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Podcast episode

Rethinking Property and Taxation: The Georgist Approach w/ John August

Nineteenth-century American economist Henry George blamed poverty and depressions on landlords. George argued that their rents were associated mainly with public investments and should be shared with the community. Show host Gene Tunny speaks with returning guest John August about Georgism—the economic philosophy of Henry George that advocates for a single tax on land value. They explore the ethical and economic arguments behind taxing land, its historical popularity, and how it is perceived today. The discussion covers economic rent, speculation, tax distortions, and housing policy, critically examining Georgism’s assumptions and limitations.

Please let Gene know your thoughts on Trump’s tariffs and any questions or comments regarding this episode by emailing Gene at contact@economicsexplored.com.

You can listen to the episode via the embedded player below or via podcasting apps including Apple Podcast and Spotify.

Timestamps

  • Introduction (0:00)
  • John August’s Background and Campaign (4:19)
  • Georgism and Its Influence (7:25)
  • Economic Theory and Georgism (11:35)
  • Critique of Georgism (16:19)
  • Land Value Taxation and Economic Rent (23:15)
  • Impact of Georgism on Economic Policy (31:54)
  • Conclusion and Future Discussion (49:33)

Takeaways

  1. Georgism, developed by Henry George in the 19th century, proposes a radical approach to taxation by advocating for a single tax on land values to address economic inequality and reduce speculation.
  2. While most economists reject Georgism, the theory continues to have passionate advocates who argue that land value taxation could create a more productive and just economic system.
  3. The Georgist perspective highlights how public infrastructure and community development can increase land values, creating unearned income for property owners without compensating the broader community.
  4. Modern Georgists have moved away from the original concept of a 100% land value tax, instead advocating for a significant increase in land value taxation as part of a broader tax reform strategy.
  5. The theory raises important questions about property speculation, economic rent, and the potential for less distortionary forms of taxation that could promote more equitable economic development.

Links relevant to the conversation

John’s federal election campaign website: John August for Bennelong

https://www.fusionparty.org.au/john_august_bennelong

Grand Pursuit: The Story of Economic Genius – Nasar, Sylvia

https://www.amazon.com.au/Grand-Pursuit-Story-Economic-Genius/dp/0684872986

Fixing Australia’s Housing Crisis: Fusion’s Plan w/ Owen Miller – EP277

https://economicsexplored.com/2025/03/27/fixing-australias-housing-crisis-fusions-plan-w-owen-miller-ep277/

Trent Saunders and Peter Tulip’s RBA Discussion Paper “A Model of the Australian Housing Market”:

https://www.rba.gov.au/publications/rdp/2019/2019-01

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Transcript: Rethinking Property and Taxation: The Georgist Approach w/ John August

N.B. This is a lightly edited version of a transcript originally created using the AI application otter.ai. It may not be 100 percent accurate, but should be pretty close. If you’d like to quote from it, please check the quoted segment in the recording.

John August  00:03

The Georgists make, I think, a very good pace that recessions are associated with, over investment and land and property bubbles and so on. Now, whether you could stay there the cause of it, or just part of the wave that crashes, you know that a more subtle issue. The Welcome

Gene Tunny  00:25

to the economics explored podcast, a frank and fearless exploration of important economic issues. I’m your host, Gene Tunny. I’m a professional economist and former Australian Treasury official. The aim of this show is to help you better understand the big economic issues affecting all our lives. We do this by considering the theory evidence and by hearing a wide range of views. I’m delighted that you can join me for this episode. Please check out the show notes for relevant information. Now on to the show. Hello and welcome to the show. Today’s episode, I’m delighted to welcome back a long time friend of the show, John August. We dig deep into the economic philosophy known as georgism. Georgism is an economic philosophy advanced by 19th century American economist Henry George author of the 1879 bestseller progress and poverty, as Sylvia NASA explained, in Grand pursuit her amazing history of economic thought. George’s premise was that poverty was growing faster than wealth, and that landlords were to blame. They were collecting fabulous incomes not for rendering a service to the community, but merely because they were lucky enough to own real estate, having identified rental income as the cause of poverty, he proposed a massive tax on land as a cure. So that’s a nice, concise summary of georgism from Sylvia NASA. Georgism is rejected by most economists and is not as popular as it once was, although it still has some adherence, as John points out. This episode, I’m pleased to have caught up with John to discuss georgism and its legacy. I need to note that John is the fusion Party candidate for the Federal seat of benne long in the upcoming Australian federal election. If you’re a regular listener, you’ll notice that I’ve had two fusion party candidates on in the last few weeks. That’s not necessarily an endorsement of the party or its policies. It reflects the fact I have a disproportionate number of fusion party members who listen to the show and actively engage with me, which I must say, I enjoy and I’m grateful for. They’re saying interesting things that are worth talking about, and they’re saying them in good faith. And I’ve been happy to have these candidates on my show. I’ve previously had guests from other larger political parties on the show before, and I hope to do so again in the future. Okay, before we get started, a couple of things. If you’ve got any thoughts on this episode, if you’ve got thoughts on what I said, what John said, or if you’ve got thoughts on other episodes, please get in touch. You can email me at contact, at economics explored.com, I’d love to hear your thoughts. Second. I’ve got to give a quick shout out to our sponsor, Lumo coffee. They’re top quality organic beans from the highlands of Peru are packed with healthy antioxidants and economics explore. Listeners can enjoy a 10% discount. Check out the show notes for details. Now, let’s jump into the episode. I hope you enjoy it. John August, welcome back onto the program.

John August  03:40

Yes. Thank you. Gene, good. Good to be back again. Maybe one day, I’ll figure out something more creative to say than that. But never mind, that’ll do for the present. Very good.

Gene Tunny  03:48

Well, yeah, good to catch up. I mean, we’ve been meaning to have a conversation about georgism for a while, based on the economic or the economics and the philosophy of Henry George, so a US economist, you would say, in from the 19th century, who actually had some significant links to Australia. So I want to chat about that. And also want to chat about the fact that you’re running for Parliament too, for Ben, along which is John Howard’s old seed, if I remember. So had

John August  04:22

your that that’s correct. And then there was John Alexander, and then there was Maxine McHugh, and goodness me, um, Jerome, I think is the is the current member. So, yes, but I just happened to be been living in John Howard’s seat. So that’s just coincidence. And I put my hand into the ring multiple times over the last few years, I’ve actually outlived a lot of a lot of candidates. So Jerome like style. To be fair, he has lived in the area for quite some time, so he it’s so not to put down any other candidates, but he certainly has that genuine connection to the area, right?

Gene Tunny  04:58

Yep. So. You’re running for fusion party now. I chatted with one of your colleagues the other week, Owen Miller, who’s running for wills in Melbourne, and we talked about housing policy. So we had a good conversation. I’ve got some interesting feedback on that, so I’ll probably talk about that the next episode. I still have to think about some of it. So I think, you know, the ideas are, what I’d say at the moment is that the ideas are quite, you know, they’re very, what’s the word, not radical. But they’re, they’re different from what most people would be recommending. So they go quite a long way. And so they’ve generated quite a bit of feedback. So,

John August  05:38

well, look, I will say I have listened to a lot of your podcasts over the years. I have to admit, I just missed out on Owens one. Because what I do, I guess, every so often, I go and check your website and download a whole bunch of them. And I will say that I do that, but what I hadn’t read, I hadn’t listened to that particular podcast. But my more general sentiment is that, you know, housing has been an issue for probably as long as we can remember, and I think we really do need to turn things upside down in some ways to make any progress. And I don’t know the details of that episode, but I would certainly say it is time to try something radically new. And I don’t want to sort of cross with what Owen says, but I’ve said for a long time that our economy is out of balance. And obviously, whenever something’s wrong, people say it’s out of balance, and they’ll say, Oh, well, this is what we need to fix. But I do tend to think there’s too much economic energy, for want of a better word, poured into speculation and too little into genuine wealth building. So

Gene Tunny  06:39

Arlen and I did talk about the, you know, his concern about the amount of speculation and housing and what that what that’s doing to property prices and housing affordability. So, yes, well, I mean, if you get a chance here, be great if you can have a listen and let me know what you think.

John August  06:56

I’m intrigued that you’ve had a lot of reaction to it. I mean, you’ve been quite gracious in interviewing me multiple times, and I had people have found our discussions interesting, that the fact that people have sort of reacted to Iowans one, I guess that’s that’s a good thing in its way as well.

Gene Tunny  07:13

Yes, yeah, particularly the proposal regarding taxation of capital gains of owner occupied housing, I think is, is, is controversial.

John August  07:24

I would say that’s a very Georgia sentiment. I would would suggest, you know, whether I want to say land value taxation or however you cut it, yeah. I mean, georgism does emphasize land value taxation, but there’s various different ways of getting to that notion. Yes, so,

Gene Tunny  07:39

so that’s what I want to chat with you about today, because the way this conversation came up is that I think you once asked me, Do you hear much about georgism? Do you hear much about the ideas of Henry George and I had to admit, in the circles that I travel in, I had to say, well, actually no, but apparently you’ve got a different experience. So could you tell us a bit about that, please. John, okay, well,

John August  08:02

when you’re involved in progressive circles and you’re sort of thinking about, you know, what’s wrong, right or wrong with the economy, goodness, goodness me, have them describe it. You, you it’s very easy to stumble across Georges, who, goodness me, you might say, are a very passionate and evangelical. I don’t know whether this will get past the keeper, but, you know, a bit like Scientologists in their way, which is not to obviously, I guess I’m not trying to be too derogatory. I’m saying, Look, they’ve got an interesting point. They’ve got some interesting things to say, but the fact that they’re so passionate about it, and the fact that it’s a movement, you know, one of my metaphors has been, they’re like the drunk guy with a guitar at a party that won’t leave you alone. And for me, having the experience of people who were so passionate advocates. Where do you want to say they’re like Christians or evangelicals or whatever? For me, I really noticed that as a thing, as a movement, and you know, you hadn’t experienced in it. For me, it was a bit of a surprise, because I thought, you know, everybody would bump across a jaw just at least once in their in their life. But also talking to you, it’s possible to be, shall we say, pro land value taxation. Or say, you know, Land tax is a good thing. Now you say it in general terms, you give it a nod, but it’s not something you would prioritize. It’s not a hill you would die on, or something you would, you know, man the barricades for, but George, just take it one step further. Not only do they give it a nod, like I guess a lot of economists would would, but they take it one step further. It’s a cause. It’s something they advocate about. It’s something they they get into and put push forward. So there’s a definite movement out there. And I know there’s the public Australian publication, progress, and I think that’s by the Melbourne group, prosper. And you know, one of the things that they did at once, they don’t know if they’re still doing it, but they were running around in. Melbourne, sort of checking out how many vacant blocks do we have. And then they were doing an analysis of the water usage of blocks of units. And they were saying, Look at all this land being held out of use. And you know, people who were talking about supplies, sort of say, Oh, the government needs to release more land. And they say, Well, hang on. What about all this land that seems to be held out of use. And that was a very good point that they were making. And these are the sort of stories that they tell. But as we move on, I’ll sort of say that there’s a certain thing where I’ve been thinking about georgism so much, partially because you have these passionate people, or at least I’ve experienced these passionate people, you know, sort of pouring their this intellectual force onto me, and a while ago, I actually took the time to think about it very hard and very carefully, and I actually found that while there’s what you might call the minimalist georgism That I endorse, I endorsed it way back when, and I still endorse it, but the more I look at the economic theory behind it, the more I think, hang on, you guys are overstating your case, or you’re getting things wrong. You know, there’s, there’s basically a whole lot of things where, here’s a wheelbarrow, and you’re trying to, you know, load a load of VW into it, rather than a few bags of cement or whatever, you know, but, but, yeah, I guess that’s certainly something we can start to look at. It’s that it’s sort of got to do with, like, here’s the fair point they make, and here’s this broad economic framework that they build around it. And I’m looking at that economic framework and going, I don’t know about that, you know? Yeah, so I suppose, shall we? Shall we get started on that and see, see how we go?

