, was the biggest stock in the s&p 500 in 2002. Now, it’s below where it was trading 20 years ago, that you’re buying and holding, you’re constantly losing money for two decades. You know, likewise, if you were to buy the s&p 500, in 2000, you would not make a single dollar until 2013 13 years later. So yeah, there’s a lot of these market myths about how long you should be holding and, you know, dollar cost averaging and things like that, that are that are kind of baked in narratives pushed by asset managers, banks, so you keep your money parked with them, and they can make money off your money. Yeah, look,

Gene Tunny  49:19

I think you make a lot of good points there, we might have to have you back on the show served over the future to have to have this discussion. Because I mean, I’m, as an economist, I am sympathetic to the view of, you know, just, you know, it’s time and time and time in the market beats timing the market, if you know what I mean. So I’m sympathetic to the view that the best thing you can do is just, you know, invest in the index and just let it grow over time. But I have to I do take your points. I don’t want to have a I don’t want to debate it out now. But it might be good to have a discussion in the future because I think it’s yeah, it’s a really important issue that you’re getting out there in terms of how we think about Investing.

Andrew Einhorn  50:01

Oh, yeah. And you know, I would just add that the argue, but it depends on your timeline. Right. Like it’s great. Yes. He’s got unlimited time. Fantastic. Eventually it’ll be right. Yeah, someday. But for a lot of people, they need to access their money. It’s an unreasonable assumption, you know that you’re not going to touch your money for 20 years.

Gene Tunny  50:19

Yeah. Yeah. I think one of the points. Yeah, it’s, it’s a, it’s an important point you’re making and I mean, one of the challenges like in Australia here, we’re we’ve moved towards individual retirement accounts, we move toward that in the 90s. And so a lot of people ended up, they’re relying on Super, and then, you know, what happens if you’re a retiree? And then, you know, the market goes down? 40%, like it did in the financial crisis, right. And then yeah, I mean, it’s

Andrew Einhorn  50:49

bad times every time when you’re 78 years old.

Gene Tunny  50:53

Yeah. People ended up having to keep working for for several years. But yeah, that was a that was an awful event. Right. Yeah, that bill, that was it. Bill Ackman. You mentioned with a, I’m gonna have to look up that. I mean, that’s outrageous. And that’s why, you know, that’s what outrages the public about, you know, the activities on Wall Street’s I remember seeing

Andrew Einhorn  51:14

it live. I mean, he just, he scared the hell out of me. When I was watching TV. I was like, I didn’t think it was gonna be this bad. But now I do. Yeah. Shocking. If you just Google greatest trade of all time. Yeah. You’ll you’ll see the data sources on it. But you know, the fact is, was that a lot of this stuff, that historical data gives you plenty of ammo for how to navigate the markets, for instance, the look back at Zika and SQL, but yeah, that was spreading and in 2016. And they closed the ports of Miami. And the cruise ship stocks, on average dropped about six and a half percent when they close those ports. COVID had a transmission inside the country for the first time in the US, I think it was in Houston. And cruise ship stocks went down six and a half percent. Same reaction to the virus just seven hours later. So there’s always historical reference. And you gotta remember that the people who are moving the markets are also looking at the history of

Gene Tunny  52:21

IT. Yeah. People like Ray Dalio is crew at Bridgewater. Yeah, absolutely. Very good point. Right. Final, final question. I just want to ask you, like, what’s the reaction among the financial establishment to this approach? Because there’s a, I was just wondering about it, because there was a very negative opinion piece by Gregory Zuckerman in the Wall Street Journal last year. So April 12 2023. Ai can write a song, but it can’t be the market quants have tried for decades with limited success. At the biggest challenge, all very negative about it. I mean, how do you react? What do you think about what do you think about that? I mean, what’s the what’s the reaction out there to what you’re trying to do?

Andrew Einhorn  53:12

Well, there’s there’s two questions there. The first is, you know, the, the article itself, I think is, has a little bit of a misnomer about what AI is, and only is right, there’s this belief that AI is sort of the profit, right, it’s sort of the crystal ball that can see the future because it’s, you know, super crunching all these numbers and coming up with perfect algorithms that humans can’t possibly imagine. And there are certain people that are working on that. But largely, that’s not what AI is, AI is, for the most part, replacing kind of grunt tasks that we don’t want to do anymore. Things that humans can do, the computers can just do faster and at scale. And so you know, when you say something like aI can’t beat the market, but it’s really saying is an AI created algorithm to beat the market won’t beat the market. And there’s been very little development of sort of AI generated algorithms. It’s usually a human using AI to crunch numbers and then coming up with the algorithm that it then allows AI to execute. So the human is integrated through the whole process. And just by that biassing, the outcome of this, you know, assessment. I would take the view that, you know, AI is a tool in the toolbox of doing whatever you want to do much like a hammer versus a power drill. Difference. Yeah, you know, you could go hammer out the nails, or you could have a nail gun. And the AI is the nail gun for most tasks. And so if you’ve got a nail gun, you’re gonna get your job done faster than the guy that’s sitting there. with a hammer, gotcha.

Gene Tunny  55:00

Yeah, yeah. Okay, so all fascinating. Andrew, really, really enjoyed the conversation, are you looking at extending into, say, Australia or the UK because your us focused or have I got that wrong, where

Andrew Einhorn  55:14

us focus, but we, we actually collect data in about 35,000 different equities. We’ve just been rolling out, kind of slow and steady to make sure we don’t overwhelm the user. Those stocks do include Australian stocks, they do include, you know, the London Stock Exchange. So, you know, if demand is high enough, we’ll provide access to that and the same model. A lot of the large stocks, you know, it’s in both of those exchanges, like AstraZeneca, for example, or, you know, forget big mining companies that are ADRs that do trade in the US. Trade in the US market, I was trying to remember what the big mining companies in Australia but not remembering Olga bhp,

Gene Tunny  56:01

Rio Tinto, so yeah, so

Andrew Einhorn  56:05

those are in the system, you know, as an example, okay. Because global again, and you know, anything above generally, about $10 billion market cap is going to be traded in the US exchanges. Gotcha. Okay.

Gene Tunny  56:19

Excellent. All right. Andrew, on hold, this has been terrific. Any final points before we wrap up,

Andrew Einhorn  56:25

I would just say, you know, if, if you’re interested, and you’re out jogging, or you’re working out at the gym, while you’re listening to this, the company name is level fields, AI, you know, text yourself, write it down. If you don’t feel like you can use it for your own investments, you probably know somebody that might please get the word out. We have a discount code of podcast 23 that you can apply. And you can get a discount on this subscription. Rod. Is

Gene Tunny  56:56

that all caps? So

Andrew Einhorn  56:57

does it matter? It doesn’t matter? No. Okay, excellent. The number 23 for level fields

Gene Tunny  57:03

mastering Okay, enter on well, and thanks so much for your time. I really enjoyed the conversation. And yeah, I really learned a lot. And for sure, this is this is part of the, the way of the future. So it’s fascinating to learn what people are doing out there like yourself. So all the best with it in the future. And I look forward to seeing more of what you’re doing in in future years. So thanks so much.

Andrew Einhorn  57:29

Thank you. I appreciate having me on and happy to come back and have that buy and hold debate. Good

Gene Tunny  57:35

one. I think about that for sure. Okay. Thanks, Andrew.

Andrew Einhorn  57:38

Thank you,

Gene Tunny  57:41

Rocco. Thanks for listening to this episode of economics explored. If you have any questions, comments or suggestions, please get in touch. I’d love to hear from you. You can send me an email via contact at economics explore.com Or a voicemail via SpeakPipe. You can find the link in the show notes. If you’ve enjoyed the show, I’d be grateful if you could tell anyone you think would be interested about it. Word of mouth is one of the main ways that people learn about the show. Finally, if your podcasting app lets you then please write a review and leave a rating. Thanks for listening. I hope you can join me again next week.

58:28

Thank you for listening. We hope you enjoyed the episode. For more content like this where to begin your own podcasting journey head on over to obsidian-productions.com

Credits

Thanks to Obsidian Productions for mixing the episode and to the show’s sponsor, Gene’s consultancy business www.adepteconomics.com.au. Full transcripts are available a few days after the episode is first published at www.economicsexplored.com. Economics Explored is available via Apple PodcastsGoogle Podcast, and other podcasting platforms.

Categories
Podcast episode

The Tax Reform Debate: Cutting Through the Spin w/ Simon Cowan, CIS – EP228

This episode examines the need for tax reform in Australia and debates various options for overhauling the country’s tax system. Host Gene Tunny is joined by Simon Cowan from the Centre for Independent Studies to discuss issues like bracket creep, the progressivity of the tax system, mining royalties, and negative gearing. They also analyse the political strategies around the stage three tax cuts. Cowan argues the tax system has become too reliant on income tax and higher-income individuals.

Please get in touch with us with any questions, comments and suggestions by emailing us at contact@economicsexplored.com or sending a voice message via https://www.speakpipe.com/economicsexplored

You can listen to the episode via the embedded player below or via podcasting apps including Google PodcastsApple Podcast and Spotify.

About this episode’s guest Simon Cowan

Simon Cowan is Research Director at the CIS. He is a leading commentator on policy and politics, with a regular column in the Canberra Times newspaper, frequent interviews on Sky and the ABC, and multiple appearances before parliamentary committees discussing the budget, citizenship, taxation and health policy. He has written extensively on government spending and fiscal policy, with a specific focus on welfare and superannuation policy. He earlier work focused on government industry policy, defence and regulation.

What’s covered in EP228

  • Australian tax system overhaul and cost of living relief. (0:04)
  • Tax bracket creep and its impact on income. (5:14)
  • Tax system and progressivity. (9:44)
  • Tax cuts and political strategy in Australia. (15:29)
  • Tax system in Australia, income tax reliance, and potential changes. (21:13)
  • Taxation, welfare, and the burden on working-age population. (26:02)
  • Tax reform and its challenges in Australia. (31:03)
  • Taxation and resource extraction in Australia. (38:05)
  • Australian tax system and potential reforms. (45:42)

Takeaways

1. Australia’s tax system has become overly reliant on income tax and needs to diversify its revenue sources.
2. Bracket creep is a real problem that has not been adequately addressed, particularly for higher-income earners.
3. Both major political parties have taken cynical, short-term positions on tax reforms that are not in the best interests of the economy.
4. Expenditure reform, including controlling the growth of programs like the NDIS, is needed to reduce the tax burden.
5. Lowering company taxes could boost business investment and economic growth in Australia.

Links relevant to the conversation

Simon’s article on the stage 3 tax cuts:

https://www.cis.org.au/commentary/opinion/labors-tax-backflip-all-the-easier-against-an-opposition-with-no-spine

AFR article (pay-walled) “Royalty hike and IR overhaul threaten critical mineral pipeline: BHP”:

https://www.afr.com/policy/economy/royalty-hike-and-ir-overhaul-threaten-critical-mineral-pipeline-bhp-20231119-p5el3y

QLD Government announcement on coal royalty hike:

https://statements.qld.gov.au/statements/95467

Grattan Institute’s view on tax reform: https://grattan.edu.au/news/thats-not-tax-reform-this-would-be-tax-reform/

Transcript: Revisiting Ricardo: The Rise and Fall of Ricardian Equivalence

N.B. This is a lightly edited version of a transcript originally created using the AI application otter.ai. It may not be 100 percent accurate, but should be pretty close. If you’d like to quote from it, please check the quoted segment in the recording.

Simon Cowan  00:04

So people were expected to live. I think it was about 10 or 12 years in retirement in the 70s. Now that she goes above 20 And these are all years where, you know, people are healthy and consuming. I mean, it’s a fantastic story as a society, we haven’t yet figured out how to pay for it.

Gene Tunny  00:32

Welcome to the economics explored podcast, a frank and fearless exploration of important economic issues. I’m your host gene Tunny. I’m a professional economist and former Australian Treasury official. The aim of this show is to help you better understand the big economic issues affecting all our lives. We do this by considering the theory evidence and by hearing a wide range of views. I’m delighted that you can join me for this episode, please check out the show notes for relevant information. Now on to the show. Hello, thanks for tuning into the show. In this episode, I talk about tax reform with my colleague Simon Cowan, who is research director at the Centre for independent studies is widespread agreement the Australian tax system needs an overhaul. But there’s a big debate over what reform should look like. It’s a debate that’s heated up ever since the federal government redesigned a legislated tax cut earlier this year, the so called stage three tax cut it redesign a tax cut, so it provides more relief for lower income earners, and less relief for higher income earners. The government has been accused of class warfare by the opposition. But the government claims is doing this because economic circumstances have changed and that this is the best way to deliver cost of living relief. Now there’s speculation the government may change other tax laws, particularly those regarding the taxation of investment properties. It’s going to be a highly charged debate on the Australian tax system this year for sure. This episode, Simon cuts through the spin from both sides and provides some great insights into what tax changes would be good for the Australian economy and community. As always, I’d be interested to hear what you think about the issues we discussed in the show. So please get in touch and share your thoughts. You can find my contact details in the show notes. Right? Oh, we’d better get into it. I hope you enjoy my conversation with Simon Cowell from the CIS. Dom And good to have you back on the show. Yeah,

Simon Cowan  02:26

my pleasure to be here.

Gene Tunny  02:27

Excellent. Simon, you’ve written a really hard hitting piece. This was one of your regular op eds in the Canberra Times if I remember if I forgot that, right. Yeah,

Simon Cowan  02:39

absolutely channelled a bit of my inner anger at the tax changes.

Gene Tunny  02:44

Yeah. So Labour’s tax backflip, all the easier against an opposition with no spine. So you basically rip into both the governing party, so the Labour Party, which is in government at the federal level in Australia now. And the opposition. So the opposition originally opposed this, what they what became known as the stage three tax cuts, which involves a flattening of the tax, the progressivity of the tax system, getting rid of one of the tax brackets, and there was an accusation that they provided too much tax relief at the top end. So I’m keen to get your thoughts on why you’ve, you’ve come out strong about on this issue, I’m just wondering, should the stage three tax cuts have gone ahead as proposed? Or would you have been willing to have accepted some changes in the interest of cost of living relief? Look,

Simon Cowan  03:46

so I think my ideal situation is to add the labour lower income tax cuts on top of the existing strikethrough package. So I think, you know, one of the things it’s quite reasonable for governments to do, especially when their boss surpluses distribute some of that surplus to its taxpayers, and so I would have been okay with a change that resulted in additional tax reliefs being provided to people in middle income brackets. I think there were other potential options that could have been added on so for example, they wanted to eat extra tax brackets, while also perhaps reducing some of the benefit from the stage three casting that might have been acceptable to because at least then it would have fixed the problem that the stage three tax cuts will design to resolve. But at the end of the day, my biggest concern is that this entire debate has been filled with terrible information, terrible assessment, labour and liberals have both taken what I think quite cynical and short term pull legal positions. And as a result, I think they’ve, they’ve banned the use to manage the handling of this whole tax burden. Right. Okay.