Gene Tunny  11:36

Yeah, absolutely. So I just want to, I just want to convey what I’ve always understood georgism to be about. It’s about the notion that, well, you know, land is the, you know, one of the fundamental factor of production, and there’s a, there’s a rent that’s earned from the land, and the idea is to tax, you know, the bulk of that rent, essentially, isn’t it? It’s to take a huge amount of that, that rent, the ground rent, the rent from the unimproved, or the the unimproved value of the land. So not taxing any betterment, anything that you’ve added to the land, and potentially having a single tax. So georgism is associated with having that site value tax, or land value tax as the single tax. Is that? Is that right? I

John August  12:29

think historically, that was the case. But I think most modern Georges just sort of say that, like, look, it would be good to have a lot more of our tax going via land value taxation. And I think few of them would say, let’s do 100% but they’re more saying, no, let’s double it. Let’s triple it. And you know, as the economy settles and hopefully people get used to it, maybe one day we’ll have 100% but I don’t think many Georgia actively say 100% but you know certainly that historically, I do believe that was the case, right?

Gene Tunny  13:03

And with the So, with, with the georgism. So this is associated with Henry George, who was a an American economist, and he had a link to Australia, and he gave a famous talk in Australia that was well attended in Melbourne. I believe, do you know that store at all?

John August  13:22

Well, I do believe he toured Australia, and he gained a lot of converts. And the other thing is that a lot of our council rates are sort of my understanding is that we tag into the unimproved value because of Henry George’s inspiration. And people were listening and thought, hey, that’s a good idea. But notice that’s how we levy rates, which is a small part of, I guess, the total tax take, the total expenditure of government. And my understanding is that originally, Canberra was also built somewhat along Georgia’s lines. But what they wanted to do was say, we want to have good economic activity. We don’t have speculators sort of sitting on land and sort of using that to sort of make profit with. So Canberra was constructed on a very different basis. Now, you could say that Georgist ideal in Canberra has been diluted lately, and that’s a more complicated story that I’m not really on top of. But you know, it is my understanding those two things in Australia, did have a Georgist inspiration? Yeah,

Gene Tunny  14:24

yeah. So, yeah. Good point about local government rates and and now, I mean, the main tax base in Australia is, is income, okay? So the well, particularly at Commonwealth level. I mean, I guess all over Australia. That’s where the bulk of the tax revenue is is raised from. It’s by taxes on income. Is by taxes on, you know, company profits. And then we’ve got the GST, of course, Goods and Services Tax. So and land value taxes are going to be a much smaller percentage of. Of the of the total tax take. So not really where, you know what the Georges would be advocating for.

John August  15:07

Okay, so, So way back when I think I told you a story, and it’s a story that I still get behind, and I still endorse it, is that if we have a property and you know that the council builds a garbage dump close to us, we’re probably going to, you know, run to government or run to the courts and try to get compensation for that. But if the government builds, let’s say, a railway station about a kilometer distance, obviously, if it’s too close, we might whinge about the noise, but if it’s a kilometer distance, it’s just going to increase our land values. But while in the first case, there’s a cure of people wanting to give the government, wanting compensation of the government, in the second case, there’s no queue of people who have said, Wow, you government who increased my land value, I’m so guilt ridden by that. Here’s your share of that, right? Yeah, that that is a story that I still relate to, and the story that the Georges tell. And certainly it is possible to see that like on the one hand, there’s speculation, there’s buying land, letting its value grow, but there’s this ethical problem where it grows as a result of other people’s effort, and you get that bonus, and there’s a moral problem with that. And I think that’s what the Georgia site, and I do quite agree with that. But you know what you were saying earlier? I think you mentioned two things. One was site value improvements, and then economic rent. Yes, and one of the interesting things, and then you’ve got economic rent. Another interesting story is to do with dead weight loss. But the thing about economic rent is that in classical economics, rent was like unearned income, so it’s just just a bounty that comes in. And according to neoclassical economics, economic rent is any return to something that is in fixed supply. So you have quasi rent, or you say something is in short term shortage, so it will earn a rent. And the georgists love to sort of grab hold of just the definition, the classical economic definition of rent. You know, this is unearned, but they don’t want to acknowledge the neoclassical innovation or change in ideas. And I’m respectful of both these ideas and saying history of ideas. And you know, one idea was for one purpose, another idea was another purpose. Let’s not dismiss any of them. But the other thing is, they love to grab hold of concepts in neoclassical economics, like dead weight loss. Now it’s my understanding that deadweight loss comes from neoclassical economics, so they want to grab the classical economic definition of economic rent, but then ignore the neoclassical definition of economic rent and grab hold of their definition of deadweight loss. So they’re sort of picking and choosing selectively. And if you go to Georges, there’s two ways that they relate to this. One is a conspiratorial approach, and another one is, Don’t look behind the curtains. Now the conspiratorial approach and you will find it. They say that neoclassical economics was developed to defang Georgist economics because it had this critique of capitalism and how land value was accumulating. So people develop now classical economics to defang it. And they also change the definition of rent from the from the, from the classical economic to neoclassical, to defang it. And if you actually look at, I think it was Marshall, one of the people who got behind, I think, the marginal economics revolution, and he actually looked at georgism. And if you look at what you might call the vibe of the thing, you know he was into georgism. He was into justice and understanding economics from a like justice and what’s fair point of view. And he developed marginal economics. And there were a lot of, I think you could say legitimate improvements to economics that came from neoclassical economics. And it was actually someone who was involved in that that did that. So I think it’s a it’s a distortion to say that. And there are some commentators who say, look, one of the things they did was that they did sort of put some of the ideas, if George isn’t, to one side. And, you know, went to went to neoclassical economics. But when I say, that’s the conspiratorial No, that’s the conspiratorial node. And then there’s another one, which I call the Don’t look behind the curtains thing, because, you know, in the pages of the Progress magazine, you actually have someone who is saying, Oh, well, neoclassical economics emphasizes this. Classical economic. Neoclassical economics emphasizes this. You know, George just emphasized this. And here’s. These all different schools of thought which emphasize different things, but it ignores that, you know, classical economics had one definition of economic render. Now, classical economics had a different definition of economic rent. So that’s the narrative that I call the Don’t look behind the curtains narrative. And you know, another thing that you will find in georgism, if you look around is what I call an accounting error. They will say, look, here’s this taxation. It causes a distortion to the economy and and that’s your your your dead weight loss. And obviously their argument would be that land value taxation doesn’t cause dead weight loss. So it’s the more effective form of taxation. Now let’s say, look, there’s a broad sentiment here, which I will actually endorse, say, but in now, it’s nice to have the least distortionary form of taxation, as I say, I think that is where a moderate number of mainstream economists will get on board. As I say, though it’s not a hill they will die on. It’s not saying there were man the barricades about but they will nod and go, yeah, yeah, that that’s that’s a fair point, yeah. So, so they will say that, but then, if you read some of these narratives, it’s like there’s an accounting error. They forget that the tax might actually be spent on a public good, and you might get a return on that expenditure that actually exceeds the distortionary cost of the tax, right? So they’re forgetting one of the accounting columns, which is, yes, your tax, but the tax is actually spent on stuff, and what’s the return on the expenditure associated with the tax. Now, don’t get me wrong, it’s still, there’s still a good argument for saying we should minimize the distortionary effects of every tax. Okay, fair enough. That’s that’s a certain valid concept, so you park it over there. But when you look at the analyzes, they say, here’s the tax, here’s the distortion. And look at how much the distortion sort of messes up the economy, and they forget to mention that the taxes are actually spent on something in the economy. So there’s this sort of administrative error, you might say, or an accounting error, forgetting one of the columns.

Gene Tunny  22:06

Well, I mean, are they arguing that their their land value tax, that’s, that’s the period away way to raise the revenue. So they’d be proposing a tax, a switch, a change in the tax mix,

John August  22:18

that is, that is correct again, you’re, you’re, you’re taking one well, correct me if I’m wrong. It’s my understanding that the dead weight loss concept comes from neoclassical economics. So taking one concept from classical economics, that definition of economic grant, and then grabbing your concept of dead weight loss from neoclassical economics and saying, Look, if we, if we do this, you know, we will have less distortion, and therefore less better prosperity. And that’s an argument which holds weight. I mean, I’m not going to argue with it. But notice, when you do the balance sheet, there are many parts of the balance sheet when they’re making the argument. You like to take my word for it. It’s something I’ve noticed along the way.

Gene Tunny  23:00

Yeah, well, let’s talk about that. So just on the taxes being distortionary, so that’s correct, and that’s because you earn an extra dollar, the government will take a proportion of it, and it takes a higher proportion, the more the higher income you are. And so there’s an argument that, you know, there will be some people who don’t work that extra hour because, well, they only, they don’t keep as much of it as I’d like to keep. So there’s the potential of income tax, in particular, reducing labor supply, of affecting work effort. And there’s, you know, huge literature on that. To what extent does that? Does that occur? But we think, and also commodity taxes or they’re going to discourage some consumption, and there’s going to be a dead weight loss associated with that, a loss of consumer surplus. So we know that those taxes are distortionary. The argument for land value taxation is that if you tax the the unimproved value of the land. If you’re just taxing the the value, or the the return to the the owner of the land that’s generated from it just being where it is, rather than any improvements they’ve they’ve made to the land, then that’s not going to affect behavior, because the land can’t move. I mean, the land’s there, okay, the land’s not mobile. It’s not, you know, if you tax the there’s that whole debate about billionaire taxes or wealth taxes, and one of the common rebuttals, or the or points that’s made is, oh, well, they’ll just leave. They’ll just leave the UK. They’ll just go, they’ll just go elsewhere. Well, the land can’t go anywhere else, so there’s no deadweight loss associated with that. That’s the That’s the view.

John August  24:48

Yeah, well, I would certainly agree with that argument. I suppose taking it a bit further, there’s the distinction between the unimproved value and the value of. Of the, what do they call it? The the add ons, I forget what the word the improvements. That’s right, improvements. And look that there’s a certain logic in that that makes sense. But equally, they’re sort of, they’re forgetting that these things are entangled. Because the more valuable the land is the more flaws you can build and the more flaws you can build profitably. So in a sense, you are making a profit from putting improvements on the land, but you can make more profit from improvements if the value of the land is larger to start with. So in a sense, it’s it’s post both valid to separate these things out. And I think the Georges make a fair point, but what they forget is how entangled these things are as well. And you know, one of the things that Georgia say is land is not created anymore. And there’s a lot of maxims that they say like that, which I guess you say, are true, but misleading. Land is not being created anymore, but possibilities for higher density land use are being created over time. As land becomes more valuable, you can actually put a building with more floors on it, and do that profitably in a way that makes sense. So there’s sort of some of these, as I say, some of these economic maxims that come out of georgism. And I think you sort of think of that and go, maybe it’s sort of true, but there’s a bigger and richer picture here, which is not to say that it’s wrong, I suppose, but you can see there’s, it does feel like George isn’t is missing out on stuff. Because when I think Henry George was operating it, you know the idea that someone would go in and build a 20 story, you know, apartment block. I mean, basically people would build something with two or three stories, if you were lucky. So you know that the world was different back then. So

Gene Tunny  27:01

yeah. So let’s check out his dates, 1839 to 1897 his writing was from Wikipedia. It was immensely popular in 19th century America. Sparked several reform movements of the progressive era, and he inspired the economic philosophy known as georgism, the belief that people should own the value they produce themselves, but that the economic but that the economic value of the land should belong equally to all members of society. And he famously argued for a single tax on land values it would create a more productive and just society. So, yeah, I mean just fascinating. And I mean hugely popular at the time, and apparently they had, when he was buried, there was one of the, you know, was it a fifth of the population of New York City, or turned out for the burial, or something like that? I think I saw. It was just, just extraordinary to

John August  28:01

me. But it sounds quite possible. Yes, apparently he was at the focus of quite a substantial movement. And the interesting thing is that he was somewhat contemporaneous with Marx. And the thing is, in the UK, people being denied land. Wasn’t that strong a thing? I think there was the enclosures movement. There were diggers and levelers and so on. But Mark’s been close to be worried about factory owners paying people the absolute minimum rate, and then they’d be cast off onto the street. And notice Henry George had his sentiment more was rather than the business owners, you know, paying their employees whatever amount. He was saying that people will charge such high rents that people will be on the scrap heap. And it’s interesting. I’m not well, who knows. I’m saying a lot of these things. I’m not sure if anybody else has identified them, but I did notice a certain parallel between marks and George in, in, in in that way that they were both saying, Look, business or landlords or whatever, are going to do certain things and screw people over. And now there’s a certain logic in both of them, I suppose. But it’s interesting that when marks appeared on the scene, you know, all that stuff about diggers, levelers and and the enclosures act and so on, I think that had sort of passed, it seems

Speaker 1  29:23

okay. We’ll take a short break here for a word from House sponsor.

Speaker 2  29:29

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now. Back to the show.

Gene Tunny  30:02

So you made that point about the value of the land being improved or increased by infrastructure. I think Cameron Murray did some estimates of how much gold coast light rail increased the the value of of property around around Gold Coast light rail, which I thought was a good study. I’m trying to remember, I think Cameron is he’s a supporter of are they do? They call them Betterment taxes. Is that something that you support? Yeah, Betterment

John August  30:30

taxes. Now, he was originally talking about the right to build higher floors and the right to that space above the thing and being charged for that space. And I have to say, obviously he’s going along the lines of Betterment taxes, but, but it was actually his inspiration that made me think, land may not be created anymore, but opportunities for more intensive land use are being created. And in a sense, it was his perspective that was a bit of a leg up to me developing that particular insight. So, so yes, I have to give a nod to Cameron on that one. And yeah, he was saying that the ability to build buildings, that bit of space should actually be auctioned off. So yeah, and you can wonder what’s going on there is that bit of space more properly attached to the improvement or the land. And again, George, by distinguishing, you know, unimproved value of land from improvements, it’s sort of a useful concept, and I don’t want to deny the worth of it, but when you start to unpack it, my God seems getting muddled and complicated. You know, yeah,

Gene Tunny  31:40

yeah, I think that’s the good point. Difficult. It could be difficult to apply. Yeah, absolutely. John, can I ask about as a What’s your view on the you know, a lot of economists argue that we should move away from stamp duty on property transactions. We should move to, well, land tax increase, increased land taxes. Or have people they can opt out of paying the stamp duty and then switch to land tax. Do you have any thoughts on those type of proposals?

John August  32:14

Well, I’m broadly supported of that because, you know, let’s say it’s an economic abstraction, but you can say, if people can move, they should be able to move. And if you have blockages to that, like people have to play stamp duty, then that’s a disincentive for them to move. And I mean, that’s an abstraction, I think it has a definite amount of validity, and that if you have paid your land value taxation, then when you reach the point of wanting to sell your property or buy someone else’s property, the cost of doing that is like, well, just, you know, whatever legal costs or administrative costs, but there’s No actual Extra, extra financial tax that’s really at the point of point of sale, and that that’s a good thing, because you increase sales. And one economic principle is if everyone buys and sells, and everybody is closer to optimum, or closer to their their maximum happiness, and so on. And you know, I think you can undermine that economic principle, but there’s a certain amount of truth to it, and by implication, if people are moving around, but but going off on a bit of a tangent, we do have the situation at the moment, I think I’ve mentioned it before, where you have reasonably well to do suburbs. They have schools, and the school teachers, the people who clean the schools, the nurses who work in the hospitals. You know the fire is the police can’t actually afford to live in that area. And, like, you have to say, look, there’s something wrong with this picture. And some councils are developing key worker accommodation, which is a particular style of public housing, you might say. So, so yeah, that that’s sort of, I guess, complicating the whole, whole picture of like, stamp duty and like. What I’m trying to say is, it’s good if people are buying and selling to move where they should be, but the deeper story is if people, if police policemen, or police officers and nurses and so on, can’t actually move to be close to where they were. You know, that’s that’s a bit messed up as well. Yeah,

Gene Tunny  34:22

it’s interesting. That whole the fact that they’re having to find, you know, provide key work accommodation. And this is in, you know, this is not someone, somewhere remote where it might be. You know, there’s only so many properties, and it’s costly to build a new one. This is in the middle of, presumably you’re talking about places like northern suburbs of Sydney. Are you North Shore Sydney? Yeah, that’s right. Yeah, right. And because I know, I mean historically, like the education department would provide houses for teachers in remote parts of of Queensland or new. South Wales, I think, and and I visited a town in or I visited a potato processing facility in in the Riverina, and that company, it actually owns them houses in in the town, I think it was Hillston, because for accommodation for their their workers, because they know that otherwise they may not be able to find places to live. It’s extraordinary that they have it schools and and, you know, all councils are having to do that in major cities. It’s extraordinary. Yeah,

John August  35:33

yeah, so, but I suppose, look, we might move on to some other things, I suppose, but I’ll there’s, there’s so many things I can say, but let me try to say a few more things. Now, one of the things that George talks about is they talk about the division of labor, but they don’t talk about skilled labor. And there’s, like, a moderate number of holes in their story. Because one Georgia story is that if you have, let’s just say, a township, and all it’s really got is one railway state, and over time, it builds into a decent sized Township. And George says that between when the township starts up and when it matures, five or 10 years later, the the wages of basic labor will not increase, but the rents will go up, right? And on the one hand, he’s true to say that, but George has also talked about division of labor and specialization, and while that observation, he said, is true, the opportunities for skilled labor in a mature economy will be there that weren’t there when it was first starting out. So so while the way so the wages of unskilled labor may well be the same, it’s quite possible there are now opportunities to skill labor, so the average wage will go up during that growth period, but, but the George’s perspective just focuses on how rent is going to go up, and doesn’t talk about how the economy will change over time. Then there’s sort of quantum, Quantum Leap effects, where, let’s say you have a bookstore, and then the bookstore has to compete with like overseas booksellers on the internet, so it can’t be profitable. And what then happens is those bookstores are replaced with service stations, because basically you have to fight buy petrol from somewhere locally to put in your car, but you can sort of basically buy books by post. And that’s saying that the I guess, the ecosystem economic the diversity in your local economic ecosystem, will sort of be affected as rents go up and opportunities are less so, you know, there’s, there’s some interesting Georgia’s perspectives and, and, oh yes, there’s one or two others like, you know, the idea that Georgia’s taxes will not distort the economy as much. I mean, you have all this picture of, like, macro economics, of, you know, taxation, productivity, inflation, employment, unemployment, and so on. And in all the stuff that I read in Henry of George’s commentary, of all the articles I’ve read, maybe only one, incidentally, spoke about macro economic concepts. I mean, yes, they will bang on about you know, look, this text is less distortionary and, and that’s probably true, but they never go into the whole macro economic picture. Another one is that interest rates are an important part of our economy. And, you know, I think, think what I think I’ve had a separate discussion with you. And, you know, let’s say one of the things you might at the story we’re all told at school is, you know, you go and get a bank loan. And what that means is that, rather than saving for 30 years and then buying a house, you can buy the house now and then pay the loan off for 30 years. And it’s actually better to get that house sooner. And that’s a story that’s told at school. But the problem is, when we go out in the world, it’s not like the houses have a fixed price. It’s more a price that is bidded for. And we go out to the bank and basically get bigger and bigger loans and bid up the price. So it’s not like we’re getting a bank loan for something that was a fixed, fixed cost. The the cost is sort of the purchase price is influenced by the loan that we get and that sort of, you know, the availability of money in the interest rate and so on. And my broad, broad brush approximation is that the front end the developers, there will be, I think, a fixed price for land, and they’ll buy a certain amount based on interest rates and their expectations of future return. But when we buy stuff, the supply is fixed, and we bid up the prices, partly based on on bank loans. Now there are some George’s comment commentators, as I said, 10 years of articles, and maybe one of them talked about interest rates, and it was more saying that if you actually hold. Land, then you don’t have to pay interest on it, or you can get a lower rate of interest. And I know Cameron Murray, he was talking about the idea that people might strike an option and convert their land, and you have the idea of you can be paying interest on land, or if you own it outright, then you’re only paying the opportunity cost of not developing and I think Cameron Murray develops that theory a bit. And so notice this. These are all very interesting stories. And you know, you read 1010, years of George’s publications, and one article might comment on this factor, or another article might comment on that factor. And yeah, it’s a bit strange. It seems that there’s a lot more that could be done with these Georgia’s ideas than it isn’t

Gene Tunny  40:46

a lot more. What do you mean exactly? Where do you think that I’m just trying to, I’m just trying to understand what’s, what are the implications of what you’re saying? I mean, what is your

John August  40:57

there’s economic modeling which sort of says, oh, you know, we increase tax and we reduce economic output, and that’s sort of going to say, you know, what’s the size of the economy, what’s GDP like, what’s productivity like, what’s employment like, what’s inflation like, and so on. And okay, so we change the tax we we change it from what we’re doing, from the mix tax mix we have at the moment, to one that’s based on land value taxation, and what’s the macro economic effects of that? Now, I suspect they would be positive, but apart from just this hand waving argument of, oh, you know, the economy will be less distorted, there’s not really a development of the macro economic consequences of this sort of tax shift, and I suppose also the fact that interest rates do mesh into our story. And, you know, we don’t want, just want to think about, you know, the the escalation in property values. We probably also want to think about what interest rates are doing along the way. And I suppose one thing that the Georges have is they have a particular perspective on business cycles, and that, you know, investment in property is a trigger for business cycle, so they expend a lot of intellectual energy on that particular story. And, yeah, but, but anyway, look, there’s, there’s other things I could say, but maybe I’ll leave it at that for the present, I suppose. Well,

Gene Tunny  42:15

I mean, at times it is. I mean, we know that. I mean, there have been several crashes in Australia, well, and in the US. I mean, there’s been at least one. There was the crash or the recession in the early 90s. I mean, that was preceded by the boom of the late 80s, and a large part of that was, you know, a lot of commercial property investment. And in the US in the lead up to the financial crisis of 2008 we obviously had all of the, you know, the big housing boom there. So, yeah, I mean, clearly, okay,

John August  42:50

well let, let’s say the the thing is that the jaw just make, I think, a very good case that recessions are associated with over investment and land and property bubbles and so on. Now, whether you could say they’re the cause of it or just part of the wave that crashes, you know, that’s a more subtle issue. But certainly property bubbles and property disruptions are associated with recessions and, you know, just have something interesting to say there. But, you know, there’s just no, I guess there’s just so much to think about. You know,

Gene Tunny  43:27

yeah, yeah, absolutely. I mean, I think, I think you raised some important issues. I think we’ll have to come back another time to the impact of of interest rates on or credit and interest rates on property values, because clearly there’s a relationship. And you would have seen, have you seen the Saunders tulip research, the RBA discussion paper on housing there their model? I’ll send you.