Gene Tunny  05:08

So what were the what were those elements of the stage sort of three tax cut? You like? Did you like the fact that it was becoming less progressive is that? Yeah,

Simon Cowan  05:21

so I think there’s there’s probably two elements that I thought were were worth preserving and worth pursuing. So flattening the tax brackets, I think was a good idea. But I mean, a number of people in sort of PAMPs, classical liberal ideas and suggested flat taxes, that appears to be politically difficult to do, but I would have certainly advocated for flattening your tax structure, to a large extent where most people who were working are facing the same marginal rate. Obviously, that system remains progressive. It’s not a regressive system, but it would flat in the brackets. But I think the bigger issue here is that people are in the top quarter or so of the distribution hadn’t seen any substantial return of bracket creep since about 2010. So there was a small benefit provided as a result of moving stage two forward during the pandemic. But since then, inflation has been running at seven or 8%. So we’ve got this enormous, ongoing impact pre that has been focused on the topic of the redistribution, we saw taxes cut, at the lower end is repeatedly in 2012 13, carbon tax was introduced, that compensation was was retained. We saw, you know, the initial stage one benefits, we saw the introduction of low and medium income tax offset. So there’s been a lot of bracket creep return across other parts of distribution, but none of it has been returned to the top end. And I think, you know, stepping beyond the politics of just least tax cut, we’ve now established a principle that says that higher income people no longer deserve to be compensated to bracket creep. And I think that’s a terrible law to introduce into our tax system. Bracket creep is only fair. It’s a it’s a stealth tax. And it shouldn’t be allowed to just run rampant because you’ve got a fascination and fetish of higher income tax. Yeah,

Gene Tunny  07:29

so bracket creep is the process whereby due to inflation, you end up in a higher tax bracket, even though your real income may not be any higher in real terms, because it’s just the effects of inflation. And suddenly, the government’s getting more money from you that you’re facing a higher tax rate.

Simon Cowan  07:49

That’s right. So your real, your real income stays the same, but your tax bill goes up. As a result, your disposable income, your living standards go down. That happens every year, bracket creep wasn’t a massive issue in the latter half of the 2010s, because inflation is so low. But since they and the massive injection of stimulus from the Reserve Bank and the government in 2020 21, drove inflation up to almost double digits across the western world. And it that bracket creeps taking a significant hit on people’s incomes and and you know, stage three, I think we’ve got some work coming out soon and analyses the the cumulative impact of that stage three, when didn’t return all that bracketry that had accumulated over the course of those 1014 years. And now that compensations been cutting hearts. Right.

Gene Tunny  08:44

Okay. So this is CIS. We’ll have some research coming out on that. Great. Absolutely,

Simon Cowan  08:49

yeah, we’ve got some some really good work being done by some of my colleagues that looks at and try looks at the issue of bracket credit, but also tries to correct the narrative that’s been pushed forward of these stage three tax cuts, costing hundreds of millions of dollars, based on the incredibly unrealistic assumption that there would be no return of bracket proof for more than two decades that that was just, I mean, that was a ridiculous assumption to make. It was my Western liberal party that has a vested interest in higher taxes. And it’s been accepted wholesale by the media is, oh, the State Street tax cuts cost all leads. And we saw, you know, the height of absurdity when inflation went up seven or 8%. And all this bracket Creek was ripping off people. These are the cost of steaks three has gone up and over $4 billion. What what an absurdity.

Gene Tunny  09:45

Yeah, yeah. So this is one of the reasons I mean, you know, the bigger reason is the higher commodity prices and higher corporate profits, but this is it’s made a contribution to the budget surplus that the treasurer has declared, hasn’t it? Yeah, yeah.

Simon Cowan  09:59

You Yeah, well as Australia is incredibly dependent on income tax, I mean, we do receive significant swings in revenue as a result of commodity prices in particular. But Australia globally is highly dependent on income tax, and as a result bracket is highly beneficial to the government. It’s one of the reasons I think why, apart from a very short experimentation, indexation, if you give a 70s or 80s, it’s you ever really seriously be considered? Yeah,

Gene Tunny  10:29

yeah. Yeah, I want to ask you about the structure of our tax system in a moment. But before we get there, I want to ask about this point about having a flatter tax system and because equity is, is, is there an equity principles with tax design, there’s vertical equity, horizontal equity. This This relates to vertical equity, and this idea that if you have a greater ability to pay, you pay more, which, you know, there’s a community acceptance of that, or there’s community support for that. But from what do you see as the advantages of having a less progressive tax system? Do you think our tax system has been too progressive? What are the Why would you actually try and reduce that progressivity?

Simon Cowan  11:21

Yeah, so that’s, that’s a really good point. So for the first few states, the tax system has been becoming progressively more progressive for a number of years now. And it’s because every time any tax reform is proposed, everything is analysed through the lens of does any benefit go to higher income earners? And the answer is yes. And that’s wrong. And instead of the appropriate way, if it needs to be analysed as across the whole system is the system as a whole progressive, what we’ve sort of defaulted to is every individual measure has to always be more progressive. So the system has become more and more progressive over time. And what we’ve seen is that the percentage of people who are not next, net taxpayers has increased from I think, slightly below 50%, to more than 60%. Now. And so the the tax burden is concentrating more and more on the top end of town, you know, this, this idea that the rich people aren’t paying their fair share, I think flies in the face of a lot of evidence. So there’s that component, like why shouldn’t you know, we need to reverse some of that excessive focus on on vertical equity. I mean, I think there’s also a horizontal equity argument that suggests that people who are working should be facing roughly similar tax rates, I think that’s a fairly obvious point, if you’re, if you’re working a job and receiving an income, the your circumstances are at least comparable to people who are working, even if their incomes, the slightly less, I think there’s also an incentive argument here, where what we’re doing is bringing down the overall rate of taxation, trying to lower some of the distance agents at the top in which, you know, we saw the highest income tax rates, lower, he was really invitees to the level that they’re at now. But since May, we’ve had a number of ladies NDIS levy came in I income tax levy that Abbott introduced early in his tenure. So we’ve seen this sort of slow increase in the top rate aside, so you, we should bracket. And I think we get each or get, you know, people are facing, you know, effective marginal tax rates in the 50s or higher. And I think there’s a benefit to lowering that. So it’s not so much. I mean, I think there are arguments why you want to reduce the focus, even in some respects, and I think what you actually really needs to do is lower the tax rates across the board. And this is one way to start that process. Right?

Gene Tunny  14:01

And is that that’s to encourage work effort and innovation, entrepreneurship. Yeah,

Simon Cowan  14:07

so absolutely all of those students, but I think there’s also a moral argument to this, where, you know, the government is acting as if your income belongs to them, and you should be grateful when they allow you to keep some portion of it. And and, you know, the analysis seems to be that people who are receiving government benefits or low income deserve more of the higher income people’s income than they do. And I mean, you know, I think there’s a moral difference there. People who people should be entitled to receive as much of the benefit of their hard work as they care and a tech to redistribute from the perspective of trying to sort of equalise incomes, rather than try only to provide a safety net to be at the bottom it. I think the more that our tax system tries to create that, that equalisation for equity purposes, and the less that it focuses on, on, you know, sort of the issue of absolute inequality, the absolute poverty issues that people bought again, I think that’s a mistake. I think people should be entitled to keep their income, regardless of the income level. They’re right.

Gene Tunny  15:30

And why do you get stuck into the opposition? Simon, what did they do wrong in terms of prosecuting or trying to get this stage three tax cut up? Yeah.

Simon Cowan  15:43

So look, I mean, a lot of people talked about Labour’s broken promises. And I’m happy to put the buoy to them as well. But I think this situation coalition had established a tax cut package over an absurd period of time. They didn’t really prosecute the case for stage three, at any point, they stopped prosecuting the case for stage three, well, actually, before the 2020. Election, effectively, I think they adopted Labor’s position that it was unfair, and they were just hoping this political pressure here, but in all honesty, I mean, I don’t think they they were committed to that process. I think they passed the stage three cuts for largely political reasons. And I think they abandoned them. The first chance they got this was about trying to minimise the tail vote in 2022, was designed to try and bind high income earners to the coalition in 2019. It was designed to try and wedge labour whilst they want office falling 2022. And you know, then they just said, Well, we’re not we’re not going to bother even trying to really defend this, we’ll just roll over, we will allow them to pass their legislation on on I think, very flimsy grounds. And that’ll be that’ll be it. The thing is, the coalition had two fantastic opportunities to address this issue. And so when they won the 2019 election, they could have fast track the process for the tax cuts so that they occurred within the timeframe of that government. So that, you know, the, this is preganglionic prepaying. And they could have said we’re going to restage to forward to next year we’re going to bring stage three for the 2022. And at that point, those tax reforms they believed in, they would have been on before the call, and they wouldn’t be in Facebook coalition whatsoever. And then, so they didn’t do that, when the pandemic happened. And they shovelled the equivalent of 275 $300 billion out of the door. They threw money at every half baked scheme that they could take off. You know, they had they doubled unemployment benefits, they had all this pay for people who were out of work, we tried to companies to talk about them. So it’s about anyone out there was all of this stimulus to everywhere, right, they brought forward stage two, they had a massive deficit. But they did not touch the stage during tax cuts, they did not bring them forward at any point, even when the issue of deficits didn’t matter at all. And I think they did that for political reasons. And because they didn’t believe in what they had proposed. That I think for that reason, and the fact that they rolled over so quickly on it, I think they deserve almost as much blame as labour does.

Gene Tunny  18:28

Yes, yes. The interesting point about the TEALS. So they wanted to keep this to, or they wanted to signal that they at least supported this idea of eventually having this return of bracket creep to the higher income earners, because there’s they’re under threat from these independents. In the the seats, where there are a lot of wealthy residents, such as a Lego spenders seat is at Wentworth is that where are they and all of that? Yeah,

Simon Cowan  18:59

I actually think this is a this is a fascinating little sort of piece of political analysis. So I’d be inclined to just have a chat our way through is that you go back to the 1970s, right? And we’d look at the distribution of how people voted. And overwhelmingly higher income people voted for the coalition and lower income people voted for lately. I think a lot of that had to do with the prominence and trade union leave the class based analysis that the left of politics was enmeshed in right. What we saw in particular then as well was that the percentage of people who had a university degree was was relatively small. See, because high income earners for for most of history have trended right, but university graduates have trended left. And so, over time as the percentage of university graduates increased, and they went through the economy and became it, you see the higher income earner vote shift to the to the left. So these blue ribbon coalition seats in the, you know, the sort of north shore of Sydney and you know that sort of to rack in places in Melbourne that had voted for the coalition, which are 100 gig, it was suddenly at risk. Now, you know, and this, this trend has been going on for a decade or more give you looking at American political analysis, right, almost all the higher income earners in the areas we’re hiring come on as a vote Democrat, almost none of them vote for the Republicans. And that hadn’t been the case as much in Australia. So we saw a massive increase in university students starting to shift to higher income voters further towards the left coalition seems this demographic shift, they see the shifting votes, and they think to themselves, what am I going to do to fix this problem? And so what they did was say, Okay, we’re going to create a, effectively a political witch, we know that Labour will repeal these tax cuts, almost certainly they get it offence, will say the only way to get a $9,000 tax cut for you higher income earners in Wentworth and elsewhere in North Sydney, and all those other is to vote for the coalition. But not just in the 2019 election, he bought a boat to polish in 2022. And so, you know, I think a lot of this was very cynically aimed at trying to, you know, provide a massive benefit to these higher income people in these receipts. And, you know, I think one of the reasons why the coalition potentially roll over on this so quickly is tears picked up all of those seats nearly at the last election. And there’s no real indication that they’re all coming back to the coalition anytime soon. So the benefit to them of fighting on this score seems I think, to be somewhat less, but it’s a result of demographic and political shift that’s been in place for decades now. It’s just sort of manifested in the last, you know, really, obviously, in the last two election. Yeah,

Gene Tunny  22:06

yeah. Yeah, I think you’re right there. Right. So I might ask you about the structure of the tax system. I think you were suggesting this before. In OECD D data tend to back this up that were toward the top in terms of the reliance of our tax system on income tax, aren’t we relative to your direct taxes? Do you have any thoughts on? You know, what would that you know? Are you advocating for switch in the tax mix? What would that look like? What are your thoughts on that, Simon? So look, I

Simon Cowan  22:41

think that, fundamentally, that’s where things should go. And as the Australian state gets bigger, which seems to be inevitable at this point, unfortunately, again, despite our best, as the Australian state gets bigger, we can’t continue to rely on income tax to find that borrows in government spending and almost no other country, in certainly in the OECD funds, an enormous state, primarily through income taxes. You know, what we see is these these sort of European welfare states are, they provide a lot of benefits and a lot of benefits, I think that go to the middle class, not just people at the bottom. And, you know, there’s a wide spread of benefits of total social security with those things funded by large scale indirect taxes. So Australia started down that path in 2000. But the GST was then hobbled, because of the deal that had to be made to get it passed. So it was restricted from the sort of offsetting, or the state income taxes, state taxes that were supposed to replace, if then proven quite difficult to increase. And I think one of the main reasons for that is, as Malcolm Turnbull found during the two weeks that he will put this issue back in 2016. The vast majority of benefit from a taxi next week would have to be given an act to people in conflict, Lauren, one people in compensation. So you end up with relatively low revenue benefits from changing tax rates, because you ended up having to provide even more benefit to people, you’ve bought them off, and then you’ve got a you’ve got another problem there, which is that over time, as I said, I think I said before, over time, more and more people have become net tax recipients rather than that tax payers. Yeah. And there’s no real prospect of that changing. So, you know, a broad scale increase in an indirect tax would shift that, but that would then require someone to prosecute that argument. Let’s see. I mean, that seems unlikely.

Gene Tunny  25:05

Okay, we’ll take a short break here for a word from our sponsor.

Female speaker  25:10

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Gene Tunny  25:40

Now back to the show. Yeah, so I’m just for clarity with this, these net tax recipients or benefit beneficiaries of the tax system. So we’re talking about you look at what people pay in tax, and then what they get back from the federal government in terms of transfers. And it’s not. It’s Is it a lot of what is often criticised as middle class welfare.