John August  43:54

Who knows? I have a vague feeling I’ve glanced at it five or 10 years ago, but yeah, I guess it’s not something I’m mindful at the moment. Let me see. Now you’re talking about, let’s see so, so remind me what was some of the content of that paper.

Gene Tunny  44:11

So trans Saunders and Peter tun who are working at the Reserve Bank at the time. Peter is a colleague of mine at Center for Independent studies now trends now works at Queensland Treasury Corporation down the road from me. At the moment, they developed an econometric model of the Australian housing market and the variables that move property rents and property prices the most interest rates and the population growth, so yeah, or dwelling stock per capita, yeah. Well,

John August  44:46

you’ve probably heard me talk about population growth and infrastructure deficit and this sort of thing. Now that you’ve mentioned it, I do remember one of the stories that Cameron Murray told was that you can, you can rent. Rent a house, or you can rent money from the bank to pay off your house, sort of thing, correct? And that was a very cute sort of way that he had of describing some of these interactions, so that, yes, I would say, like, look, interest rates are part of the picture. I tend to think that what you might call the underlying Georgist ideas about land ownership, injustice might also be a part of the picture, but notice, I’m not going to just focus on Georgia, the Georgia part of the picture. I think there’s a lot of complexity there, and I think interest rates are part of it. As I say that in all the Georgia literature that I’ve read, I mean, I’m not saying I’ve read everything, but obviously you’re in Australia to read the Australian publications. You read them for 10 years, and an interest rates get mentioned maybe once or twice. So for me, there’s a, there’s a rich picture here that seems to be ignored, much as you know, Georges have a part of it, right?

Gene Tunny  45:52

It’s a fascinating philosophy, and one that until, I mean, you know, we had that conversation, and you asked me, Are you running into any Georgist? And I had to say, well, actually, no, but

John August  46:04

Well, I can only suggest that you check out what is it called prosper in Victoria. And they have a website where they sort of basically sing the praises. And if you read it now, whether or not you’re persuaded by it, you can certainly see that this is a movement, and people you know, have strong feelings about this, you know, so that that might sort of, and as I say, I’m surprised that it seemed to me I was stumbling over Georges all over the place that we’re all trying to convert me. Like in some circles, you might stumble over Christians who are all trying to convert you, or whatever, you know, so and you haven’t had that experience. Well, here you go.

Gene Tunny  46:39

No, well, I think a lot of economists will, yeah, they’d be. They skeptical of it, particularly, I mean, he’s known for that argument that. So the idea is this economic rent of land. So the you know, what they people earn from the property just because of the fact that you know it’s there, it’s in a particular location. It’s nothing to do with anything they’ve they’ve done, or improvements they made of the property. The idea is that should be shared by society. So he essentially wants to make land into common property. And I think that’s, yeah, that’s obviously going to be

John August  47:17

something, many things I could bring to bear. And obviously that, it’s hard to crank them out of the top of my head, but I remember I actually looked at, I think, one of the maybe it was business review weekly or or some sort of, some sort of record of, like, the 20 most prosperous businesses in Australia. And of those 20 businesses, maybe two, three, maybe four at the most, were into resources in some abstract way. And like, two of them were in the resources in the sense of mining, and maybe two of them were into property, but the rest of them were into retail or logistics or computer services or whatever. And you know, you’re sort of saying, Well, hang on if you know, if land ownership is such a parasitic growth on our economy? How come there’s so many strong industries in other areas? And, you know, that’s a question I do ask myself. Now, it’s obviously possible that, you know, under the surface, you know, the the landlords are leeching out of out of our society, and that’s quite possible, but it does run a bit counter to just looking at the 20 most successful businesses in Australia, maybe

Gene Tunny  48:23

we have to come back and chat about speculation another episode, because there would be quite a lot to talk about. I mean, the what I’m wondering is, I mean, do you what do you think of the argument that, I mean, a lot of this speculation is necessary to be able to take advantage of new opportunities. I mean, as part of that whole process of creative destruction. I mean, you know, ex post, or after the fact, it becomes obvious that, yeah, okay, so there was a lot of over investment in particular areas. I mean, the original.com boom, the railway mania in the in the 19th century. I mean, you know, I guess the commercial property boom in Australia in the late 80s, there were so there are, you know, so many examples, but ex ante, or before the fact, it may have actually made sense to, you know, to devote all of these resources because, you know, it did look like a, you know, there were profitable opportunities at the time. And you know, who is to judge what is, what are, what are good investments to make, ex ante, other than the people making them? So that’s the that would be the standard economist or, or, you know, rational economist response to these concerns about speculation. So just thought we’d end on that, and whether you have any reflections on that. Okay, well,

John August  49:42

I think you’ve gotta distinguish two elements here, like the Georgia sort of say, look like the the government has built a railway station increase the value of your land. And you know, it’s someone else’s efforts that have increased your value. Mm. So that’s sort of like saying, Look, here is speculation. Someone else has done something to increase your value, and you’re getting a bonus as a result of someone else’s efforts. Now, if it’s a speculation in the sense of like, here’s a radical new product that you’re putting out, okay, and it’s not environmentally effective. You’re paying your staff well, and you’re not, you’re not selling in a manipulative way. But for some reason it goes really well in your business absolutely explodes. That’s, I guess, what you call legitimate speculation. So, you know, I guess there’s what you might call speculation in innovative ideas, where you are actually carrying something forward. And I suppose, look, the whole thing about georgism, and I mean, there’s so many rabbit holes you can go down, but they do celebrate their idea of genuine enterprise. Yes, so. And I would actually say, Look, if somebody starts up a green grocer, and there was no green grocer before, and there was a market for it, and all these people go and say, Oh, those carrots are really good. I’ll buy some or whatever. You know, they are actually helping things along. So I suppose it’s a matter of whether this style of speculation is you are taking a gamble, and you’re not parasitizing or someone else, or if it’s speculation, where you’re doing something and then somebody else does something brand, and you get the benefits of that. Now I think that’s a worthwhile distinction to make. Let’s say some people, I mean, it was Cisco things settled, obviously, but you know, the people originally behind Cisco. They put some money into it, and it really flew. And I have to say, well, good luck to them on that one. You know, I suppose that’s genuine speculation, where it, where it gave an ethical return, I guess you would say, and, and that is a distinction that I will make. And I do actually echo some of the Georgia sentiment, which talks about genuine enterprise, real enterprise or real creativity behind business. And I think I’ll run with that Georgia sentiment, right?

Gene Tunny  52:08

Oh, well, yep. I mean fascinating, fascinating body of of literature, of thought there. So yeah, John, thanks so much for the chat. It’s always great chatting with you, boy. It’s got lots of interesting things to say. Make Me Think about a lot of issues. I’m going to gonna have to do a bit more research on georgism Make sure I fully understand it. And I think you made, made a lot of good points. And yeah, thanks, thanks again for your time, and I hope it all goes well out on the campaign trail. So all the best for that, and look forward to catching up with you sometime again in the future.

John August  52:42

All right, and you know, obviously, if I’m in Brisbane, I’ll look you up. And please do look me up if you’re in Sydney anyway,

Gene Tunny  52:49

will do Okay. Thanks, John, okay, then Sid, righto, thanks for listening to this episode of economics explored. If you have any questions, comments or suggestions, please get in touch. I’d love to hear from you. You can send me an email via contact at economics, explore.com or a voicemail via SpeakPipe. You can find the link in the show notes. If you’ve enjoyed the show, I’d be grateful if you could tell anyone you think would be interested about it. Word of mouth is one of the main ways that people learn about the show. Finally, if your podcasting out lets you, then please write a review and leave a writing. Thanks for listening. I hope you can join me again next week.

Speaker 3  53:40

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Thanks to the show’s sponsor, Gene’s consultancy business, www.adepteconomics.com.au. Full transcripts are available a few days after the episode is first published at www.economicsexplored.com. Economics Explored is available via Apple Podcasts and other podcasting platforms.

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Podcast episode

The Pirate Party’s economic policy platform w/ John August – EP138 + transcript

What does the economic policy platform of a Pirate Party look like? What does it say about intellectual property protection (i.e. copyright and patents), the Right to Repair, UBI, taxation, and business support? And what type of pirates are Pirate Parties inspired by exactly: Captain Jack Sparrow or Kim Dotcom? Pirate Party Australia Treasurer John August answers these questions in a conversation with Economics Explored host Gene Tunny in Episode 138 of the show.

You can listen to the conversation using the embedded player below or via Google Podcasts, Apple Podcasts, Spotify, and Stitcher, among other podcast apps. A transcript and relevant links are also available below.

Here’s a clip from the video recording of the conversation in which John talks about the Pirate Party’s views on intellectual property.

About this episode’s guest – John August

John August is the Treasurer of the Pirate Party Australia and a Fusion Party candidate for the electorate of Bennelong in the 2022 Australia federal election. John does computer support work in retail and shareholder communication. He is passionate about justice and ethics in our world, particularly as it plays out in law generally and intellectual property in particular. He has stood on behalf of the Pirate Party in the Federal seat of Bennelong and also as a Councillor for Ryde City Council.

Along with technology and law John is also interested in spoken word and poetry. He broadcasts on community radio and hosts the program “Roving Spotlight” on Tuesdays from noon-2pm on Radio Skid Row Marrickville Sydney, and writes about his ideas on the website www.johnaugust.com.au. You can keep up to date with what John is up to via his Facebook page

Links relevant to the conversation

https://pirateparty.org.au/

https://www.fusionparty.org.au/

Land Value Uplift from Light Rail by Cameron Murray

On the persistence of the China shock by David Autor, David Dorn, and Gordon Hanson

Termites in the Trading System by Jagdish Bhagwati

Transcript of EP138: The Pirate Party’s economic policy platform w/ John August

N.B. This is a lightly edited version of a transcript originally created using the AI application otter.ai. It may not be 100 percent accurate, but should be pretty close. If you’d like to quote from it, please check the quoted segment in the recording.

Gene Tunny  00:01

Coming up on Economics Explored.

John August  00:04

And there is the whole thing of, you know, patent trolls who have a bunch of patents sitting on the shelf, and all they do is run around with a mallet and whack people on the head who try to make that. And to my way of thinking that’s a complete abuse of what a patent should be.

Gene Tunny  00:18

Welcome to the Economics Explored podcast, a frank and fearless exploration of important economic issues. I’m your host, Gene Tunny. I’m a professional economist based in Brisbane, Australia, and I’m a former Australian Treasury official. This is Episode 138, on the economic policy platform of the Pirate Party, Australia, one of several Pirate Parties around the world. I’m joined this episode by John August, treasurer of the Pirate Party Australia, which is part of the Fusion Party Coalition. The Fusion Party brings together the Pirate, Secular, Science, and Climate Emergency parties. This episode was recorded in late April 2022 in the lead up to the 2022 Australian federal election. John is running as a Fusion Party candidate for the Sydney-based electorate of Bennelong. Please check out the show notes for relevant links, any clarifications and for details of how you can get in touch with any comments or suggestions. I’d love to hear from you. Righto. Now for my conversation with John August on the economic and policy platform of the Pirate Party. Thanks to my audio engineer, Josh Crotts, for his assistance in producing this episode. I hope you enjoy it. John August from the Pirate Party of Australia, welcome to the programme.

John August  01:35

Well, thank you, Gene. Great to be here.

Gene Tunny  01:38

Yes. Good to have you on the show. I’m keen to learn about the economic policy platform of the Pirate Party. So I’ve recently had some discussions with some members of the Pirate Party regarding UBI. I had one member reach out to me after they listened to my episode with Ben Phillips. And so I’ve been speaking with him about that. And I’d just like to make sure I understand this where the Pirate Party is coming from because you hear pirate party and instantly you think of Long John Silver, but I mean, that’s not quite the case is it? So I’d like to understand then where’s the Pirate Party coming from? So if you could take us through that, please, that’d be great.

John August  02:24

Okay, well, I guess you’ve got the right thing that if you actually look at our policies, you’ll find that we’re very much into individual freedom, at the same time as we’re also into social concern. And one of the things, I think this will come out in this discussion, is that every party claims to get that balance or claims to sort of put some effort into it. But you know, obviously, I’m not just saying this. Hopefully, it’ll come out in the discussion. But I think the Pirate Party does a better job of realising that duality than I think any other political party.

And you know, one of the things, yes, there’s this stuff about pirates, they have to understand that way back when, I guess computer games were in fact copying software and other things. And the industry was calling them pirates. And so they thought, well, hang on, if you’re going to call us pirates, we should embrace that and run with it. And along the way, I guess the pirate movement, you might say, they started to appreciate how business was actually flexing its muscles and abusing its position. And then you also had a certain concern about government. So the Pirate Party is, I guess, both concerned about corporate overreach, and also government overreach and government censorship. And we also believe in individual freedom.

But the thing is, along the way, you’re starting to think, look, we believe in individual freedom, we believe in personal initiative, and drive and enterprise and so on. But what does the good drive, the good initiative really look like? And I guess we saw in business, a lot of businesses abusing the situation, you know, rent seeking, abusing intellectual property, and similar. And I guess there’s also, you know, land ownership, you know, the Georges do actually talk about the land ownership monopoly. And we’re certainly informed by those sentiments. So we came from a point of view of saying, we want to celebrate real economic initiative, at the same time as we want to be compassionate and care for people and enable them. And again, no political party runs into government claiming they’re not going to do that and that the devil is in the details.

But like when it comes to social welfare, we do actually believe in the pirate universal basic income, which you might say, I guess it’s more a guaranteed minimum income because not everybody gets it. The idea being that if you make the nominal amount you neither pay tax, nor do you get a top up, but if you make less than that, you get A bit of a top up until finally at zero, you get a certain amount of money regardless. And that means that you provide people with the incentive to apply themselves, you save on bureaucracy, and obviously at the top end, I have to be careful, they’ll call it an incremental rate of taxation. Because obviously, in one sense, it’s a flat rate, but it’s not a flat rate, because it doesn’t, you know, intersect the origin. But certainly, if you are, I guess reasonably well off, you make a bit of money, and you will get a relatively fixed portion of that. Obviously, it’s mathematical, it’s, you know, the offset plus the gradient and this sort of thing.

So I suppose I guess you’re sort of more concerned about economic policy, but we certainly cherish individual freedom, freedom of speech, freedom from government intervention. And look, it’s not economic, but we’re certainly concerned about Witness K and Bernard Collaery and Julian Assange, and I guess the government surveillance laws to sort of eavesdrop on our mobile phones and make fiddles and change, it’s with them. And I guess you also have, you know, the corporations who are basically pulling large amounts of data and taking advantage of it.

So we basically are concerned about government and corporations in equal measure. But we do believe in freedom of speech, and we do believe in individual initiative. And as I say, No, I don’t think any political party claims to not believe in enterprise, or these various things. But I think our particular combination, is a result of this being targeted by both government and corporations. And that’s where we’ve ended up. And I think, as a result of the journey we’ve taken to get here, we actually have a, as I say, a much better point of like mixing the celebration of individuality and also looking after people as well.

Gene Tunny  06:58

Yeah. Okay. So is the Pirate Party explicitly Georgist? You mentioned Georgism, or the philosophy of the American economist Henry George from the 19th century. And I mean, you’re probably better placed to explain what his philosophy was. But I guess he was in favour of taxing land, wasn’t he? He talked a lot about the unearned rent from land, is that right?

John August  07:28

That is correct. Now, of our policy platform, if you look at it, we do say, look, land value taxation is a good thing, it would be good to sort of re-emphasise our tax system to do that. And like when you have the universal basic income, I guess there’s lots of people will chuck moral rocks at it, but one of the things we do try to do is say, look, how do we actually cost this in such a way we don’t need print money to actually give people this basic income. And okay, I’m going off on a bit of a tangent. But you know, one of the principles is, once you give people that basic income, without constraints, we reasonably expect, a lot of people will just work a few hours a week, because they don’t fall off a cliff and lose all their benefits. So you will immediately sort of enable that initiative.

But getting back to Henry George, yes, let’s just say I suppose one way of capturing this duality is that if you have a property, and the government does something that lowers the value of your land, you wouldn’t believe you know, the hew and cry, the number of letters to the editor, you know…to the local member. But let’s assume the government sets up a rail station, not so close that it’s polluting noise and making life inconvenient, but actually makes life very convenient for you. And the value of your land just shoots upwards. And I have yet to see a queue of guilt-ridden people at the tax office saying, wow, you’ve increased the property of my land enormously. I’ve got to give you some of that money back. So that’s sort of capturing what Georgism is about.

Now, the speculators will say, oh, by buying and selling land, we sort of contribute to the proper operation of the economy and society and so on. And okay, that’s its own rabbit hole. And I, broadly speaking, say that, to the extent that’s true, people are getting overly remunerated for that. But yeah, the thing is land is in scarce supply. And, you know, if you actually tax land, it’s a much better way of doing things, let’s say, going off on a bit of a tangent, but I think whether you want to have a right wing or left wing inclination, you know, everyone says you should get rid of payroll tax, and yet there was this idea we deal with GST, where supposedly the tax states were going to get rid of payroll tax and it didn’t happen. But the point is, if you actually tax on land, on the one hand, it’s fairer, and another hand it’s actually progressive in its way because if you’re wealthy, you’re more likely to own land. But the other thing is as society changes, and business can be conducted here or overseas, and people can telecommute, and so on, taxing labour when labour is so mobile, you know, I think it makes more sense to say, here’s a business, a business is set up in this location, and we tax it based on the operation there.

But yeah, the idea of the unearned increment, I mean, that is one of the things. With a lot of economic perspectives, I guess we all draw the difference between genuine work that yields an income and basically just sitting back and raking it in. And that’s, I guess, a moral distinction. And I think most, where there might be a hybrid of economic and other perspectives, they demarcate the good economic effort from the dodgy economic effort. And we do actually celebrate innovation, not Silicon Valley style innovation. But like, you sort of say, hey, you know, there could be a green grocer here, maybe I should set up a green grocer. That’s being creative. And that’s what we consider to be the real, worthwhile creativity of economics. But sitting back and speculating, we don’t see that as being so useful. And we think there’s an over-return for it.

So bringing it back to Georgism, taxing land makes a lot of sense. And, of course, the word tax has, you know, all these negative connotations. Some people get neurotic about tax. You could say, the charge on land is paying for the privilege that you have that monopoly. And I guess I’m going off on… You’re prompting me with other tangents. But if you’re aware, there’s some Georgists in Melbourne that actually did some analysis of apartment blocks, based on the water usage. And they figured out that a lot of these apartment blocks were actually owned, but vacant and unused. And I know, I’ve actually heard some commentators on your programme talking about supply and demand of housing. And believe it or not, in a limited sort of way, I do actually endorse the idea of supply being a factor, but what we identify is that people are doing land banking, rather than actually either living at their property themselves, or renting it or otherwise putting it into the market. And the incentives we have is such that it makes sense to just sit on property. But widening it out, we sort of say, if the economy was more based on actual innovation, and real economic activity, then people would have… Shall we say, the non-speculative part of the economy would be stronger, land would be easier to afford, and it’s a win-win situation. You know, basically, accommodation is cheaper, but the non-land non-speculative part of the economy is also more dynamic and stronger.

So but I think that story of the railway station setting up next your place, and the value shoots through the roof, and you know, just everyone just swallows up that and just sort of, oh, this is lovely, I think that captures a lot of what Georgism is about, the idea that maybe there’s some speculation, maybe there’s some useful speculation that lubricates the economy. But really, a lot of it is people, I guess, having unearned income. And that’s ethically problematic. But yet the Georgist perspective does actually fix that. Now, I emphasise, the Pirate Party is informed by Georgism, we emphasise land value taxation. But if you look at our policies, our economic policies, everything, it is a part of what we’re about.

Gene Tunny  13:43

Yeah. Did he advocate for a single tax on land? Was that correct?

John August  13:49

That is correct. I don’t think we would go so far as to say a single tax on land. You know, we are believing in this negative income tax. And we also believe in fiddling around with the other parts of the tax system in order that that guaranteed minimum income and negative tax of that package can be sustainable. And you can basically give people who earn no income a moderate amount of money, without breaking the bank, so to speak, and part of the picture to sort of beef up our tax intake would be landowner taxation. But equally as I say, as our economy changes as a global economy changes, I think it will actually make less sense to emphasise income as a source of taxation.

Gene Tunny  14:36

You mentioned the rail line and boosting property values. You may have seen it already but there was a good study that was done by a fellow Queenslander who’s attached to University of Sydney, Cameron Murray. I don’t know if you saw Cameron’s study of the Gold Coast Light Rail, and he estimated some percentage value uplift for land within, you know, several hundred metres of the Gold Coast Light Rail. So I’ll put a link to that in the show notes. I don’t know if you’ve seen that. But you may be interested in that study.

John August  15:08

I haven’t seen that. But I will sort of stick my oar in and say, we have actually had Cameron Murray in on a more general discussion of housing, within the auspices of the Pirate Party. And Cameron Murray has also written that book Game of Mates, which I’ve had a read of. And that Game of Mates book, I think that one of the origins of that was actually a paper, where he was talking about how there are all these increases in land value. And surprise, surprise, it seemed like the recipients of those improvements were often relatives or in some way related to people at Council. And that, you know, I guess, let’s say we don’t want to point fingers at anyone in particular, or name anyone, but call that grey corruption, and his sort of thing that he was talking about, was a taxation of the uplift. So if you have a zone change, and that increases the value of your property, then that improvement is taxed. I think it’s called a betterment tax was what it was called originally. And that’s one of the things that Cameron Murray is talking about. Now, obviously, a zoning change is obviously a windfall in its own way.

I guess, my story I started with was the railway station within moderate proximity to you. And that’s not really a zoning change, apart from I guess the fact that maybe they had to change the zoning in order to have a rail line there and a station there or whatever. But yeah, there’s different ways of increasing your property value. And one of them is, you know, the railway station. Another one is actually the shopping centre nearby, you know, or the swimming pool or whatever. And, you know, one argument is that if you’re just living there, and the world just changed around you, and it was your choice to live there, and that’s a bonus, well, fair enough. But if you’re essentially buying and selling and you’re actively in the market, and someone else does something, and you get the financial benefit from that, you can wonder how fair that is. But, you know, one of the things about economics, there’s all this hand wringing about what’s fair and unfair, and I recognise that’s part of the picture.