Simon Cowan  26:10

Yeah, so some of you it is, I mean, a lot of it too, though, is in terms of like, benefits from education and free health care and those sorts of things. So there’s, you know, there’s, you look at the concept of direct transfers, and offset that against income, and that, that takes a significant portion of the population out of pay tax, and especially with superannuation be tax free in retirement, that knocks out a massive proportion of society. And then you have a lot of I mean, even sort of top income quintile, you still see some government benefits, especially eternities of things like, you know, government support for schools and government support for for health care and, and seniors health cards, for example, those sorts of benefits that that it all adds up, right. And what we what we see is, over time, the number of people who are a contributing contributors is staying relatively constant, the number of net recipients is increasing, and more and more people are going to have to shoulder the tax burden. Again, if you look back to the 1970s, there’s a dependency ratio of people who are overworked people who are not in work, but something like seven to wildland now that’s falling towards almost two to one three to one. And that results in a huge increase in the burden on people who are working to fund those who are not.

Gene Tunny  27:42

Right. So historically, we had, yeah, I don’t I can’t remember the exact figures. But you know, seven to one, so seven workers for every person who was retired, and it’s fallen to two to one or whatever it is. Yeah,

Simon Cowan  27:57

yeah, I think it’s I think it’s about it’s my recollection, last generation of borders, that it’s now gone, I’m sure that it’s going to head to three on potentially lower over time. Yeah. And that’s, I mean, that alone is a real problem. It’s one of the reasons why we’ve been so concerned about an ageing population. And there’s a whole bunch of factors that play to that. I mean, a lot of it comes down to increases in life expectancy, both at birth and life expectancy in retirement. So, you know, people were expected to live, I think it was about 10 or 12 years in retirement and seven years, now that she goes above 20. And these are all years where, you know, people are healthy and consuming. I mean, it’s a fantastic story as a society. We haven’t yet figured out how to pay for it, or Yeah,

Gene Tunny  28:48

exactly. And particularly this NDIS. That’s hugely costly. And we’re struggling to control the cost of that as well. On the the switch in the tax system toward more indirect taxes. I mean, Australia has a GST of 10%. But it doesn’t apply to fresh food. It doesn’t apply to health and education. That’s that deal you were referring to with the Democrats. The other thing is, yeah, the the other point you’re making is there would be compensation. I mean, given the politics of it, they’d have to compensate lower income earners, because it’s going to fall. Well, they that lower income earners a higher proportion of their their income spent on consumption, and so therefore, they’re going to it’s going to affect them more in proportional terms. Right. Yeah, exactly.

Simon Cowan  29:41

And I think so the bargain, it’s been at the European particular, is effectively that they’ve been willing to accept higher taxes on the middle class, in exchange for a broader based welfare system. And, I mean, it’s like an explicit deal, obviously, but that wasn’t Basically how all this was was done, and it wasn’t done in the last 10 or 15 years, this is the process has been in place for decades now. And what we have is a portion of Australian politics was effectively trying to create the spending half of that deal. But funded by taxation on only the quote unquote, Rich. So and it’s it creates a fundamental mismatch to the I keep getting given this idea that you can get more from government, on average, and give to government on average. And that simply can’t be true for the bulk of the population. That’s a systemic debt problem. If, if that’s the way that things are organised, but we keep being told that, you know, for example, we can, the NDIS can grow at 40% a year and Social Security can continue to grow, and pensions can be next to wages, all of these things can happen. And the rich and multinational corporations and somehow pay for it all. And I’d say I think that’s a very short sighted and unrealistic approach to a tax system. But, you know, we’ve had a number of attempts, increasingly futile, in the last, I would say 1515 years to reform to undertake a wholesale reform of the tax system, which would allow us to move a lot of pieces at once, rather than try to move any individual piece. Yeah, those attempts have been frustrated. Time and time again. I mean, you only have to look at the Henry Tax Review. Where I think the Rudd Government cherry pick one of about 70 Something he recommendations and, you know, we had Joe hotkey to cover his own tax review. And I don’t even think that got to the point of making recommendations before it was cancelled. Yeah,

Gene Tunny  31:56

that’s because yeah, Turnbull came in and cancelled it. It was a bit. Yeah, it was really, it was actually I think they were doing a good job because I was just on my old tertiary colleagues were Roger brake, and Graham Davis, were running that. And I’d often catch up with them. When they’re in Brisbane, I thought they were doing a great job. They’re going around the country, talking to people and finding out what they thought about the tax system. But when Turnbull got any word interested, sadly, yeah,

Simon Cowan  32:22

and I think that’s, I mean, that’s sort of part of the background raising why why I was so harsh on the coalition in relation to this tax reform package, because I think, you know, they had an opportunity to reform spending through the commission of audit, and they bungled that because the West Australian Senate rerun in 2014, they had an opportunity with the tax reform process, and then their, their leadership spills No, as adequately captured on this, this a recent ABC programme nemesis, fundamentally undercut a whole suite of policy reforms plus a number of different areas. We had this supposedly, broad tax, the stone foam package that was introduced in sort of 2017 2018 that a lot of that is now not going to happen. So when was the last time we had a substantive? Like a real look at that tax system? It’s, what 15 years? Yeah,

Gene Tunny  33:17

that’d be right. Since? Yeah, the Henry review, which would have been started in Yeah, it must have been an OA because I remember contributing to some of just one of their early documents. I can’t remember. Yeah, so it must start at? Oh, 809 10. Yeah. So yeah, yeah.

Simon Cowan  33:33

Well, that’s because it’s Kevin Rudd, when he came into office, started two fairly substantive processes. One was the review on welfare spending in 2009, that resulted in effective and locking in a massive increasing age patient for decades on end. And the Henry view was sort of the other bookend of that. But we ended up with a locked in spending and the tax reform sort of got abandoned. And now what we see is people who are trying to increase the size of the state and increase revenue are effectively trying to pick off individual tax bases one at a time. So you know, and see the push, having overturned the stationary tax cuts a week ago, we’re now already on to negative gearing and capital gains tax reforms. And, you know, I saw a tweet today from from a researcher at competing think tank, the effectively said, you know, none of these reforms are going to have a big impact on house prices, we should just do them so we can get the revenue. I mean, I think that that sort of explains a lot about how we’ve gotten to where we’ve gotten on on our tax reform process. Yeah,

Gene Tunny  34:41

yeah. I think I saw the same thing on LinkedIn. If it was from Brendan Coates was, yeah, Brenda’s I’ve had Brendan on the show before. So Brendan is an old colleague of mine, but yeah, I mean, gratins got a particular view on what they see is, you know, excessively generous concession And to landlords and also on Super. So I mean, that’s, like, broadly what do you think about all of that? Simon? I mean, the, like, if you look at the tax expenditure statement from the treasury, they will be reporting significant amounts of money in in well, they’re not tax expenditures, they report the concession for negative. Yeah, or the deductions for negative gearing, and then they report tax expenditures on things like super. I mean, what are your thoughts on those items and the logic of making changes there? Well,

Simon Cowan  35:37

I think a number of those measures are deeply unrealistic. They are effectively and should so you know, look at the numbers that are applied with superannuation concessions, and they assume that you’ll play a full marginal rates on your contributions, you’ll pay full marginal rates on your earnings in the farm, that you buy full marginal rates and earnings at the back end. There’s no retirement system in the world. The South even vaguely like that. Yeah. Right. So so this idea that there’s this massive honey bonds, people have money that can be taken from I mean, if you apply punitive taxation rates to saving and yeah, you might be able to get some revenue from that. But that doesn’t make it a good idea. And it doesn’t make it a realistic comparison. And so, you know, when you see it applied to a more realistic benchmark, the cost of those concessions fall dramatically. I think there are a number of reasons why super should have been reformed substantially during the last term of government, I would have identified a slight strolling increase in the compulsory contributions, because I didn’t think that was a good thing for people, especially when incomes were growing at such a low rate, why the government would force you to contribute that income to effectively an industry super fund seemed like a bad idea to me. But it went ahead anyway. That I see a lot of these tax measures and the tax expenditure statement, and the idea that, you know, this measure costs x billion dollars is set against such an unrealistic benchmark, it creates an expectation that, you know, that people would be able to just pull in this massive increase in revenue. So what I mean, what’s the alternative? We have no discount to for capital gains to reflect that that returns are impacted by inflation? We have no ability to offset losses against other income. I mean, these are non controversial measures in most tax systems. And they are they seem to be controversial here because we analyse them, at least in part, because we analyse the limits this unrealistic standard that says they cost way more than they actually do.

Gene Tunny  38:05

Yeah. Yeah. On the deduction of losses against you can deduct it from other, you know, reduce your taxable income, if you lose money on your rental property, which is what we call negative gearing. I mean, historically, they did try to get or get rid of negative gearing or let you only, like, reduce your rental income to zero. So sorry that they don’t. Well, yeah. So if you made a loss, you couldn’t then use that to reduce your other taxable income. So labour income, so you pay less tax, you could you could, you could effectively pay no tax on your rental income, but they wouldn’t let you get a benefit. Or the Yeah, so that’s, that’s the idea. But they did reduce, get rid of it in the 80s. And they’re all these headlines about, you know, as causing problems in the Sydney rental market. And as rents are going up, you can’t get a property with landlords were withdrawing. So I mean, my feeling is a chamas is probably bright enough not to go down that path. And he’s probably I think he’s still, you know, talks to Paul Keating regularly, so expect Keatings probably advising him on that not to go down that path. And

Simon Cowan  39:22

rents have been increasing ignore this too, right? Why would you take a chance on that? But I mean, just on the fundamental principle here, so if you want to quarry, see your income from property so that you can assess your losses are going steady income, that’s fine. Right. But what you can’t do or you shouldn’t be able to do then is assessed positive positively geared property on top of YG income. So right now, all of the if you may, if you’re if your property makes a A guy that is taxed at your full marginal rate. The converse of that is if you make a loss, then it’s deducted for your tax at your full marginal rate. Yeah, yeah, I’m okay. If you want to say, Well, look, you know, Rental property income should be quarantined. So you get a second, you know what, you get a tax free threshold and you pay when you might make $1,000 a month, you pay no tax on that. You want to do that? That’s fine. Right? I’m okay with that. What I’m not okay with is saying, on the one hand, if you make it gay, we’re going to tax that as much as we possibly can, on the other hand and make a loss, then you just got to you’ve got to eat. Right. I mean, that just seems like fundamentally unfair approach to it, where the government wins no matter what. And, you know, I’m not a big fan of the government winning no matter what.

Gene Tunny  40:54

Exactly. So yes. Yeah, there’s a Yeah. You know, it’s gonna heat up again, it is heating out that debate. And yet, I think the the, the logic behind what’s called negative gearing is is is lost, it’s absent from that debate, sadly, becomes, yeah, yeah.

Simon Cowan  41:12

And I mean, the Henry review, looked into this and proposed what seemed like a relatively good solution, because there is an issue with different types of saving being taxed different ways. So you know, there’s some things that are very incentivized, like, for example, owning your own home, there are some things that are strong, but not as strongly incentivized, like superannuation, and probably investing in, you know, in retail property. And there’s some things that are highly disincentivize, which is a lot of other types of savings. If you want to equalise a lot of that stuff in a way that reflected the, you know, some of the risk profiles on the longevity of holding those those instruments, that’d be fine. But that’s not the debate that we’re having. We’re not talking about having a coherent the fair tax system across the board. We’re just saying this one thing we cherry picked, this looks unfair to me, therefore, we should get rid of it.

Gene Tunny  42:13

Yeah, yeah. That’s the debate we’re having for sure. What about resources? Simon, have you thought about that? Because I mean, one of the things you often hear is ours, we haven’t, we’re letting these mining companies rip us off, and we’re not taxing them properly, or the the royalties aren’t high enough. We’re not taxing their super profits. And we’ve missed the opportunity that the Norwegian, you know, the Norwegian set up this huge sovereign wealth fund. That’s worth I don’t know, however many hundreds of 1000s of dollars for every Norwegian it’s, it is mind blowing. What do you think of that? The What do you think about resources, taxation? Have we missed an opportunity there?

Simon Cowan  42:51

So look, I’m very sceptical of anyone that says the word super profits, because I think super profits are defined as any amount of money that I think is big enough that I could take. So I don’t like that concept. I mean, I think he’s there an argument that the states have systemically underpriced the world is that they have charged in order to incentivize people to set up mining operations in their state, particularly up where you are. Yeah, I think that’s probably right. The states could have charged way more for their resources than they did. They chose not to do that. That’s a choice that they get to make. I’m you know, I’m, I’m sort of somewhat always it’s pause when I see a proposal that federal government take even more revenue from things that were traditionally revenue for the states. So, you know, I think if there’s an issue, we underpricing those royalties in the state, should we increase their royalties, and that would result in them having them having some more revenue that they could spend. And then I mean, when it comes to deductions, this idea that there are companies that are paying no tax, and therefore that’s unfair. So offsetting your tax liability against past losses, which is what’s happening with most of these 90 enterprises, is completely non controversial, and not a drama really, of any kind. So if your operation makes losses for 10 years while you are searching for mineral deposits, and then you eventually find one, you get to offset those 10 year losses against your first year of profits. And, you know, you have to tax a profit, not a loss. So that’s, that’s, you know, that’s, and that accounts for so much of these super profits that are being offshored or, you know, but people are worried about I mean, it’s just offsetting tax against previous losses. There is an issue around structuring global tax operations in a way that minimises your taxable liability. However, as Kerry Packer once famously said, you know, minimising your tax you’re, you’re an idiot, everyone minimises their tax. So, if the system is set up to allow people to minimise their tax, they will. There’s a lot of smart tax lawyers and accountants who can set things up in a way that minimises those, those taxes. And that’s being done completely legally. And if you want to change that more than then go ahead, but you’re going to struggle with the fact that you’ve got to force other countries to play ball with you on that score. And if you raise your domestic taxation of global companies too much, all disappear. Yeah, yeah,

Gene Tunny  45:42

that’s one of the concerns we’re having. I mean, I’m old. I’m all for making sure that these companies aren’t, you know, they’re not doing things that are sketchy. And they’re actually they are abiding by the law. And the Australian government has introduced measures to ensure that there’s work at OECD the BEPS initiative, whatever it is, I was just thinking about that point you make about discouraging investment and that yeah, that is a risk. And, you know, historically, we, like Queensland, for example, where I am, and you’re talking about Queensland. Yeah, I mean, the Treasury at the time, they probably did have they set really competitive royalty rates to attract the investment. And we were after the investment to develop these export industries, which have been usually beneficial economically for our region’s for the state budget. And that sounds like a good thing, doesn’t it? Yeah. Yeah, I’d say so too. And I guess we’ve had this competitive federalism. Yeah, yeah. And we’ve had this controversy recently, where the state treasurer, it was a bit of a surprise, Cameron dick, you know, introduced this more progressive royalty system for coal, and now we’ve got the highest royalty rates for coal in the world. And, you know, it was almost motivated by being a super profits tax. And now the the resources sector is saying, and BHP has come out and said, all this is, yeah, we’re not going to invest in in Queensland anymore. Other companies have said similar things. I’ll have to put some links in the show notes to make sure I get the details. Right. But then, you know, the government’s gonna go well, they would say that I mean, that’s, that’s, you know, that’s big mining. So, you know, when?