Gene Tunny  17:17

Yes, yes. Okay. Okay, we’ll take a short break here for a word from our sponsor.

Female speaker  17:26

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Gene Tunny  17:55

Now back to the show. You mentioned this negative income tax, so then a guaranteed minimum income, so you’re not necessarily going for a UBI. Is that right? You’ve got something –

John August  18:08

That’s right. Okay, yeah, I guess there’s a terminological issue here. I call it a pirate UBI. Technically, it’s a guaranteed minimum income. Now, your universal basic income is a wad of cash that you get regardless. I think in Alaska, they have this thing where they’ve re-allocated the money from them, their oil or their mineral reserves there. And everyone just gets a plunk of money every year, but in a sense, that is sharing the real wealth that’s created. So that’s fair enough, I guess. But yeah, your pirate UBI, or the guaranteed minimum income we are talking about, if you make the neutral amount of money, you pay no tax, nor do you get a top up. If you make less than that, you get a bit of a top up, so the government gives you a bit of money. And finally, if you’re making no money, then you get a wad of cash, which is our guaranteed minimum income. And notice, in a sense, it’s means tested. We’re not just giving people lots of money regardless, so we are trying to avoid the inflationary risk. And in fact, really do our best to make sure that the budget actually balances and we’re not actually printing money to pull this thing off.

If you there is a criticism of some forms of universal basic income, we’d say. If you just give everybody you know a wad of cash each year, regardless, that’s going to be inflationary risk. And we agree that our guaranteed minimum income is targeted. If you’re not making income by other means, you get this wad of cash. And if you’re making a little bit of money, you get a top up. And the thing about that whole slow incline is that you don’t have a poverty trap. You rarely will have a disincentive to sort of work or just work a little bit extra. Who knows there might be some benefits, some concessions or so on that you might lose. And that’s going to be a little bit of a disincentive, but not falling off the cliff like you do at the moment.

Gene Tunny  20:09

Right. And so it’s a negative income tax because below a certain amount of income, the tax office is actually giving you money. When you get up to that level of income, you start paying positive income tax. Okay.

John August  20:25

That’s correct. Yes. Yes, that’s right.

Gene Tunny  20:27

Good one. Okay. I think I chatted about that with Ben Phillips. I think he mentioned that was one of the models, because, you know, UBI, in practice, you know, that’s one of the ways you could do it. And, you know, there are all these sort of terminological issues about what’s UBI.

John August  20:45

I suppose with terminology, you have this broad thing called UBI, which is like the general, you know, we’re giving people some money. But UBI is universal basic income, is we give everybody a certain wad of cash, regardless. The guaranteed minimum income is that it’s to some degree means tested, we give people money, if they need it is a bit of a leg up.

Gene Tunny  21:08

Yeah. Okay. So what I found interesting, so far, and I didn’t realise was that influence from Henry George, I mean, he’s a major figure in economics. At different times he’s been very influential. I mean, there are a lot of, you know, still followers of Henry George. And, you know, he always gets written up in the histories of economic thought. And there’s also the thinking or the philosophy of the people in IT, in the tech sector. And it’s an interesting blend of that. I know that labels can be… They may not be suitable. But is it possible to describe the Pirate Party as a left Libertarian Party? Or am I on the wrong track there?

John August  21:57

I think left libertarian would be a good way of describing it. And we have had some limited overlap with I guess you’re right libertarian parties. I think one was the Liberty and Democracy Party. Some time ago, this is quite separate to economic policy. But they articulated a position about the civil marriage versus religious marriage. And what he had to say, yeah, you guys are on the mark there, you actually expressed it better than we could, though, certainly those right libertarian parties, they don’t believe in Medicare, public health. We actually believe in expanding public health to include dental care, and expanded support for mental health, you know, supporting the NDIS. But all the time, we want to be, I guess, financially responsible about doing that.

I mean, so much of social welfare, I think… Look, there are financial constraints, but the way it rolls out, it really does feel very penny pinching to the recipients. And I know some people who, yes, they got their NDIS, but the amount of reports and you know, turning up to doctors and, and getting XYZ certified, you know, you listen to their stories and go, well, alright, maybe one doctor to say, tick the box and say you really do have that condition, but there seems to be this overload of bureaucracy there. And like with the universal basic income, I mean, obviously, yes, we want to, we want the books to balance, but you do have a saving in bureaucracy, because at the moment, whole government departments have to figure out whether you really are unemployed, whether you have been trying to look for work, all these sorts of things, and you would get rid of those sorts of overheads in administering the system.

Gene Tunny  23:45

Yeah. Can I just ask about NDIS? So National Disability Insurance Scheme, if you’re listening internationally, this is a scheme we have in Australia to assist people and their families or their carers if they have a disability. And yeah, I mean, John, you rightly mentioned that for recipients, they see that it can be bureaucratic, and it can be hard to get the support that they need. At the same time, there is an incredible amount of money being spent on it. I mean, what is it? Is it going up to 30 to 40 billion or something, or there are projections of that? And it’s going to overtake Medicare. So our single payer health care system here in Australia, we’re going to be spending more on NDIS than that. And yeah, I mean, so what are your thoughts on that? I mean, how do we control that cost? Or how do we pay for that?

John August  24:44

Well, there are the various broad changes. We’ve been talking to the tax system, you know. I did mention you know, land value taxation. Another one is to properly tax religion. Now I’m going off on a bit of a tangent here, but I know they were some people who analysed the value, I think it was Catholic church property in Victoria, and said it was comparable to the Westfield property holdings. And then there was a council in Bondi. This goes back to the 1980s. But they said that they had to double their rates to cover the cost of garbage collection, because they couldn’t charge the churches for garbage collection. So again, that’s the thing where sometimes the tax is a tax in the more pejorative sense. And sometimes it’s more a payment for services. And you know, those church properties get away without that.

But let’s see, then another one we’re talking about doing is doing capital gains tax if you use an asset to secure a loan. So there’s a whole gamut of tax changes we can make. And look, I acknowledge the thing about NDIS is you want to properly support things, but at the same time, you want to control the cost, and you want to have it that at least it doesn’t feel markedly bureaucratic to those participating in it. And let me just acknowledge that that is still a work in progress.

I’ll be a little bit political here and say, if you look at the current government, you know, lifters and leaners, the age and entitlement is over, all this sort of rhetoric, and, you know, sort of suddenly saying that, you know, the unemployed aren’t working hard. And, you know, if you look at, say, the Illawarra, that’s a region to the south of Sydney, that over five or 10 years, their rate of unemployment suddenly shot up. And it doesn’t make any sense to say that suddenly, over five or 10 years, all these people suddenly became lazy and couldn’t be bothered working. And yet, that’s sort of the rhetoric of the government going around. So I would say, look, who knows, maybe occasionally, the government does actually have some good ideas that are, shall we say, morally neutral or morally good. But it’s in the context of then having form in terms of saying all these narky petty things, and implementing all these narky petty things, like say, there’s Robodebt. I guess I’m being a bit political there. But what I’m saying is, look, you can have good ideas for economic reform. But if the rest of your story is dodgy, no one will believe you. Now somehow, John Howard managed to implement GST and get away with it, which was a bold thing in its way, but for a government to credibly make grand changes, and do it credibly, and be believable, you know, I think that’s hard.

But anyway, getting back, I’ve gone off on a bit of a sidetrack, but let’s just say, Yes, coping with NDIS and not having the cost blowout, while trying to sustain it, and not have it heavily bureaucratic in the rollout, that is one thing there. But the other thing I would try to… I mean, I haven’t looked into in detail, but I would like to think that if you can run NDIS properly, support people properly, you will then give them the opportunity to participate in the economy. And as it were, bring some of that investment back. And, you know, people, I guess maybe that’s happening already, and we haven’t really identified that benefit. Or maybe we need to target our schemes better. You know, there may be ways of trying to reduce, shall we say the overall financial impact of NDIS while still will be money coming out of the government at some level. So anyway, I’m not sure I’ve answered your question properly. But let’s just say yes, it is a challenge…

Gene Tunny  28:32

Yeah. Yeah. Just occurred to me when you mentioned NDIS, so that I/d bring that up, on the taxation of religion, it’d be good to see some of religious organisations, which are largely, I think that they’re exempt from tax, aren’t they? It’d be good to see some estimates of that, what that could bring in. I haven’t seen them. But yeah, it could be it could be substantial.

One thing I was surprised by, and you probably know this already, but I went to a friend’s birthday party, they held it at the Presbyterian Church, their head office here in Brisbane city, on Ann Street. And I never realised but back in the 19th century, the state governments of the day granted land to the various churches. There was some authority under a New South Wales Act of Parliament, to provide grants of land to churches, and so Catholic Church and the Anglican Church and Presbyterian Church and various others. And so in part, that’s why they have these inner city properties. So that’s why they’ve held on to them, I guess, and they had some extra land that was surplus to requirements and they’ve redeveloped that land. So, you know, that’s helped them out immensely. It’s related to an initial grant of land they had from state governments back in the day, which I found quite interesting. I don’t know if you’re aware of that at all, John.

John August  29:59

In Sydney there’s a suburb called Glebe. And it’s called Glebe because it was originally attached to a church. And I think over time, you know, the church only had its only tiny little part of Glebe. But Glebe is called Glebe because it was originally a church allotment. So I’m sort of aware of that.

But yeah, it is the broader issue that churches have a lot of privilege. And they excuse it, because of the good things they do. But at the same time, it’s not very transparent, and you just have to take their word for it. And I think also, our government in the past has like, basically thrown a lot of money at churches for services that I don’t think were efficiently thought through or efficiently allocated. So I guess it is pointing a finger at the church and saying that they are the equivalent of a feather bedded monopoly, I suppose, you know, would be one way of looking at it.

 Now, sure, the churches do have some community stuff to do. But you know, that community stuff should be supported by the people in it. I mean, you could say, look, there’s only a certain number of people who are Catholics, but taxpayers at large pay for that privilege. You know, so there’s some things that are really out of whack there. But I know, there’s the book The Purple Economy, was written quite some time ago.

And, look, it’s great that you’re asking these questions. The sad thing is, I was a bit more up on these things 10 or 15 years ago, and it has been a topic of debate on the fringes, but it’s never really hit the mainstream. And, you know, look, if the government is struggling to pay for, you know, XYZ, you know, they play silly buggers, they screw over us with taxation, councils are obliged to jack up their parking fines rather than charge the council’s rates. But, you know, the government never thinks laterally and says, Well, hang on, let’s take a good look at this religious privilege, and maybe we can reform things and basically get a bit of extra money to spend on these things we want to do. But like, I just see just how creative government is at sort of shaking trees and finding money in high logs, but they never look in that direction though.

Gene Tunny  32:12

Just with the taxation of religion, you mentioned, it was something you were more up on 10 or 15 years ago. And you’re right, it hasn’t really been a prominent issue. The only time I remember it becoming an issue in say the last 10 years was when Jim Sorley, the former Lord Mayor of Brisbane, who was a preacher at one stage in his life, he brought it up and suggested that given that, you know, many religious organisations are doing very well, they probably should, or they’ve got substantial assets. I don’t know how well they’re doing day to day. Then, you know, they could actually pay some or make a greater contribution, or they could make a taxation contribution. So I thought that was interesting.

John August  32:55

Makes a lot of sense, because occasionally, you do get your secular religious types. And, you know, obviously New South Wales, and one of the contrasts I make is that Gillard was an atheist, but she had to be dragged kicking and screaming to do, you know, inquiry into churches and child abuse.  Kristina Keneally was an Australian Catholic, and in New South Wales, she was the premier that oversaw the introduction of ethics education in schools, of non-religious education in schools. But yeah, at times, you get religious people who really are quite considerate. And if you look at a lot of elements of the Uniting Church are actually quite secular in the way that they relate to things. Obviously, yes, they get a bit of religious privilege, but it’s not something they covet, if you know what I mean. And at times, they will even push back against it. So you know, it does vary. And obviously there was this particular person you’re saying that was was sort of saying, hang on, maybe the churches should pay tax.

Now, if you go back far enough way, way back in the depths of time, before there were the Greens, before there was the Democrats, there was actually a political movement called defence of government schools. And they were very concerned about the way the government was feeding so much money into religious schools and was trying to say that it was against the Constitution. Now, I’m no constitutional lawyer. But I’ve read the commentaries, when people were writing the constitution of Australia. And I think based on what they were saying about the Constitution at the time, we never really should have given all this money to religious schools. Obviously, yes, I’m not a lawyer, and it was the High Court judges who get to make these calls. But yeah, if you go back decades, there was the defence of government schools movement. It was such a strident political force before the Greens or the Democrats. And it really had a lot of energy to it before my time, and I read about and think, wow, this is amazing. And the sad thing is, that was decided in the High Court when it was in Melbourne. So then the High Court moved to Canberra and it basically fell off the radar of the High Court because the High Court loves to sort of parade all the controversial decisions that were made within its halls, even if the public didn’t like them, or the controversial or whatever. They couldn’t get [inaudible] decisions made in Melbourne before they moved to Canberra. There you go.

Gene Tunny  35:20

Right. Okay, I’ll have to look into that. I mean, it’s a big issue, the division between church and state and therefore, what governments can do to assist religious organisations or schools. I mean, I guess the issue in Australia was that, at the time, didn’t we have some Catholic schools that were struggling financially because they charged relatively low fees, and they couldn’t afford to install the science blocks. This was during the Cold War, and there was a push to educate people in maths and science. And so therefore, you could argue there was some public policy rationale for it.

John August  35:57

There was a bunch of schools in Canberra, Catholic schools that went on strike because they weren’t getting the money together for that. And details of that story are not sort of close to hand. But I do know, during the Cold War, even though the US was very religious, and you even had some fist-waving creationists, when the Russians put Sputnik into orbit, they all thought, oh, shit, we better roll out the science education in our schools. And, you know, that’s my understanding, that that was why creationism took a backseat until the Cold War sort of thawed out, and there was no longer that pressure. So I do believe that’s not got a lot to do with economics, of course, but I do believe that’s some of the history there.

And look, it’s not at my fingertips, but there has been this whole thing of charities and the definition of charities. And I certainly would say that churches have a lot of privilege when it comes to charities, but my narky observation about the government is they really want to reduce the charitable status of any group that might criticise government. And, you know, of course, you know, there’s the whole freedom of speech thing, yada yada yada, but yeah. Let’s say yes, historically, this whole thing of what is a charity, we should have a charities commission and so on, that was bubbling away at the side. And again, I was more familiar with this 10 or 15 years ago, and then I got serenaded by intellectual property and the Pirate Party, I suppose.

Gene Tunny  37:25

Okay, well, yeah, we want to get on to IP, because that’s fascinating too. Just with religion for listeners internationally, I should know that when I mentioned Jim Sorley, he was a former Lord Mayor of Brisbane here, so well-known figure in one of the political parties, in the Labour Party. And yes, he was also at one time a Catholic priest. So that’s why it made news when he came out and said that the churches should pay tax.

John August  37:52

Yes, well, it is one of the things that a secular Australia I should say, that the minority seat of secular Australia do actually say that Gough Whitlam made a deal with the Catholics to get into power. So that’s the one narky thing that secularists will actually say increased criticism of Gough Whitlam. I don’t want to get embroiled in the whole bog mire of Gough Whitlam. That’s one observation I’d make.

Gene Tunny  38:17

Okay. Okay. Well, we might move on to IP and then we’ll finish off with a discussion of business support or crony capitalism, or however you want to describe it. The Game of Mates, you might like to describe it. You mentioned Cameron and Paul Frijters’s book before. What’s your position on IP? I mean, is it complete no protection of IP, something extreme like that? Or is there some protection to encourage innovation?

John August  38:46

We do believe in some protection for IP. But there’s a whole heap of reforms and changes. Like, as far as copyright’s concerned, we’d have a whole heap of like, what is it, fair use exemptions. Now, one of the things we get into is like, the right to repair, say. It is actually bubbling. And I think it’s sort of starting to get to the mainstream. But you know, the cliche is, you’ve got this farmer in Western Australia. They’re so damn far from civilization. They’ve got this farming equipment. Their harvest season runs a few weeks, and if one of their bits of equipment is out of action, and they’ve got to wait a few weeks for some guy from Perth to travel all the bloody way. Oh, okay, we need this spare part ordered. That will be a week away. That sort of makes no sense. And, you know, there is the idea of the right to repair.

And this is another thing about individual freedom. There’s some people who run repair cafes, they talk about the dignity of risk, okay, and you know, it is one of those things that I guess a slightly libertarian sense is, you know, cotton wool drawers and that sort of thing. And, you know, my own personal view is look, companies have a legitimate concern that, you know, you don’t mess with their thing, injure yourself and get sued. Okay? We do think there needs to be some sort of way of saying, look, I’m going to mess with this. I’m taking the responsibility onto myself. If I injure myself, it’s my own problem. But I do think a lot of firms run around saying, oh, we can’t let the consumers do blah, blah, blah, because they might hurt themselves. And that’s actually an excuse for them to flex their muscles in terms of intellectual property.

Gene Tunny  40:39

Yeah. So John, just for clarity, what do they do that prevents you from repairing it? They void the warranty? They say the warranty is voided if you do any work on it, if you actually open it up?

John August  40:49

There’s a few things. One is the warranty is voided. The other one is software that basically logs the fact that you’ve opened the case or tried to tamper with it. And worst case, you have software that basically self destructs if you meddle with something. That’s getting even more serious. I mean, there was a story of I think, Sony put a dodgy thing on CDs, that actually put a programme in your laptop that stops you from doing further copying of CDs. That caused quite a kerfuffle in the IT world. Whether it got to the outside world, I don’t know. But there’s some dodgy stuff that goes on there.

But anyway, so fair use exemptions for copyright. Okay. And obviously, that sort of spilled into the copyright of bits and pieces and of right to repair rather. And certainly, I think the Australian Government does have something that if you sold a car and you stopped selling it, you gotta keep selling the fit spares five or 10 years. Well, we also think that once a car is no longer really properly supported, it should be a free for all for people to make knockoffs and you know, run their 3D printers, bananas, whatever. So I think they should be thresholds where, okay, until this point, people could can claim a bit of copyright and this sort of thing. But beyond this point, come on, let people rip in.

But as far as patents go, for sure, our view is a few things. One is that that basically patents should only be used to protect stuff that’s actually being bought and sold in the market. And if you go back far enough, in our patent legislation, but there was a previous thing saying that if you have a patent, you have to serve the market. There was actually an obligation in legislation. In other words, it was saying, if you’ve got a patent, you should be making stuff and flogging it. Our position is that if you have a patent, then you should be making it. You shouldn’t be using that patent defensively and stopping others from doing it. And there is the whole thing of you know, patent trolls who have a bunch of patents sitting on the shelf, and all they do is run around with a mallet and whack people on the head to try to make that. To my way of thinking, that’s a complete abuse of what a patent should be. And we also have actual schemes where you actually declare the value of your patent. And if you’re not declaring it properly, someone can just put up their hand and buy the patent off you. So you have to value it publicly in a way that that sort of is sustainable.

And I suppose there is a whole thing of copyright that it shouldn’t be, you know, death of the author plus 50 years or 70 years, which is ridiculous. Now, the US kept trying to extend the copyright of Mickey Mouse to keep them. And so that was to my way of thinking, clear abuse of the patent process. So you’ve got patent trolls. You’ve got so-called evergreening of patents where a medicine is used for one use, and then they figure out an alternate use and get an extended patent on it. But it still gets a bit grey as to whether you could use it for the use to sort of run out a patent.

And I suppose a broader thing would be, it would be lovely, my vision is that, you know, an arm of the UN farms out grants the universities for basic research. And if some particular university then comes up with a idea, then the free market can get that idea for a nominal licence fee, and then rip in and sell it. And that’s re-pivoting the whole way corporations relate to medical patents. So notice we’re not totally against patents for medicine, but you know, these medical firms, I think there’s something like, oh, look, they spend a bucketload on R&D, and they spend even more on marketing. I think that’s telling us look, there’s something wrong with this picture.

And there was a story goes back… Unfortunately, I’m not up on these things recently. But going back about 10 or 20 years ago, there was a bunch of researchers in the UK that made this variant on interferon and that actually evaded the then existing patents and then they hired some Indian chemical firms to crank this stuff out. And it was what you might call an open-source pharmaceutical metaphorically. Those sorts of models I think are much better. But then there’s the fact that in the US, like me clicking on a button, software patents, to my way of thinking…

Look, this is going into the technical details of patent law. But I know a lot of commentators who said that like, way back when 100 years ago, in the UK, a patent was something that you basically bribe someone to do good things in the community, for the general good of society. In other words, yes, you were making a profit. But it should be articulated that not only were you making a profit, but society as a whole was benefiting. And that was the way the Brits articulated patent law 100-odd years ago. And it’s my view that that got morphed into the US, and the US much more was worried about coveting assets, you know, people own this, and we’ve got to protect the people who own it. And then the lawyers got in and defined all these things around it. So the emphasis changed. And along the way, the idea of the inventive step got watered down. And it used to be that was a very strong thing. This had to be really creative, you’ve done something big here. And then that’s been diluted in US patent law to think, oh, you’ve run this algorithm that anyone could have dreamed up, you clicked over here, oh yeah, we’ll give you a patent for that.

And, again, going back in patent law, there was, I think, a manufacturer of, goodness me ,of airline engines, of engines for aircraft, and they actually came up with this way, you can operate this engine in a certain way and reduce noise, and they wanted to get a patent on it. And the judge at the time said, look, these people piloting these planes responsible for hundreds of lives. And you want to add to their cognitive load that they can have to actually figure out whether they’re licenced to operate this bit of equipment in this way, or not, based on how they’re licenced. And that particular judge said, go away, that’s nonsense. And then, you know, there’s obviously the more recent excesses like the EpiPen. Someone was sort of making a gadget to check for COVID. And someone else wanted to do a patent injunction against them. I mean, even if they have a bit of a case, the best that the legal system should do is say, this is something of merit for society. Let’s let these people make the COVID equipment. And you can do a court case and extract profits from them after the event if it really is relevant. But so there’s a whole lot of messiness to do with intellectual property.

And what’s a few other things I can point out? That like, with Hollywood, I don’t know if you’ve heard the term Hollywood accounting, there was a guy who wrote the novel… Goodness me, what was it called? Forrest Gump, I think it was. And the first movie didn’t make a profit and they wanted to make a sequel. And he’s saying, Why the hell do you want to make a sequel if the first movie didn’t make any money? And so I think there’s this moral duplicity, where Hollywood gets very resentful about people copying their movies, but has no problem with dibbling their creative partner partners on their end of the fence. So there’s some dodgy stuff going on in the copyright industry there.