Simon Cowan  47:27

Yeah, and I mean, ultimately, right. Why? Because I’m a big believer in competitive federalism. Yeah. States have a right to run that experiment. Yeah. You think they would, they would just say that they do it. See what happens? Yeah, yeah. But where the consequences? Right. That’s, that’s the thing that annoys me a lot in the debates about state tax and issues with state state budget issues is the way that the GST distribution is set up, actually discourages states from taking those initiatives. Because if they do the right thing, and they create all of this additional growth, they lose sight of their GST distribution in effectively offset, you know, for for doing the right thing economically, you’re far better off to just as the West Australians did just take the aeroplane down the camera and say, please fill up my pipe with a lot of money, Mr. Prime Minister, because we have been unfairly denied our fair share of GST revenue. And you know, that without wanting to get to sort of jargony technical about it, that vertical fiscal imbalance between the states and the federal government causes a lot of efficiency issues, I think in the way that that that we deliver locally, our tax system and the way that we deliver our services. And so, you know, I’d be a big fan of fixing, like, if there was to be a large scale tax reform, aside from lowering the overall tax burden, the biggest thing we could do is shift a whole bunch of revenue options to the states, allow them to compete with each other for business and growth. But remove some of that vertical fiscal imbalance and stop the big ego. Yeah,

Gene Tunny  49:10

absolutely. Stop the blame game. Stop them. Yeah, saying, Oh, we don’t have the money. The federal government’s got all the money. Give us them all. Now. It’s

Simon Cowan  49:19

I mean, it’d be NFS across so many areas, right. Have a look at have a look at what it’s done to defence policy in the last 15 years. You know, that because of the South Australia invests money in the defence industry and the need for governments of both sides to buy votes, he said, Australia, there’s this constant pressure to spend defence procurement dollars in South Australia. And that result seems suboptimal procurement decisions all the time.

Gene Tunny  49:48

No doubt about that. Okay, we’ve we’ve had a wide ranging discussion about the Australian tax system. So I’m going to wrap up what are your what would be your broad parameters or broad themes or Have a genuine tax reform. Okay.

Simon Cowan  50:02

So I mean, I think the first thing that we should do is rely on the bracket played somewhere and say, this is going to be sure bracket great. If you want to increase taxes, you have got to get people to vote for it, not just have it happen automatically over over and over again. And then I would love for us to attempt to resolve some of the efficient taxes in economy, particularly some of those leftover state taxes that that were still around from the GST. switchbacking in 2000, I think there’s still some some sort of workers compensation insurance and other things at the state level that could be gotten real. You know, we always talked about the stamp duty for land tax, which I think there’s a, there’s a, there’s an issue with that. Overall, I’d love to see a lower company tax rates substantially, to attempt to increase business investment, need Australia, I’d be taking a company tax rate down to 20% or lower. And then I think we need before we were to do anything more substantive than that we need expenditure reform, so that we could go about reducing the tax burden substantially. And part of that, I mean, a big part of that, I think is getting in control of what’s happening in the IRS, and elsewhere. Reforming and sort of shifting the debate around things like education and health care away from how much money can I spend to what am I getting for, for my investment. And then also around, you know, around infrastructure, we spent so much money on infrastructure, that’s that’s just horribly inefficient, and poorly designed, managed and operated. And we could, because a lot of it sits off the budget. It’s not visible, but I’m sure that we could do things a lot better than we are right now.

Gene Tunny  51:58

Yeah, absolutely. I mean, we can certainly do things better than that snowy, 2.0 project where we’ve got a boring machine stuck in the tunnel. What an absolute debacle. Yeah. Well,

Simon Cowan  52:11

so you’ll be interested to know your listeners will be interested to know we’ve just stood up a programme on on energy. Yeah. And, you know, one of the big focuses of that programme is to bring some transparency to the investment decisions that are being made by GFI in the clean energy space. I a lot of climate change and climate change person by any means. But I’m a big believer in government, doing things in accordance with the rules and the principles, right. I don’t think you get to skirt the rules because of the desire to have a particular political outcome. I’m actually a lot of that tapping energy. So that’s a big deal for us. Yeah,

Gene Tunny  52:52

very good. Okay, Simon. Awesome. Thanks so much for your time. It’s been it’s been terrific good to catch up with a colleague and to chat about the big issues of the day. So, Sharif, thanks again. Thanks, buddy. Appreciate. Right. Oh, thanks for listening to this episode of economics explored. If you have any questions, comments or suggestions, please get in touch. I’d love to hear from you. You can send me an email via contact at economics explore.com, or a voicemail via SpeakPipe. You can find the link in the show notes. If you’ve enjoyed the show, I’d be grateful if you could tell anyone you think would be interested about it. Word of mouth is one of the main ways that people learn about the show. Finally, if your podcasting app lets you then please write a review and leave a rating. Thanks for listening. I hope you can join me again next week.

53:54

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Credits

Thanks to Obsidian Productions for mixing the episode and to the show’s sponsor, Gene’s consultancy business www.adepteconomics.com.au. Full transcripts are available a few days after the episode is first published at www.economicsexplored.com. Economics Explored is available via Apple PodcastsGoogle Podcast, and other podcasting platforms.

Categories
Podcast episode

Revisiting Ricardo: The Rise and Fall of Ricardian Equivalence

This episode of Economics Explored explores the theory of Ricardian equivalence, a proposition that fiscal policy measures like tax cuts or stimulus payments may not effectively boost the economy if households anticipate higher future taxes to pay off government debt. Host Gene Tunny explains the concept originating from David Ricardo and popularized by Robert Barro, involving ultra-rational consumer optimization over infinite time horizons. While an elegant theoretical model, Ricardian equivalence relies on unrealistic assumptions and fails empirical tests. Evidence shows households do increase spending after rebates or transfers, although not always by as much as policy makers would like. Ultimately, while the merits of discretionary fiscal policy are debatable, Ricardian equivalence is too extreme a hypothesis. Households do not behave as ultra-rational dynamic optimizing models predict.

Please get in touch with us with any questions, comments and suggestions by emailing us at contact@economicsexplored.com or sending a voice message via https://www.speakpipe.com/economicsexplored

You can listen to the episode via the embedded player below or via podcasting apps including Google PodcastsApple Podcast and Spotify.

Takeaways

Five takeaways from this episode are:

1. Ricardian equivalence is an elegant theoretical model but relies on unrealistic assumptions about rational consumer behavior.

2. Empirical evidence overwhelmingly finds that households do increase spending after tax rebates or fiscal stimulus, contrary to Ricardian equivalence predictions.

3. Related concepts like Friedman’s permanent income hypothesis are more nuanced but also face limitations in fully explaining consumer decisions.

4. While fiscal policy faces challenges, Ricardian equivalence is not a compelling argument against its effectiveness due to failures of the underlying theory.

5. Examining economic models against real-world evidence is important for evaluating their validity and implications for policy.

Timestamps

  • Introduction. (0:00)
  • David Ricardo’s economic theories and their relevance today. (5:30)
  • Ricardian equivalence in macroeconomics. (11:02)
  • Consumption function and fiscal policy. (17:48)
  • Rational economic models and their implications. (23:18)
  • Ricardian equivalence theory and its limitations. (26:41)
  • Ricardian equivalence theory and its empirical support. (33:59)
  • Consumer spending after receiving tax rebates. (39:10)
  • Ricardian equivalence in economics. (43:55)

Links

Previous episode in which Ricardian Equivalence was mentioned:

https://economicsexplored.com/2024/01/11/the-limits-of-fiscal-policy-insights-from-tony-makin-alex-robson-others-ep222

Robert Barro’s 1974 article “Are Government Bonds Net Wealth?”

https://eml.berkeley.edu/~saez/course131/Barro74JPE.pdf

James M. Buchanan on “Barro on the Ricardian Equivalence Theorem”

https://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/abs/10.1086/260436

Geoffrey Brennan and James M. Buchanan on “The Logic of the Ricardian Equivalence Theorem”

https://www.jstor.org/stable/40911555

John J. Seater on “Ricardian Equivalence”

https://www.jstor.org/stable/2728152

T. D. Stanley on “New Wine in Old Bottles: A Meta-Analysis of Ricardian Equivalence”

https://www.jstor.org/stable/1060788

Economist 2008 column “Ricardian equivalence is dead”

https://www.economist.com/free-exchange/2008/05/19/ricardian-equivalence-is-dead

Anrdrew Leigh’s paper “How Much Did the 2009 Australian Fiscal Stimulus Boost Demand? Evidence from Household-Reported Spending Effects”

http://andrewleigh.org/pdf/FiscalStimulus.pdf

Matthew D. Shapiro & Joel B. Slemrod’s study “Did the 2008 Tax Rebates Stimulate Spending?”

https://www.nber.org/papers/w14753

Claudia R. Sahm, Matthew D. Shapiro and Joel Slemrod’s analysis “Check in the Mail or More in the Paycheck: Does the Effectiveness of Fiscal Stimulus Depend on How It Is Delivered?” 

https://www.aeaweb.org/articles?id=10.1257/pol.4.3.216

Ikuo Saito’s paper “Fading Ricardian Equivalence in Ageing Japan”

https://www.imf.org/en/Publications/WP/Issues/2016/12/31/Fading-Ricardian-Equivalence-in-Ageing-Japan-44302

Transcript: Revisiting Ricardo: The Rise and Fall of Ricardian Equivalence

N.B. This is a lightly edited version of a transcript originally created using the AI application otter.ai. It may not be 100 percent accurate, but should be pretty close. If you’d like to quote from it, please check the quoted segment in the recording.

Gene Tunny  00:03

His argument was that all you’ve got to think about whether that be increase in income in the current period is a permanent increase or not. Because if it’s only a temporary increase, it doesn’t increase what they can spend sustainably over the long term buy much at all. Welcome to the economics explored podcast, a frank and fearless exploration of important economic issues. I’m your host gene Tunny. I’m a professional economist and former Australian Treasury official. The aim of this show is to help you better understand the big economic issues affecting all our lives. We do this by considering the theory evidence and by hearing a wide range of views. I’m delighted that you can join me for this episode, please check out the show notes for relevant information. Now on to the show. Thanks for tuning into the show. This week. I’d like to discuss what economists call Ricardian equivalence. You may recall that this concept was mentioned in the episode on the limits of fiscal policy earlier this year, and I’m going to be exploring it more this episode with my colleague, Arturo Arturo Espinosa, welcome to the programme. Thanks,

Arturo Espinoza Bocangel  01:21

Ian. I’m glad to be here. Excellent. So

Gene Tunny  01:24

yes, looking forward to chatting with you about Ricardian equivalence. Now this came up in a conversation I had with Tony maker. Well, I was replaying a previous conversation with Tony Mike and Tony is sadly, no longer with us. But in the conversation I had with Tony this, this idea of Ricardian equivalence came up. It’s one of those objections to fiscal policy as a way of influencing the business cycle as a macro economic stabilisation tool. And it’s a rather elaborate theoretical objection to fiscal policy. And result, it’s all very elegant. And I thought it’d be nice to go over it and explore it, because it does raise some important issues about how we think about the economy, how we model the economy. So if you’re happy to do that, I think that would be good. And if you’ve heard of this concept before, have you Arturo.

Arturo Espinoza Bocangel  02:30

Jaya during my time, so the students at uni, but I don’t remember very clear. So this is a good opportunity to refresh my memories.

Gene Tunny  02:43

Oh, good. Well, yeah. So hopefully, I can give a clear explanation. That yeah, so in we’ve been doing some, some reading. So to get across it, and to remind ourselves what it is because I must say it’s a proposition that was very popular when I was studying economics in the early 90s, early to mid 90s, when I started, because there was still some belief in this as an idea. This is a concept. But I think since then, we’ve probably figured out that maybe there’s really no, you know, not a lot of evidence to support it. So that’s something we’ll we’ll go over. The idea is that a fiscal stimulus, if it’s in the form of a tax cut, or a transfer to to households, if it’s a matter of cutting taxes, giving money to to households, the idea is that those households, or businesses, they will realise that in the future, the government has to, you know, pay, if they if the government’s borrowed money to finance this, then those households will have to pay higher taxes and otherwise, so that’s, that’s the idea. And that, and that, therefore, in the current period, they won’t spend that tax cut or that transfer that stimulus money, they will save it instead. So there’s that. That idea. And so it’s an argument as to why fiscal policy discretionary fiscal policy or fiscal stimulus may not be effective, because Okay, people will realise that the government is just borrowing this money, they’re taking on more debt, where the taxpayers we ultimately have to pay back that debt. And so we’re not any wealthier. That’s essentially the idea. And it’s, it’s based on households been forward looking about having this view into the future that we know we’re gonna have to eventually pay it back or our descendants will have to pay it back, our children, our grandchildren, and we have a we’re eltra not altruistic we what’s the word we we value the lives of our children out, we love our children, we, we, we want to, we want what’s best for them. So we’re not going to take on all this debt now and have, you know, live beyond our means so to speak and burden the future. So that’s, that’s the idea. Broadly speaking, I will try and define that more precisely, but that’s how I think of Ricardian equivalence is. Am I on the right track there,

Arturo Espinoza Bocangel  05:26

Arturo? Yes. That inclination was very clear again. Okay, good. Good. So

Gene Tunny  05:31

there are two things here. One is, is Ricardian so it’s named after David Ricardo, the famous economist. And then we’ll go into what’s equivalent. A bit later, we might talk about Ricardo to begin with. So David Ricardo, so his dates 18th 18th of April 1772 to 11th of September 18 23. So he lived. He lived through the age of wonder, whatever you however you want to describe it. So he was born just two years after Captain Cook discovered Australia for ice and, and he died in 1823. So he lived through the Napoleonic Wars. He was a British political economist, they call them in those days politician and Member of Parliament of Great Britain and Ireland’s This is from Wikipedia. recognised as one of the most influential economists, one of the most influential classical economists alongside figures such as Thomas Malthus, Adam Smith, and James Mills, so very esteemed company. Now, one of the one of my favourite descriptions of Ricardo comes from John Kenneth Galbraith, who was the American economist, professor at Harvard. He was an advisor to Jack Kennedy, he was Kennedy’s Ambassador to India. And Galbraith wrote this great book, The Age of uncertainty on, you know, history of economics, economic history, essentially. And this is quite a great description. Ricardo is Smith’s only serious contender for the title of founding father of economics. With him the great ethnic rivals of the Scotch arrive. Ricardo was Jewish. He was a stockbroker, a member of parliament, a man of superb clarity of mind and terrible obscurity of for this. That’s classic Galbraith. I mean, I don’t think anyone could write as well as Galbraith. He was it was a brilliant writer. So yeah, I mean, any, any economist relative to Galbraith? Probably, maybe we could be accused of obscurity of pros. Okay, so Ricardo, very famous, he wrote, was it Principles of Political Economy? I should know that off the top of my head, but he wrote a, he wrote several important works on in economics and his main claim to fame is the theory of international trade, isn’t it? It’s comparative advantage. And so this is this proposition that, like, we can talk about this in another episode, but essentially, David Ricardo demonstrated conclusively in a logical sense, why free trade is can benefit both parties. Why? Why countries can gain from trade from specialising in? Yes. Yep, and trading so of course, so specialising according to the comparative advantage of the country. And yeah, that’s something that you know, that’s a very, there’s a subtle definition of what comparative advantage is that we might go into in another in another episode, but it’s a very important theory in economics. Yeah,

Arturo Espinoza Bocangel  08:45

of course, I like to add some important information about this Ricardian model, tre, international trade causes in most of the International Trade courts around the world. The first model that is used in order to explain the patterns of trade is Ricardian model. It’s what that as you mentioned, basically is playing that country is specialised in in producing and exporting food that has a comparative advantage relative to other countries.