And there’s various cases of, you know, bands in Australia getting done by overseas copyright claims on music in their tracks and, you know, I think the band Men at Work was dragged through the courts. So there’s a whole lot of dodgy shit going on with intellectual property. What’s another story? I think Mattel had the Barbie doll and they had a copyright on the Barbie doll. And someone wanted to do a book on anorexia that had Barbie in the title. They said, no, you can’t do that. So again, copyright, trademarks, defamation, you had all these things into mix. Sure, you shouldn’t be able to sell a knockoff doll and call it Barbie and make money out of it. Okay, maybe. But, you know, protecting your trademark and stopping people from doing derivative creative works. I mean, come on.

Oh, yes. Okay. There’s one more thing I will say, which is, I think, a bit of a sideline to do with Trump. Now, you might remember, Trump was pushing back against the Trans-Pacific Partnership, and he obviously managed to win an election. And it’s my suspicion that a lot of people in the Rust Belt saw all of these trade treaties, and what those trade treaties meant was that, you know, overseas countries would sell stuff in the US, in exchange for them recognising US intellectual property laws.

And look, let’s just say, look, you’re the economist, and I’m sure we will agree that on paper, you have international trade and parties benefit, and the net wealth is increased. But under the hood, what happened in the US was there was a net transfer of wealth from people who made stuff with their hands to people who owned ideas. And it’s my suspicion that that might have been one of the factors in the Rust Belt of people going, hang on, there’s all these lovely trade treaties, which are supposed to be so beneficial, and we see ourselves losing our jobs. So that’s sort of, I guess, less to do with intellectual property directly. But I think it’s one of the things going on in in global trade and global politics. Look, I can I can say more about intellectual property. You got me started, but maybe I’ll leave it at that for the moment.

Gene Tunny  50:54

I’ll make a few comments on that. John, very good points. With the Rust Belt, look, yep, absolutely. And economists have studied that. And they have concluded that there certainly has been an impact on some of those regions. Some regions have been disadvantaged, jobs have been lost, and they haven’t come back. Metropolitan areas have prospered. They’ve done well. Their consumers are getting cheaper products. But then there are some Americans in some states, in rural areas or in the Rust Belt, as you call it, that have been disadvantaged. I’m trying to remember the study. It might have been by David Autor. I can put a link in the show notes. He looked at I think he called it the China shock.

That point about trade agreements, there is actually a debate in economics about these preferential trade agreements, free trade agreements. They’re not necessarily welfare enhancing for countries. I mean, the best thing you can do is actually to lower tariffs for all countries selling to you. So there are issues with these preferential trade agreements. In particular, if we sign up to some of these IP provisions that mean that we have to pay the American producers more, as you mentioned.

What’s the other point? Oh, I think you’re on strong ground on the IP stuff, because, yeah, economists generally think that… At least my impression is that economists are very much against just this, you know, these excessive IP, these copyright terms. So you know, what is it, 70 years you mentioned. And I remember when I was in Treasury, in Canberra, we had a visit once from David Levine, I think it’s Levine, from Berkeley. He’s a professor of economics at University of California, Berkeley. And he was arguing that, look, I mean, that as an economist, what you want is you want people to be incentivized to innovate, and to create new works. But you actually don’t need a lot of copyright protection to do that, right? I mean, you might need 5, 10, 20 years at the most. Beyond that, that would discount any sort of benefits beyond that practically to zero. And I mean, they’re not really going to care what their heirs… I mean, maybe some of them do, but they’re not really going to care about what their grandchildren are going to be earning from their creative works. That is not what is motivating them to be innovative. And I thought that was a good argument. So I don’t know if you’re aware of his work.

John August  53:29

Certainly, I mean, the echo there is, a long time ago, Walt Disney came up with the Mickey Mouse character. Did he think, wow, this is lovely, 70 years after my death, my estate will still be making money from this. So this is a bloody good move on my part to come up with this lovely looking mouse. And that’s sort of echoing your sentiment. And I suppose further to the point that we’re making before is that I think particularly in the US, they are artificially by legal means extending the life of assets to benefit the person who owns that asset, but not in any meaningful way contributing to the economy at large. And, as I say, my feeling is that in the US, they really got behind, oh, you own that thing, oh, we need to protect you. And that sort of just went a bit crazy in the US as compared to the origins of intellectual property in the UK, which were a bit more restrained and sensible.

Gene Tunny  54:26

So on the trade agreements, I might put a link in the show notes, there’s a book that I’ve read recently that I can highly recommend, Termites in the Trading System, by Jagdish Bhagwati, one of the great Indian American economists. He’s based at Columbia. He’s a professor there. So very good book and he’s been very critical of all of these trade agreements, for reasons including what we’ve talked about there, that they’re not necessarily welfare enhancing, just the way that they’re rolled out. Okay. Finally, John, it’d be good to chat about business support. Do you have a blanket ban? Or are you against business support? So all of the subsidies, the what you might call crony capitalism, what’s your position on that?

John August  55:21

Well, in broad terms, yes, I’m very much against crony capitalism, against support for business. Now, look, there are some exceptions for very well-defined social outcomes. Now, this is going off on quite a tangent, but you know, the whole thing of like, childcare, and like, you know, subsidies to consumers of childcare. And, you know, I guess it’s more a personal position that’s informed by other, not that I’m an economist, but other economists in the Pirate Party. And we talk about subsidising supply. So it may make sense to have grants to businesses to either establish childcare facilities, expand childcare facilities, and maybe have a hex discount for people who are trying to qualify themselves to work in childcare. And notice, that would be a corporate subsidy for a very well-defined social need that needs to be properly articulated and costed, and yada yada yada yada.

But in broad terms, I think a lot of the subsidies we get, like, I guess the whole cliche is, you know, the government expands this port, spends bucketloads of money on it, then these firms sort of ship the gas off overseas, and we end up paying more for the gas as a result of the cabinet investing in the port works, you know what I mean. There’s a lot of dodgy stuff like that, that you can point to. So certainly against that. And I suppose we have a broader position against bureaucracy and rent seeking broadly defined. So that’s certainly the case. But to get into the nuts and bolts of that, I have to admit, I’m going to struggle to get into…

Gene Tunny  57:00

That’s okay. Well, I mean, it’s probably a good time to wrap up. I’ve had you for nearly an hour, and we’ve had a really good discussion of IP and before that on Georgism. I thought that was really interesting. Also the negative income and the taxation of churches. So something that I’ve been interested in in the past, particularly when –

John August  57:21

I can but say, yes, go back 10 or 15 years ago. And look, there are a moderate number of like, shall we say, economically qualified people on the secular side of the fence, who are all going, look, look, look, and no one’s paying attention. So in a sense, it’s lovely that your programme, which you might say, as it’s starting to approach the mainstream is actually putting a bit of light on this sort of issue. And that is actually quite wonderful, I have to say.

Gene Tunny  57:45

Yeah, well, I’m trying to be frank and fearless. And as someone who was in, I worked in the treasury, and I’ve worked in around policy, I think we really should approach these issues rationally, and not have these… I guess a lot of people probably think, oh, we can’t do that, or we’ll upset these people. And if you look at these things rationally, that a lot more policies become, or changes become, you know, something that should be discussed and debated. So that’s what I’m trying to do with this show.

John August  58:16

Well, I will put in a bit of a plug for the Pirate Party. Look, I’m not saying we’re not were the only innovative party out there. But as a small party, we can actually talk some very creative and innovative things. And as I say, look, who knows, maybe the Liberal Party will have the odd good idea. But for them to do it, and have people believe that they’re honest and honestly inclined, you know, they have such a track record, where a party who can say, look, there’s some economic realities we should consider here and let’s think about XYZ. And if the Liberal Party did something like that, people would just shake their heads and go, Yeah, another one, you know. So there are some opportunities that small parties have to put innovative ideas out there.

And yeah, as I say, I won’t claim that pirate party is the… I should say Fusion. Oops, I think we’re finally got to this point, I should emphasise the Pirate Party is a part of the Fusion amalgam. And so that does actually include the Science Party, the Secular Party, the Pirate Party, and Climate Emergency. So they are the different branches of Fusion. And while what you were saying, certainly, there are degrees of development of policy within the Pirate Party, and like we have our basic original form of the Pirate UBI that you can look at, and that’s all very good, and we’re continuing to develop our ideas, and obviously, that’s within the Pirate realm or the Pirate branch of Fusion. And obviously, the Fusion has sort of more universal policies that everybody adopts. But you know that that’s a limited subset of what we’ve been talking about.

Gene Tunny  59:59

Yeah. Okay. John, this has been great. I’ll put links to your social media channels. And you’ve got your own radio show. Is that right?

John August  1:00:11

Yes, I have a radio show broadcasting out of Marrickville in Sydney on Radio Skid Row. So there’s some links to that. You can check out some old episodes. There’s also my own website, johnaugust.com.au. But, you know, hopefully, you’ll put that amongst the links there. And I will also mention, there’s a gentleman, Quinton Fernandez, Professor Quinton Fernandez of University of New South Wales. And he’s actually been saying that, like, the UK was abusing the free trade situation when they were the top dogs. And he’s also got his own views on intellectual property, like value global value chains, and just how much intellectual property is a part of the fact that like, things are a token amount coming out of Taiwan. And then the price goes up by 10 times because of, you know, intellectual property and branding. And it’s quite staggering when you listen to the picture that he paints.

Gene Tunny  1:01:11

Okay, I’ll, I’ll have a look at his work and might see if I can get him on the show sometime in the future. Okay, John August, thanks so much for your time. I really appreciated learning about the Pirate Party platform, and just the discussion of the economic issues because you raised some very good ones there. And it was great to be reminded of the work of Henry George, because it’s one of those fascinating ideas that economics has come up with over the centuries. I remember what I learned about him in the history of economic thought, I thought, that’s a fascinating perspective. Yeah. So very good. So, again, thanks so much for your time.

John August  1:01:58

Well, there is a lot of merit in what Henry George says, but I don’t believe in the single tax. And I do think that his philosophy was 90% correct. There will be some little sort of rejoinders I’ll make to what you said, but you know, it’s certainly 90% got the full picture.

Gene Tunny  1:02:15

Yeah, that’s an important thing to note. I might try and find a guest to cover Henry George in a future episode, just to go through some of the intricacies of it. Righto. Okay. John, thanks so much for your time, and all the best. And, yeah, hopefully I’ll chat with you again soon. Thank you.

John August  1:02:39

Oh, well, I do look forward to that. Thank you very much for the opportunity. I think the Pirate Party has been saying some interesting stuff. It would be lovely for that to be more broadly recognised, and it’s lovely that you’ve obviously taken the interest in interviewing me, so very much appreciate that.

Gene Tunny  1:02:54

Okay. Very good. Thanks, John.

John August  1:02:56

Okay, thanks, Gene. Bye.

Gene Tunny  1:02:59 Okay, that’s the end of this episode of Economics Explored. I hope you enjoyed it. If so, please tell your family and friends and leave a comment or give us a rating on your podcast app. If you have any comments, questions, suggestions, you can feel free to send them to contact@economicsexplored.com And we’ll aim to address them in a future episode. Thanks for listening. Until next week, goodbye.

Credits

Big thanks to EP138 guest John August and to the show’s audio engineer Josh Crotts for his assistance in producing the episode. 

Please get in touch with any questions, comments and suggestions by emailing us at contact@economicsexplored.com or sending a voice message via https://www.speakpipe.com/economicsexplored. Economics Explored is available via Apple PodcastsGoogle Podcast, and other podcasting platforms.