Gene Tunny  09:19

And is that based on the factor endowments what? What are the Allen’s please?

Arturo Espinoza Bocangel  09:25

The main reason is the level of productivity

Gene Tunny  09:30

level of productivity except Brian okay, we might go into that in another episode, but I guess the, like Australia, for example. I mean, a lot of people criticise Australia and say Australia is not a very complex economy. You’re just digging stuff out of the ground and exporting it or growing weed and exporting that. But I mean, we’re very good at that. Right? We’re very good at mining. We’re very productive in mining, and we’ve got great, great minerals, lots of valuable iron ore and and and coal coking coal in particular, which is very valuable. And so yeah, it makes sense for us to co produce and export that stuff. So yeah, we might well have to go into that Ricardian model of trade in, in the future. So the main point is that your Ricardo was a really big deal in economics. He essentially made the case for free trade. He argued against what was called mercantilism, which is the idea that countries become wealthy by exporting by having a trade surplus and bringing gold into the country accumulating gold in the reserves of gold. So that’s, he argued against that. He said, Well, that’s not necessarily the way to think about economic prosperity. So not exactly what we’re gonna talk about today. But it’s important to know Ricardo was very important in in that in international trade theory. Now, why is this relevant? What did Ricardo have to say about fiscal policy? Well, I mean, he wasn’t really a theorist of of, Oh, it wasn’t a macro. Well, I he’s a classical economist. So I suppose they did deal with that we’re thinking about the economy as a whole. But he’s not a macro economist, as we’d probably think of one today. But nonetheless, he did it, he did have this, he ran a thought experiment, you could call it or maybe you could say it was a bit of a thought bubble, but But he had this idea that of this equivalence between taxation and debt financing. So the Ricardian equivalence relates to the idea that if you think about this, in a particular type of framework, and you think about how these households eventually have to pay back the debt, so if you’ve got a choice between financing, spending, or financing, a particular like a surge in spending, because it’s a pandemic, for example, or a war, and it’s a choice between increasing taxes, or increasing, or borrowing the money in terms of how what happens to households, and you know, how they change their consumption, spending their behaviour, in this really theoretical framework, and under certain strong assumptions, which we’ll talk about soon, it could be the case that they just behave the same way that Yep, they might have to pay if they pay more taxes, and that lowers their disposable income, and then that may force them to, you know, that maybe they will cut back their consumption spending, they won’t spend as much. But then if the government goes and borrows money, then it may be that the households do the same thing, because they realise that, oh, hang on, we’ve got to pay for this in the future, eventually. So it’s as if let’s act now let’s spend less now let’s save more in anticipation of those higher taxes later on, because we have to pay the debt. So it’s this idea of this equivalence between taxation and debt finance, and I guess, this is where we start thinking, Well, hang on. That’s, that may not actually be what happens in reality. And indeed, Ricardo himself thought this was I think he thought he, he thought this was implausible, really, or he didn’t put a lot of he didn’t really, you know, make a huge thing about this is just a, you know, an idea he had just a speculation of his so I think that’s, it’s it’s certainly an interesting speculation to think about, like, how do households react to what the government does? And, you know, to what extent are they forward looking? To what extent are they Ultra rational, where this where this Ricardian equivalence thing, where it came from, or what where it was brought back into economics, or how it was brought back in economics was there was this school of thought that emerged in the late 60s and then in the 70s, called the New classical school of macro economics, which was trying to make macro economics more rigorous built, create micro economic foundations for it, because there was this view that what Keynes was talking about in the 30s. Okay, he, he didn’t really have really strong micro economic foundations or there was an optimising behaviour in it. There were a lot of us assumptions about how these macroeconomic aggregates such as consumption and income, were related to each other. But you weren’t really thinking about, well, how would rational households behave? So they, they had there was this idea that we want to have a more rigorous economics, that macro economics and it’s based on optimising models and, and one of the driving forces is the mathematization of economics in the post war period, from after Paul Samuelson foundations of economic analysis famous textbook in the in the 40s, where he brought mathematics to a lot of economics. And then the idea is let’s bring that to macro economics as well. Let’s have these really elegant optimization models and you know, Ricardian equivalence is is one of those types of models. Okay, how am I going to Euro? Very good. Okay. Okay. It’s a, it is a tricky sort of area to tricky concept to explain, I think. And having begun this conversation, I’m thinking okay, I’ll have to, maybe I’ll go and refresh my knowledge afterwards. But I hope that I am imparting enough of the substance of it. Okay, so who’s the big name associated with this proposition? Is Robert Barro, isn’t it? So? Okay, so Robert Barrow is one of the most famous economists of, say, the last 50 years or so. He’s probably the most famous economist out there at the moment who hasn’t won a Nobel Prize? I mean, who knows? It may be coming. But he hasn’t won one yet. At least as far as I’m aware, he hasn’t won the Nobel Prizes. He I probably would have put that down in the show in the notes. If he had. Okay, if he has I’ll, I’ll definitely double check that but I’m pretty sure he hasn’t Paul Lucas. Sorry, not Paul Lucas. Robert Lucas. won the Nobel Prize for new classical economics Thomas saj. And I’m pretty sure Robert Barro hasn’t won it. He’s currently the Paul M. Warburg professor of economics at Harvard. And he’s, you know, as a visiting scholar at American Enterprise Institute, research associate of National Bureau of Economic Research, PhD in, in economics from Harvard and a Bachelor of Science in physics from Caltech. I think it was a student of Richard Feynman, I think I read that. And he went into economics was he, he realised that, you know, physics was something he might not, you know, rise to the top in. He thought our economics is probably a better bit. Physics is too crowded. There are too many, you know, really, really smart people in physics. And they thought, Well, why not? Economics? That could be something different. But yeah, Barrow, right, this very famous article in the 1980s 1974, published in the the house journal of the University of Chicago economic School, which is the Journal of Political Economy, and his article is our government bonds, net wealth, and extremely clever paper, I’ll put a link in the show notes. But yeah, the basic idea there is that, if you think about it, in a particular type of model that was popular in the post war period, a particular way of thinking about macro economics, and less government bonds were was seen as something that made the community wealthier on their own, then they shouldn’t have a significant or they shouldn’t have an impact on consumption spending, because they shouldn’t make the community feel any wealthier, at least, that’s the that’s the idea. And his argument was that, well, if households realise that they actually are the ones who have to service that debt and pay back the debt, eventually as taxpayers, then they’re not any wealthier. So they’re not going to, you know, lift their level of consumption spending, if the government gives them a tax cut or transfers some money to them. So that’s the that’s the basic idea. Now, an a related concept, and I have been struggling to think about how to bring this into the conversation because it is related to it in a way that comes at this issue from in a different way. There’s the there’s Milton Friedman’s idea of the permanent income hypothesis. And, like one way of looking at fiscal policy if you’re thinking about a tax cut or a stimulus check, for example, Apple. And this is another way of thinking about this same question using a different model or a different, slightly different theoretical framework. And this was an objection to some of the the temporary, you know, bonuses or the temporary tax cuts or stimulus money that we’ve seen in different crises, like Milton Friedman argue that your consumption spending is related to your permanent income, which is essentially what you could, what you could spend out of your, out of your wealth sustainably over the long term. So if I’m getting that, right, so. So Keynes is consumption function related, corroding, current income to cut related your consumption spending to your current income. So if your B income is, say, say it’s, you know, $5,000 or something, and there’s an increase in your income of $1,000. And then Keynes would have this coefficient, the marginal propensity to consume and say, That’s point eight, then there’s this mechanical relationship of income goes up by 1000 times point eight, then your spending will go up. $800. So that’s the, that’s the Keynesian consumption function. And Friedman objected to that, because his argument was that, well, you’ve got to, you’ve got to think about whether that increase in income in the current period is a permanent increase or not. Because if it’s only a temporary increase, but doesn’t increase what they consider spend sustainably over the long term, by much at all, and his argument is that households would try to smooth out their consumption. Over time, there’s this idea that we’re better off if we have a more steady, sustainable standard of living, rather than having some periods where we’re spending more and living, living really well than other periods where we’re not living great at all. We’re on hard times, we’d be better off in his optimising model and his rational optimising model, we’d be better off saving those temporary windfalls and income, and you’re saving them up for times where we had less income, and so smoothing our consumption in that way. And so that’s an argument against fiscal stimulus, because you could, it could be the case that people get their tax cut, or their stimulus check. And they realise, well, hang on, it’s not really making us is not really lifting our permanent income, which is not going to make us you know, make us huge impact on our on our, you know, average income over the next five or 10 years. So why should we spend it baby, let’s say that, and we can use it to help smooth out income, it can cover those difficult periods. So that’s another example of an optimising model. And it’s a similar type of philosophy to Ricardian equivalence, but it’s not. It’s not quite the same thing because Barrows proposition is stronger than that. And because in Friedman’s model, it’s possible that if if the government’s transfer enough money to households, then they might think that Well, yeah, we are wealthier. It is, it will, this level of additional money will allow us to spend much more sustainably into the future. But Barrow goes further than Friedman, because in Barrows model, those households would realise that they would eventually have to pay back that money through the tax system. So that ultimately not any wealthier. So there’s, there’s probably a higher level of rationality in Barrows model, then, then Friedman’s model that Fred’s Friedman’s model gets you sort of the, you know, partly the way there because you’re starting to think about the future and households are starting to think rationally. What’s coming up in the future? Does that make sense? Or am I complicating things?

Arturo Espinoza Bocangel  24:31

I think I’m Porton assumption for the neoclassical economists here. Yeah. Individuals are acting as a rational. Yeah,

Gene Tunny  24:41

they’re rational and forward looking. Yeah. And so in Friedman’s model, then Friedman gets us a lot of the way there with this permanent income model. And then Barrow basically goes even further and says that households are so smart that they realise that any money that the government is is giving you temporary? Well, that it’s actually giving you through a tax cut or through a stimulus check. You’re gonna have to pay that back later. So you’re not any wealthier overall. And so there’s there’s there’s no increase in permanent income in in that situation. And yeah, there’d be no change. Whereas in the Friedman model, there’s a possibility maybe there is a small, a small impact on consumption if I think about that. Okay, we’ll take a short break here for a word from our sponsor.

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Gene Tunny  26:06

Now back to the show. Yeah, these ultra rational models, Friedman sort of started the this is an idea and then the new classical economists took it to the limit. Okay, so that was that was Barrow a very, very famous paper and generated a huge literature, people arguing about this theoretically. And then there was a lot of empirical work which we might go into. One point I should make at the moment is that when Barrow first wrote this paper, it wasn’t called Ricardian equivalence Barrow, himself didn’t realise that, that he was almost channelling Ricardo in a way. But this was pointed out by James Buchanan, who was a Nobel Prize winner for his work in public choice theory, what was called public what’s called Public Choice Theory. And he was at Virginia Polytechnic Institute at the time, I think that’s now George Mason University. Or I could have that wrong. But anyway, James Buchanan. He wrote a famous article in 1976, which pointed out that essentially what what Robert Barrow had done was rediscovered this proposition of David Ricardo and I might read this abstract because it’s very, it’s quite, quite succinct. So James Buchanan wrote his public debt issue equivalent to taxation. This is an age old question in public finance theory. David Ricardo presented the case for the affirmative. Professor Robert J. Barrow re examines this question in his recent paper, without however making reference to Ricardo or other earlier contributors, although his discussion has carefully qualified to allow for exceptions under specified conditions, the thrust of Barrows arguments supports the Ricardian theorem to the effect that taxation and public debt issue exert basically equivalent effects. So I think, yeah, my it’s interesting be cannon makes the point that David Ricardo presented the case for the affirmative, because my understanding was that even though Ricardo did make that, or he did make the case, he didn’t think that it was something that was realistic, in that it didn’t apply in reality, I think might have been Galbraith or someone like that, who made that point that even though no Ricardo wrote about this in the funding system, he himself thought it was a bit of a theoretical curiosity. Okay, and one thing you found so this is another article by Buchanan you dug this up before, Arturo? Because you didn’t I think this goes to this is related this point I was making about how this is a very elegant theoretical model is based on optimising behaviour forward looking rational. Now, let’s make the most elegant mathematically. What’s the word? Elegant, I suppose or logical model where you’ve got people maximising their their utility, what economists call utility, their satisfaction, and they recognise that they’re there ultimately, they ultimately have to pay the debt. So yeah, Buchanan and Jeffrey Brennan. So Jeffrey Brennan’s an Australian, he was at ASU and his son Michael Brennan actually runs the ball. He did run the Productivity Commission here. Now he’s running the e 61. Institute. Interesting. Yeah, yeah. And he was a senior person in the treasury after I was there, but he is all very good. Jeffrey Brennan, I remember did a staring rendition of Rule Britannia at tattersalls Club at a dinner, I went to law school dinner I went to, but 20 years ago, it was a, it was a good thing. It was a great singer and a very intelligent man. Very good economist. Okay. Now, that all of course is completely irrelevant to the point, the logic of the Ricardian equivalence theorem by Jeffrey Brennan and James Buchanan, which was published in was it finance archive? I think it was, yeah, the German public finance journal. And they, they list these very well, you’d say they’re restrictive conditions, aren’t they for, for this whole this theoretical approach this model applying, and I might put them in the show notes. But essentially, they make some very strong assumptions about how, you know, well, one is that capital markets are perfect individuals may borrow and lend at the same rate as the government. And I think what this is getting to is the fact that look, even if ourselves are rational and forward looking, they may not be able to act in such a way because they’re not able to easily borrow that you can’t borrow as much as you’d like to help smooth your consumption over time to. So it could be the case that if the government gives you a tax card, and or gives you a stimulus check, you may really need that money. In a in a theoretical, in an idealised world, you could have just been temporarily on hard times, and in that idealised world you could have borrowed against your future income, because you know, I’m gonna get out of this in the future. So rather than struggling now, and you know, me struggling to pay rent or buy the groceries, I’ll just borrow against my future income. But that doesn’t mean you can’t always do that in the real world. I mean, people do sort of, you know, some people try and do that through credit cards. But that’s a recipe for financial disaster in the long run. So it may be that, you know, fiscal, fiscal policy measures, such as a tax cut, or a stimulus check, has an impact because it helps alleviate a liquidity constraint. So there’s this concept of liquidity constraints. And that was one of the major objections to well, this whole new classical approach, and also to well to Friedman’s model, in a way, yes, definitely the Freedmen’s model, that, you know, one of the things that stops people from acting, as optimising over time rational households is the fact that you you may not be able to borrow the money that would be compatible with that optimization. So that’s that point. And then there’s some other points about how assumptions that that’d be Canada and Brandon, identify individuals are certain as to both current and future income and prospects. Which is, yeah, I mean, people, you know, so any theory about where people are optimising the future and making optimal decisions? Essentially, you have to assume that they know how the future is going to evolve. And it may be that they, they don’t. And so it could be that, you know, people’s, well, in the Ricardian model, it could be the case that, well, they see the government borrowing this money to give them a tax card or pay them a stimulus check. But in their own mind, they’re thinking, Well, I’m going to be wealthier in the future anyway, I’m going to be earning a higher income, so I don’t really care as much. Maybe I have to pay a little bit more tax, but but who cares? So they in that model? Yeah, there’s the Ricardian model essentially, assumes that they have this perfect foresight. Number five individuals, as current taxpayers and as potential future taxpayers behave in terms of infinite planning horizons, they act as a mortals Yep. So they either act as a mortals. Yeah. Okay. So what’s that, assuming that’s assuming that they care for their descendants? Basically, as if they’re just future versions of themselves at a later date in the future? It’s essentially you like your children, your grandchildren are essentially just you at a future date. And so that’s, that’s a very strong assumption. I mean, and it may be the case that, look, you know, one generation may be perfectly happy, running up a bill for future generations to buy. I mean, not that I’m saying that necessarily doing that, but, you know, it’s not necessarily the case that people are acting as a mortals I mean, just think about I mean, there are plenty without children, they may not have any connection. They may not feel any connection with sex with future generations. Right? So it’s a pretty, it’s a very strong assumption now that there were there were seven of those assumptions. I haven’t read them all out. But I’ll put them in the show notes. And you can check that out that the main point is that look, there’s there’s just very stringent conditions for this Ricardian equivalence to hold that, in reality, it’s probably not going to hold and therefore this objection to fiscal policy, this idea that households are going to just save any additional money the government gives them, it doesn’t seem to be, you know, supported when you think about it logically. Maybe in an elegant theoretical model, but not in reality with how people behave and what will go on to now as the evidence and my reading of the evidence is that it doesn’t support this hypothesis. Okay, any other points on the theory there, Arturo? No, I feel I’m gonna have to write this up. In an article just because I think that link, yeah, I want to explain how this model fits with these other models such as Friedman’s permanent income, because I think that’s a that’s an important question. Okay. What does the evidence say? Now, this is really interesting, because if you look at the earliest empirical studies after Barrows model came out, there were studies that were essentially finding support for it. But then later on, economists changed their mind as more evidence accumulated. Then when it first emerged, it was it was a popular proposition and there was a 1993 Journal of Economic Literature review paper Ricardian equivalence by John cedar, and he’s at North Carolina, North Carolina State University. So Journal of Economic Literature is the one of the leading journals published by the American Economic Association. The idea is to have authoritative literature reviews that summarise the current state of the economic literature on important questions. And his conclusion was that although tests of Ricardian equivalence do not quite give an unambiguous verdict on that propositions validity, I think it is reasonable to conclude that Ricardian equivalence is strongly supported by the data. Now, you know, I wasn’t a practising economist at that time, that was my first year at uni. And, but I do imagine that that would have been a controversial conclusion. And it’s definitely been reversed since then. So in 1998, there was a meta analysis. So this is a study of studies where you look at what Previous studies have found, ideally, if you can get hold of their data, you try and rerun all the, you know, try and pull all the data together, run a big regression that don’t always do that. But you’d at least look at each of the studies and try to work out well which is more authoritative, which has a better methodology, which is using better data, that sort of thing and come to a judgement as to where does the where does the weight of the evidence why and in the conclusion in that paper, is it by by a TD Stanley at Hendricks College in Arkansas, published in southern economic journal new wine in old bottles, the meta analysis of Ricardian equivalence and that concluded that a quantitative review or meta analysis of 28 empirical studies of the Ricardian equivalence theorem gives persuasive testament of its falsity, which is, you know, pretty much what I would I would have expected given that just how really outlandish the theoretical assumptions behind the model are when you think about it, and just think, just use common sense and and look at it if anything would have killed off the Ricardian equivalence theorem. It would have been evidence from the financial crisis and then the pandemic since then, the the free exchange column in The Economist may 19 2008. So this is prior to the the the financial crisis, but there was a looks like there was a tax rebate. There was a 2001 tax rebate in the US and then there was another one, maybe it was 2007. I’ll have to put that in the show notes. But they were looking at how consumers were spending their rebates. And this is the calmness in The Economist, so the authoritative magazine published in London, they wrote, I tend to be wary of the effectiveness of fiscal stimulus, though at least anecdotally, the current stimulus seems to be working theoretically, people should not increase consumption in response to a small temporary increase in income unless they face liquidity constraints. Or taxpayers might recognise that rebates increase the size of the budget deficit, if there is no corresponding decrease in government spending, that their future taxes will pay, okay? So they might recognise that rebates increase the deficit. And that means I’ll have to pay higher taxes in the future. But these factors suggest most of the rebate will be saved and not spent, perhaps consumers do consider these factors and plan on saving their rebates. But then what he does is he quotes evidence, or this colonists quotes evidence from Matthew Shapiro and Joel Slemrod. So well known us economists. Okay, so at the time of the rebate, when they got it in 2001, only 22% of respondents planned on spending it. Although they found little evidence, people factor government spending, ie future deficits into their decision. Okay, so that’s what they were thinking about at the time. But then, there’s a study by David Johnson, Jonathan Parker, and Nicholas Sulukule, that, that they actually spent a significant amount of it or a non trivial amount of it, they found that the average household spent 20 to 40% of their rebate within three months of receiving it. And two thirds of the rebate was spent within a quarter of receipt, lower income groups spend a large fraction of their rebate, I’ll put a link to that in the show notes as there’s a bit going on there. There’s quite a few different points there. The basic point is that people do spend more of a rebate, a tax rebate, they get that you might then these models, you know whether it’s permanent income hypothesis of Friedman or in the extreme the barrow, Ricardian equivalence, people do spend more than you might, then these models would predict. And this was also concluded by Andrew Lee, who’s a federal MP here in Australia, who is a professor of economics today, I knew how much did the 2009 Australian fiscal stimulus, boost demand evidence from household reported spending effects, he used some survey evidence. And he looked at the $21 billion in household payments delivered in Australia between December oh eight and may 2009. So he’s talking about the Rudd stimulus money. So the Rudd Government stimulus packages and 40% of households. So this is what Andrew found 40% of households who said they received a payment reported having spent it and you know, that’s a higher rate than in, in the US. And Andrew speculated that it could have been because of the form of the of the assistance, it was a it was a stimulus check, rather than a rebate of tax. And so Andrew was saying there could be something psychological going on there, you know, individuals are more likely to, to spend bonuses, so to speak, rather than, than rebates. But yeah, so Andrew does, essentially concluded that there’s this marginal propensity to consume out of these rebates, or this, you know, the stimulus money, I mean, of point four, one 2.42. So, that was spending around, you know, that two out of every $5 that they got so so they get this money, and they do actually spend a portion of it, it’s not as if they just leave it in the bank and, you know, maintain just just been what they normally would wait to wait to actually use some of it to go and maybe at the time, people were saying they were going to buy a flat screen TVs, that was the popular thing at the time to buy. But, yeah, definitely, there was more spending than then would have been expected. Right. I mean, the debate does go on. There have been some findings supportive of Ricardian equivalence, I should know there was a study by a former Treasury colleague of mine, Shane brittle, who, unfortunately is no longer with us. He was at University of Wollongong and I think he, this was a study published in the Australian Economic Review. He found some Ricardian impact but he couldn’t accept or he didn’t find in favour of full Ricardian equivalence. He did. He studied the macro data and his macro modelling suggested that over the long run changes in general government savings are offset by changes in private savings by almost a half minus point four, four. This implies that the behavioural response of households and corporations is not fully Ricardian. Well, I think that’s that’s right. So yeah, there’s definitely not full Ricardian equivalence. Could it be that maybe households there could be some Ricardian equivalence I don’t know, maybe, maybe, maybe households do realise that the eventually they might have to pay more in taxes. But maybe the reason that they’re saving part of it is this, this Friedman argument of permanent income, they realised that it hasn’t really allowed them to lift their consumption on a sustainable basis by much at all. And so therefore, let’s not spend too much of it. Now. Let’s save up the bulk of it. So look, whether what Shane’s found is regarding whether what whether he found some partial support for Ricardian equivalence, I think that’s that’s up for debate. My personal view is that it’s just such an extreme hypothesis. It’s yeah, it’d be it’d be hard to find any support for for it at all. This is not to say that discretionary fiscal policy is sensible. I think there are, there are plenty of arguments against fiscal stimulus discretionary fiscal policy that don’t require Ricardian equivalence what Tony makin was talking about with crowding out via interest rates via the exchange rate, all of the lags that that occur from when you recognise a shock in the economy to when the fiscal policy might actually impact. I think these are all valid reasons to question discretionary fiscal policy, but Ricardian equivalence probably isn’t one of those. Okay, Arturo, I think that’s that’s probably enough. I was going to talk about Japan, but I just don’t think Japan provides support for it either. There was initially a thought that maybe Japan’s The Ricardian case, because there was, you know, there was a lot of fiscal stimulus in the 90s. And it didn’t revive the economy. But, you know, Japan’s got Japan’s really, you know, it’s a bit of a special case. And I mean, we might go into it in another, another episode, but there are a lot of economic challenges there. And now they got the demographic challenge shrinking population. They had, you know, very, very high saving rate. Yeah, it’s a it’s a, it’s a different economy than ours in a way and, yeah, I mean, the conclusion is that it’s not really an example of Ricardian equivalence. And if it were, it’s becoming less Ricardian, there was a an IMF paper I’ll link to in the show notes that argues that it’s if it was recorded, and it’s becoming less so over time. But yeah, I think we might just leave that. Possibly I’ll do a bonus episode on Japan. But my feeling is that there’s just so much evidence against Ricardian equivalence, theoretically, it doesn’t. It’s just too strong. I mean, it’s very elegant model. It’s beautiful model. But the real world people just don’t behave as they do in elegant. optimising economic models. Maybe I have to follow this up with an article but hopefully I’ve got the main points across so anything you’d like to add?

Arturo Espinoza Bocangel  48:05

Well, in will basically, just to summarise so these recurrent colons, as you mentioned, was very formal model, I think is good for the students, academics, researchers, just to check that our current political evidence is can be cross check against the this model. So I think is supposed to want to explain these concepts, and also using data from different countries.

Gene Tunny  48:48

Yeah, yeah, exactly. Okay. So yeah, I think looking at different countries is important. Which is why and if you’re in the audience, you think it’d be good to look at Japan? Because, I mean, Japan was certainly one of the countries I was, when I first started studying economics. That was one of the countries I was interested in. Because it was just after the bubble burst. I mean, there was that. Well, what was it this square kilometre around the Imperial Palace was worth more than all the land in Manhattan or something, something along those lines, there was some crazy statistic about how much the Japanese property market was worth and Japan was just riding high in the late you know, in the 80s. And and they’re all these concerns are the Japan’s going to overtake the US and then they had the crash and the bubble burst and there’s all the talk about trying to revive it through fiscal policy through infrastructure spending, and it just didn’t just didn’t revive the economy and they had their last decade. But if you’re interested in hearing more about Japan, I can certainly cover that in a in a future episode and try to find someone who’s, you know, knowledgeable about Japan. If you know anyone, let me know. Okay, how to Thanks so much for your time. I really enjoyed chatting about Ricardian equivalence with you. Oh,

Arturo Espinoza Bocangel  50:04

thank you for having me again.

Gene Tunny  50:06

Very good rato thanks for listening to this episode of economics explored. If you have any questions, comments or suggestions, please get in touch. I’d love to hear from you. You can send me an email via contact at economics explore.com Or a voicemail via SpeakPipe. You can find the link in the show notes. If you’ve enjoyed the show, I’d be grateful if you could tell anyone you think would be interested about it. Word of mouth is one of the main ways that people learn about the show. Finally, if your podcasting app lets you then please write a review and later writing. Thanks for listening. I hope you can join me again next week.

50:55

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Thanks to Obsidian Productions for mixing the episode and to the show’s sponsor, Gene’s consultancy business www.adepteconomics.com.au. Full transcripts are available a few days after the episode is first published at www.economicsexplored.com. Economics Explored is available via Apple PodcastsGoogle Podcast, and other podcasting platforms.

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From Jekyll to Hyde: Exploring the Dual Nature of Finance | The Bankers’ Club w/ Prof. Gerald Epstein  – EP226

Show host Gene Tunny interviews UMass Amherst Professor Gerald Epstein about his new book “Busting the Bankers’ Club”, which is about the powerful influence of banks in politics and regulation. Epstein argues the bankers’ club maintains control through political allies and regulators. The conversation also covers financial deregulation, insufficient Dodd-Frank reforms, Quantitative Easing impacts, and alternatives like public banking and non-profit financial institutions.

Please get in touch with us with any questions, comments and suggestions by emailing us at contact@economicsexplored.com or sending a voice message via https://www.speakpipe.com/economicsexplored

You can listen to the episode via the embedded player below or via podcasting apps including Google PodcastsApple Podcast and Spotify.

About this episode’s guest Prof. Gerald Epstein

Gerald Epstein received his Ph.D. in economics from Princeton University, is a professor of economics, and is a founding co-director of the Political Economy Research Institute (PERI) at the University of Massachusetts Amherst. He has published widely on various economic policy issues, especially in central banking and international finance. His most recent book, Busting the Bankers’ Club: Finance for the Rest of Us, was forthcoming in January 2024 from the University of California Press. 

What’s covered in EP226

  • Banking industry’s influence in politics and regulation. (0:04)
  • Financial deregulation and its impact on the economy. (8:58)
  • Financial system’s impact on democracy and fairness. (13:24)
  • Financial system issues and regulation. (16:24)
  • Economic policy after the financial crisis, including impacts of Quantitative Easing. (22:50)
  • Financial regulation and publicly owned institutions. (28:08)
  • Public banking, crypto, and risk-taking in finance. (33:30)

Takeaways

Professor Epstein argues in this episode:

  1. The “bankers’ club” of allies including politicians, central banks, and economists helps sustain the power and influence of large banks.
  2. Financial deregulation in the US and weak Dodd Frank reforms failed to address issues like too-big-to-fail banks and accountability.
  3. Quantitative easing policies after the financial crisis disproportionately benefited wealthy asset holders over others.  
  4. There is a need for more diverse public and non-profit financial institutions focused on social missions over profits.
  5. Crypto poses risks if it infects the core banking system or continues high-carbon polluting practices.

Links relevant to the conversation

Gerald Epstein’s book Busting the Bankers’ Club: Finance for the Rest of Us

https://www.amazon.com/Busting-Bankers-Club-Finance-Rest/dp/0520385640

Working paper co-authored by Prof. Epstein “Did Quantitative Easing Increase Income Inequality?”

https://www.ineteconomics.org/research/research-papers/did-quantitative-easing-increase-income-inequality

Transcript: From Jekyll to Hyde: Exploring the Dual Nature of Finance | The Bankers’ Club w/ Prof. Gerald Epstein  – EP226

N.B. This is a lightly edited version of a transcript originally created using the AI application otter.ai. It may not be 100 percent accurate, but should be pretty close. If you’d like to quote from it, please check the quoted segment in the recording.

Gerald Epstein  00:04

There’s a phenomenon in the US. The political scientists talk about this called capture that is that the regulatory agencies that are supposed to be regulating the industry, artefact captured by the industry and tend to operate, often in the in the interests of the industry.

Gene Tunny  00:29

Welcome to the economics explored podcast, a frank and fearless exploration of important economic issues. I’m your host gene Tunny. I’m a professional economist and former Australian Treasury official. The aim of this show is to help you better understand the big economic issues affecting all our lives. We do this by considering the theory evidence and by hearing a wide range of views. I’m delighted that you can join me for this episode, please check out the shownotes relevant information. Now on to the show. Hello, thanks for tuning into the show. My guest this episode is Professor Gerald Epstein. He’s professor of economics at the University of Massachusetts Amherst, and he’s co director of the Political Economy Research Institute. We discuss his new book busting the bankers club published by the University of California Press. It’s a great book demonstrating Professor Epstein’s deep knowledge of the US financial system. I thoroughly recommend it. So if you enjoyed this conversation, please consider buying a copy. I’ll put a link to it in the show notes. As always, please get in touch. If you have any thoughts on this episode, guest suggestions or ideas for how I can improve the show. You’ll find my contact details in the show notes. Right? Oh, we’d better get into it. I hope you enjoy my conversation with Professor Gerald Epstein. Professor Gerald Epstein, welcome

01:53

to the programme.

Gerald Epstein  01:54

Thanks so much for having me. Excellent. Gerald,

Gene Tunny  01:57

look, I’m really grateful for you appearing on the show to talk about your new book busting the bankers club finance for the rest of us. To start off with, could you tell us what is the bankers club?

Gerald Epstein  02:12

So the bankers Club is a group of allies, very powerful allies that support the banks and the financial Titans more generally. And the reason that’s important is because the banks in the United States in the book is mostly about the United States, but I think it’s true in many other places. They’re not very popular, people don’t like banks very much as a whole. I have my students look at a bunch of American movies about banks, they say, please find me a movie that has a favourable gives a favourable impression of the banks and, and they really can’t find them. So in the popular culture, you know, banks aren’t very popular, but they’re incredibly powerful. They’re in powerful politically, they’re powerful economically. And this is, despite the fact that we have these prices that the financial institutions seem to create every 10 years or so. And so the question is, how do they remain so powerful? And my answer is that it’s the bankers club is this group of allies that support the banks politically, economically, and helps them sustain their both economic and political power? And so I go into some detail discussion of various components or various groups within the bankers club,

Gene Tunny  03:37

broad and who are they? I mean, are you able to give some examples?

Gerald Epstein  03:42

She, of course, so there’s some usual suspects as you is what anybody would think about. So they’re the banks themselves and by banks, in this context, I mean, the mega banks, like Chase Manhattan Bank and Bank of America and the large banks, then the major hedge funds and private equity firms, and the large asset management firms. So we’re talking about mega finance more generally. So, of course, they’re the head of the club, but they get politicians to help them out, then that’s well known in the US and in other countries, and they get politicians to help them out by giving them campaign contributions by offering them good, lucrative jobs when they get out of the legislature. And in a variety of ways. They find finance friendly politicians, that will help them with legislation and so forth. So that’s kind of well known in many countries. Perhaps less well known is that the our central bank, Federal Reserve Board, is what I call the chairman of the club. The central bank, is historically Since it was founded in 1914, has been a big supporter of the banks. Partly this is for structural reasons that is, they rely on the banks, when they make their monetary policy they operate to the banks that interest rates, they expect the banks to pass these interest rate changes, up or down, depending on whether they’re fighting inflation or trying to get the economy going. So they have a kind of an intimate relationship with the banks. But what it also means, however, is that they tend to see the world through what I call finance coloured glasses. And so they tend to see the world the same way the bankers do. And more than that, they help out the banks in very significant ways. And we can see that most clearly in two areas. One is when they bail out the banks, like we have this great financial crisis of 2007 2008, and the Federal Reserve along with the US Treasury, but in trillions of dollars that keep the big bankers operating. But they also do it with regulation. That is they the Federal Reserve, and I think is true in many other countries, tends to really push for fairly flexible, and even very easy forms of regulation on the banks. And I’m very reluctant to put on very tough regulations on them. So we have politicians, the Federal Reserve, and then we have regulatory agencies, in the United States, we have various regulatory agencies that are in charge of regulating the banks. And there’s a phenomenon in the US, the political scientists talk about this called capture that is that the regulatory agencies that are supposed to be regulating the industry, artefact captured by the industry and tend to operate often in the in the interests of the industry. And once again, this is a process that goes on with financial regulation, the SEC, the OCC and other financial regulators we have, and I’m sure you have some in Australia. And we have the same revolving door processes that we have with the Fed. And then there are a couple of other groups that maybe are less well known. One is lawyers, many lawyers work for, for banks, they, they when they’re working in the regulatory agencies or in Congress, they help fashion regulation and and, and regulate and laws that help the banks. And they actually help write laws that are very bank friendly. And so we have a whole group of lawyers that are that are involved. non financial corporations, you think that one thing that I started during the Great Depression when this books my book starts talking about in talking about the Great Depression, and the New Deal financial regulation put into place by Franklin Delano Roosevelt and his administration. At that time, the big companies like us steel and the big industrial companies, they kind of parted way with the banks, the banks had helped crash the economy. And the big industrial companies said, Look, we need a new path. And they supported a lot of the financial regulation, like the Glass Steagall Act that separated for a commercial from industrial banks. But these days, our biggest corporations are very supportive of the banks, they don’t want to regulate finance. And so there many of them are members of the bankers club, too. And finally, I have to admit my own profession, economists, were very many of us are very me, but many are loyal members of the bankers club, become stuck with economic theories that say low regulation is best for society. Markets are efficient. They work better on their own, and this all works in the interests of the banks.

Gene Tunny  08:58

Yeah, yeah. Okay. Look, yeah, I think there’s definitely scope for discussion about the appropriate regulation of banks. That’s right. And we might get into that a little bit later. I’m just thinking about, you know, some of the people involved, I mean, often you hear their accusations levied against people like, was it Robert Rubin. And then Larry Summers, who were the treasury secretaries in the Clinton administration. That’s right. Is there a was there a concern that they were perhaps too close to, to the banks and that yes, yeah. Yeah.

Gerald Epstein  09:35

So Larry Summers, Robert Rubin. Alan Greenspan. They are, you know, golden members of the bankers club, all of them. The major deep financial deregulation that happened in the United States that kind of took apart the New Deal, structure of financial regulation. It happened. First, slowly building up. But then it really happened with the Big Bang. under President Clinton, who was a Democrat with the advice of Robert Rubin, who was chair of Goldman Sachs, and then city city Corp. Alan Greenspan, who was a libertarian, he was a follower of the philosopher Ayn Rand. And he was head of the Federal Reserve. And Larry Summers, who was a was was a very good economist, but somehow found himself kind of, as part of his part of the bankers club. And that was, that’s what really led us down the path to the great financial crisis. And to the problems we’re still having with banking. Yes,

Gene Tunny  10:39

yeah. It’s interesting, this idea the bank is clogged because it reminds me in Australia here, I mean, we’ve had successive treasury secretaries, that’s the head of the cabinet. First and responsible the Treasury is called the treasurer, that we’ve have successive treasury secretaries who have gone on to be the chairman of a bank. And I think for years that was seen as a pretty sort of cushy job. And it was until like, we had David Morgan who became head of Westpac, and then my old boss, Ken Henry ended up head of NAB, but for Ken ended up getting grilled at the Royal Commission into banking, and I don’t think he ever expected that that because we had a whole bunch of bad behaviour. Yeah, the bank’s due to a guest lacks oversight by our Prudential regulator. So absolutely. Same kind of thing. Yeah, yeah. Okay, so I think you’ve, you’ve given us a good description of the bankers club. What’s your case? Can you state your case, please, Professor Epstein, as to why the bankers club should be busted? Well,

Gerald Epstein  11:51

yeah, the title of the book is busting the bankers club finance for the rest of us. And the problem with the system as it is, is that our, our financial system has been has become incredibly bloated. It’s much too much too large. It uses way too many of our financial and human resources, it sucks in some of the best and the brightest of our young people, I can tell you, from my classes here at the University of Massachusetts, when I teach classes, a lot of our best and brightest students want to go into finance and banking. And they want to go in to the mega banks. And you know, the really the really lucrative ones. And there’s a whole literature, which I registered my built on, which is called too much finance. It’s an economics literature, which shows that its financial sectors get too large relative to the size of their economies. And this is a cross national study, that after a while, they’re they’re too big, or they’re structured inappropriately, or they’re doing negative things in the economy. And they actually contribute, after a certain point to lower economic growth, lower national income. And there’s something about having a bloated, an excessively large and complex financial system, which really harms everybody. So that’s, that’s one problem. But we have that’s just one of the problems. Another problem is that it’s bad for democracy that is, you know, Australia’s democracy, the United States is trying to risk to remain a democracy. And the idea is that it’s one person, one vote. But the process I’ve described, where the, these large institutions of powerful institutions are able to, by essentially legislation, regulatory practices that benefit them at the expense of the rest of society. That’s a major problem. But it’s, it’s even worse than that in the United States, because people understand that, that the whole process is unfair. When we had the great financial crisis, the Federal Reserve the Treasury, the government, and this was under both W Bush and Obama bailed out the banks. But they didn’t bail out the people, people lost their homes, people’s jobs were lost. And this made many Americans, understandably, very angry. And I think this turn to this very anti government kind of politics in the United States. That started with the so called Deep party at that time. And it’s now morphed into very, very extreme right wing populism that we had, that has kind of organised around and been organised by Donald Trump. Really stems I think, from this sense that our system is not fair. And so yeah, well understand that it’s not democratic. And I think it’s really poisoning our politics.

Gene Tunny  15:06

Okay, we’ll take a short break here for a word from our sponsor.

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Gene Tunny  15:41

Now back to the show. Well, I think this idea of this, too much finance literature, I’m gonna have to have a look at it or a closer look, I’ve seen some of it, I think. I mean, obviously, we need banks. Okay. I mean, we’re not necessarily any banks, because banks do play an important role in providing credit and supporting businesses. I mean, you asked most bankers, they will think they’re adding value to society. What are the activities where there’s this so called too much finance? I mean, how, like, what how does that manifest? Yeah,

Gerald Epstein  16:18

excellent question. Well, I start off my book with a chapter called the Jekyll and Hyde finance. It builds on this idea from the Robert Louis Stevenson story, which some some of your listeners might have heard of, this very upstanding doctor, Mr. Dr. Jekyll, who was a pillar of the community and really supported the committee and did all kinds of things with it. But we had another base hidden inside of him, this Mr. Hyde, who was who was a criminal, and murderous, and so forth. And, and these different phases of this one entity would show itself depending on on the conditions. So our financial system is kind of like that, you’re absolutely right. We need a financial system that works for the everybody that works for the economy, we need to be able to finance people’s retirement be able to finance people’s ability to buy homes, we need to finance credit for businesses to invest in new plant and equipment. And the list goes on and on and on. The problem is that our current financial system in the United States, which I call roaring banking, it’s kind of comes from the bill boring banking idea of the 1950s and 60s that was very regulated, and morphed into roaring banking as a result of this deregulation, it led this financial markets and these big financial institutions to engage in more speculation taking on more and more risks, to invest in speculative bets and derivatives and other kinds of speculative activity. Yeah, and it resulted in them taking on much more risk, which allowed them to increase the profits and wages, going to the major investors, and to those at the top, without, at the same time, investing a lot in in new plant and equipment for businesses and so forth. In the United States. Many big corporations do not rely on the banks or even the financial markets for their major investments, they get most of the financing from the major investments from their own retained earnings, their own profits. And so it raises the question, well, what are these these big banks, hedge funds, private equity funds, what are they really doing? And many of them are not really supporting the real needs of the economy. In the United States, we have a lot of smaller banks and community banks. And they’re the ones who are much more likely to give home mortgages to give to lend to small businesses, and so forth. And the problem is, in the United States, we have a particular system, your system is different in Australia, what we have is these very speculative mega banks that are driving out to smaller banks. Part of the reason that happens is that when there’s a financial crisis, our government has a too big to fail policy. That means if you’re a really big bang, chances are you’re gonna get bailed out by the government. Whereas if you’re a mid sized or smaller bank, and you get in trouble, you’re not going to get bailed out or you’re gonna go bankrupt or get merged into another bank. And so depositors and investors don’t feel that safe, putting their money in the smaller banks. They Put them in the big banks as well. So the cost of capital for the smaller and community banks is higher, because of the too big to fail subsidy that the big banks get. So it’s an unfair competition. And it’s not a one of the things that I propose in the book is a set of policies that help make this competition, more level more, more fair, so that we have a whole variety of financial institutions that provide the needed services, as you said, that our economy needs. Okay.

Gene Tunny  20:36

Now, in your book, you talk about issues with mortgage backed securities, I suppose one of the things that people, you know, they were most critical of some of these major investment banks was there, you know, they’d be packaging up, or creating these mortgage backed securities and then selling them around the world. But at the same time, I forget which firm it was, but was one of the banks betting against products that was actually selling or one arm of Goldman Sachs. Yeah, Goldman Sachs was one of them. Yeah. So it’s, it’s,

Gerald Epstein  21:09

you know, it’s not really taking care of your clients. And it’s really betting against your own clients. And that’s kind of one example of a behaviour that this all allowed. Yes. Yeah.

21:23

And another. Another good point I think you make in the book.

Gene Tunny  21:29

And this gets to the fact that you argue that the Federal Reserve is at the head of the bankers club, you talk about the impact on of quantitative easing and the the adverse, or the unfair impacts of that. Could you elaborate on that, please? Professor Epstein.

Gerald Epstein  21:47

Yeah. So when the great financial crisis hit Central, the Federal Reserve and other central banks, were trying to revive the economy, understandably, that’s what they should have been doing. Interest rates were already in almost zero. So they wanted to come up with another tool to put liquidity in the in the economy and reduce the cost of investment, cost of capital and so forth, while helping to sustain the banks that were in trouble. So they engaged in what’s called quantitative easing. They put liquidity in the economy by buying up not just government securities, which is the typical way that they do open market operations. But they bought up asset backed securities, mortgage backed securities, this kind of thing from banks, which ended up increasing the value of these assets, which helped the banks because they had these, these assets on their balance sheets were which were not worth very much. So it helped the banks. But the the idea is that it was there hoping that it would also lower the cost of capital to borrowers and investors, and then to generate more employment, and so forth. So my graduate students, and I looked at whether what the impact was in the United States. So there could have been, there was this asset in value increase, which increases the wealth of asset holders, the banks and others, there was cost of capital mechanism that would have possibly lowered the cost for homeowners and others who were borrowing money. And then there was the impact on the interest rates that the consumers get on their savings in banks and banks. So we had a various impacts going in opposite directions, the asset value increase, we’re going to help the wealthy people because they’re the ones who have all the assets, reducing the cost of capital, would help those homeowners who needed to get their mortgage cost down. And the lowering of interest on savings might have hurt middle class and working class people because they hold their money in savings in the bank. So we have these different possible impacts. So we tried to figure out what the net effect was. And what we found was that in the case of the United States, during this period, the main impact was on increasing the wealth of the wealthy, that the other impacts were relatively modest. So there have been other studies of quantitative easing in other countries during this period, and most of them find something similar that it had a relatively small impact on employment and cost of capital for borrowing and a much bigger impact on the value of assets which helped primarily the wealthy. There’s some counter studies, but most of them go in that direction. Now. It’s not necessarily the case. But we weren’t arguing that the Fed was trying to do that, per se. I I think they would have liked to have seen the economy get going more. But that was the impact of the policy that they pursued.

Gene Tunny  25:05

Yeah, yeah. Okay. Why was Dodd Frank? So there were there were some changes to legislation, post financial crisis. So as a result of the financial crisis, why were they insufficient. So Dodd Frank in particular,

Gerald Epstein  25:22

right, so what what really needed to happen after the financial crisis, in my view, and in the view of other others who were looking for some big changes, first of all, these mega banks, Goldman Sachs, the Bank of America, and so forth, they’ve gotten too big to fail, too big to manage. Oftentimes, the people at the top didn’t really understand what the heck they were doing. The big jail that is, the government didn’t even put any of these people who ended up taking on fraudulent activity, they never made them have any consequences at all. So they were just too big. And so there were proposals during the Dodd Frank process, to shut down these big banks that one was to implement a new Glass Steagall Act, which was kind of a modern version of the separating commercial and investment bank, another was putting an asset cap on these banks to try to get them into a size that couldn’t run the economy that can be managed better, and so forth. That was never put on the table. Another thing that the some of us argued for, were consequences for the bad behaviour of the decision makers or the wrong decision makers. When these Goldman Sachs was selling these securities to their clients and betting against them. And then they they made a lot of bonuses and profits, and then the bank threatened to collapse. They didn’t have to give back their salaries, they didn’t have to give back their bonuses, they were able to take the money and run, there were attempts to put in so called law backs into the Dodd Frank legislation. So that we didn’t have moral hazard that is, so we didn’t have a situation where people didn’t have to pay the consequences of their bad behaviour. That was never really put in as in in a significant way. There were conflicts of interest all over the place, including with credit rating agencies, we had the credit rating agencies that were rating the securities, the asset backed securities and so forth, that were full of really dicey mortgages, they rated them leave parts of them triple A, which is this, which is the same as the US government securities, triple A ratings. And why? Well, because the investment banks demand that they rate them triple A, the veteran banks paid the rating agencies, if they didn’t rate them, triple A, then the investment banks would take their business elsewhere to another rating agency. So there are all these kinds of conflicts of interest. They weren’t really dealt with either the list could go on. We needed more regulation for derivatives, derivatives are relatively unregulated. And again, there wasn’t much done there is Well, the question is why? Why wasn’t there better regulation? And the answer is bankers club. Dodd and Frank were both very weak members of they had very kind of weak backbone for really taking the banks on both Republicans and Democrats in the Senate and the House of Representatives. Many of them were were on the take from the banks. Tim Geithner, who was Treasury Secretary, Larry Summers, we talked about before Ben Bernanke, head of the Fed, they didn’t really want to shake up the financial system. They just wanted to get it back up and running again. So the bankers club really did a number on Dodd Frank. Now, there were a few things that were done, and they were good, but they weren’t enough.

Gene Tunny  29:08

Yeah, okay. Okay. And did Trump do anything when he was in office?

Gerald Epstein  29:12

Yeah, Trump’s an interesting story. He ran on a platform when he was running against Hillary Clinton, a very populous platform, who said, All the banks are terrible. They really messed everybody up. Probably Clinton makes money from the banks as she terrible. I’m really going to do a number on the banks. But then when he was elected, he immediately put a bunch of Goldman Sachs people in his administration. And he appointed people to try to dismantle the Dodd Frank Act. And among the things that they did was to raise the size that banks could get before they were subjected to special capital requirements or liquidity requirements. The so called mid size banks, were set free to kind of do what they want and The result of that is we had the Silicon Valley Bank that went under, in 2023. Because they were a bank that had been subject to special reg regulation. Under Trump, they were, they were let go and not have had to be subject to this regulation. And they got in trouble. In the end, the government had to bail out the financial markets again. So the question is, you know, what would trump do if he got into power? Again, you know, it’s probably going to be a similar story, where he’s going to rail against the wealthy and the banks and so forth. But chances are, they’ll do more of the same and it will be kind of this the supreme member of the bankers club if he ever gets back into office. Okay. Do

Gene Tunny  30:43

you see a greater role for publicly owned financial institutions?

Gerald Epstein  30:47

I do. And so it’s time I think, to raise the point of about the others theme in my book, I talk a lot about the bankers club. But I also talk a lot about group I call the club of busters. That is, there are many legislators like Elizabeth Warren and others in our in our government, there are activists, there are economists and lawyers and regulators, who really do want to try to do the right thing. They really do want to try to regulate the financial institutions properly, and are pushing for legislation and regulation to do so Gary Gensler, for example, the head of the SEC, really wants to regulate crypto very strictly, as an example, is giving the crypto people a lot of headaches. He’s a member, he’s what I call a club buster. And what we need, I think, not only tighter regulations, and this is what most people argue for, but we need a whole ecology a whole set of public financial institutions. Now by public, I don’t necessarily mean government owned. But what I mean is financial institutions that have a public orientation, that is making the maximum profits is not their only goal. It’s not their goal. They have missions, public mission, social missions. So some of them can be owned by the government. And the United States, we have some community banks, state banks, and so forth. There are many government owned banks around around the world, but they can also be public private partnerships. They can even be privately owned, nonprofit, non nonprofit nonprofits, who have a social mission. We need many more of these financial institutions to provide low cost mortgages, and loans for small businesses, investment in deprived communities that need more investment, help with transition to a greener economy, at the local level, and the regional level. So we need what I call banks without bankers, that is, banks who don’t have typical bankers in them, they have to have skilled people, technically competent people. But for whom maximising profits is not the main goal. And in the United States, we have a very active public banking movement of activists around the country pushing for public banks of various kinds. Their major obstacles, like once again, is the bankers club who was trying to prevent them from from succeeding, but they’re, they’re these bank posted this quote, officers are working very hard.

Gene Tunny  33:29

Gotcha. Okay, I’ll have to look into that public banking movement. That’s interesting. I like your point that, look, it doesn’t necessarily have to be publicly owned, because like where I’m coming from, as in Australia, we’ve had some, we had some really colossal state bank collapses in the late 80s, early 90s, tri continental state bank of Victoria, and Bank of SA South Australia, if I remember correctly, so we’ve got a bit of a, an aversion to publicly owned banks here, because of the risks to the balance sheets. I liked how you describe that. And I think I’ll have to look more into that at public banking movement. It looks interesting. The one concern I would have is, is there a concern? Is there a risk that maybe, maybe they’re too cautious or they’re not innovative enough? Have you thought about that? Right?

Gerald Epstein  34:16

So, you know, there’s, there is an upside and a downside. As a graduate student, I study the cyclical behaviour of publicly oriented banks in different countries relative to the purely private for profit banks. And what we found was that they were much less cyclical that is they went up much less than the upside and went down much less on the downside. So it’s can be a stabilising force in the economy. But I think what you’re going to getting errors don’t we need some you know, real risk takers and people who are really good, willing to go out on the limb with some some crazy but maybe great ideas. Take the risks and we Absolutely do need that in a dynamic economy. The problem is, what we don’t want is the government backstopping that we don’t want the government saying, you when you gain, you lose, we pay. We don’t want a kind of lemon socialism. So, yes, we need a risk takers, and and they have to pay the consequences if it doesn’t work out. Yeah,

Gene Tunny  35:24

yeah. Yeah, that’s a good point. I mean, that was one of the points that came up during the financial crisis that they were privatising the profits, but socialising the losses. So exactly. That’s a that’s a good point. Right. Okay. Well, to finish up, we might, I might ask you about crypto because in your book, you talk about Jekyll and Hyde. You write just as finance, as both Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde face crypto has a bit of a Dracula quality as well. Could you tell us more about that, please.

Gerald Epstein  35:56

So if anybody who’s followed crypto or invest in it, they know, they know that there was a big bubble and Bitcoin and other cryptocurrencies and 2122. But there was the so called crypto winter, and when the crypto values just, you know, collapsed, and then there are all kinds of scandals with sand bank and freeze in jail and several the other main crypto people are in are subject to criminal investigation, or maybe are in jail. So it seemed like around that time, the crypto was dead. But like the vampires you stick across in them, and they somehow, you know, they revive and now crypto I think, has has had a revival. It’s still trying to push ahead. And there are a lot of crypto friendly legislative leaders in the US and in other countries. And so it’s like, yeah, we all thought it was was dead, but it’s risen from the dead. And my view on crypto, is that again, it’s fine. It’s like, it’s fine if people want to mess with it, you know, in line and death, you know, gamble with it, and so forth. But we can’t let it do two things, one, either of two things. One is infect core banking system. Once we have crypto infecting the core banking system, we’re back to where we were in 2007 2008, when these exotic asset backed securities and collateralized debt obligations, and so forth, infected the very core of the banking system. So when they collapse, they threaten to bring down the banking system with it. As long as it’s a marginal thing. Have fun with it, I suppose, as long as people are aware of the the downsides, but there’s another problem. Most crypto is very carbon intensive, the crypto mining, it’s very bad for our environment, we have this, this existential threat of climate change. And the way crypto mining is done in most cases, not all cases now. It’s really adding as much carbon to the atmosphere as a small country like Iceland or some other country. So I think that has to be taxed. And if crypto can still you know, give some thrills to the its investors in a safe way without destroying the environment. Okay, go for it. But let’s not let it ruin the environment. And it let’s not let it infect our our core banking system. Yeah, very good points.

Gene Tunny  38:27

Okay. Professor Epstein, any final points? Before we wrap up? I think this has been a great conversation. And I did enjoy reading your book. And I’m going to recommend it. And I’ll put the link in the show notes. Any final points before we wrap up?

Gerald Epstein  38:42

Yeah, the final point is that was one of the things that’s kind of obvious from our conversation, my book is, is almost entirely about the United States. So whatever, if these processes happen elsewhere, it will happen in a different way. There have been people doing work in similar kinds of work in other countries, we have Nicholas Shaxson, who’s done interesting work in in England, and we have Jim Stamford, who you might know who is then actually work in Australia and Canada. So I don’t claim that this is a universal process. But But I do hope that other people explore some of these ideas in their particular countries in particular environments to see what’s similar and what’s different.

Gene Tunny  39:21

Absolutely. Okay. Professor Gerald Epstein, thanks so much for your time. I really enjoyed the conversation.

Gerald Epstein  39:26

Thank you very much.

Gene Tunny  39:29

Right. Oh, thanks for listening to this episode of economics explored. If you have any questions, comments or suggestions, please get in touch. I’d love to hear from you. You can send me an email via contact at economics explore.com Or a voicemail via SpeakPipe. You can find the link in the show notes. If you’ve enjoyed the show, I’d be grateful if you could tell anyone you think would be interested about it. Word of mouth is one of the main ways that people learn about the show. Finally, if your podcasting app lets you then please write a review and leave a rating thanks So listening, I hope you can join me again next week

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Credits

Thanks to Obsidian Productions for mixing the episode and to the show’s sponsor, Gene’s consultancy business www.adepteconomics.com.au. Full transcripts are available a few days after the episode is first published at www.economicsexplored.com. Economics Explored is available via Apple PodcastsGoogle Podcast, and other podcasting platforms.