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Abundance Mindset: Exploring the Super Abundance Thesis w/ Marian Tupy, Cato Institute – EP258

Marian Tupy, a senior fellow at the Cato Institute, discusses his book “Super Abundance” with Gene Tunny. Tupy argues that resources are becoming more abundant relative to global population, a concept he calls “super abundance.” He explains that human ingenuity has led to cheaper commodities over time. Tupy refutes Malthusian predictions of resource scarcity, citing examples like the Haber-Bosch process for synthetic fertilizer. He also addresses environmental concerns, emphasizing that economic growth and technological advancements can mitigate issues like ocean and air pollution and resource depletion.

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About this episode’s guest: Marian Tupy, Cato Institute

Marian L. Tupy is the founder and editor of Human​Progress​.org, and a senior fellow at the Cato Institute’s Center for Global Liberty and Prosperity.

He is the co-author of the Simon Abundance Index, Superabundance: The Story of Population Growth, Innovation, and Human Flourishing on an Infinitely Bountiful Planet (2022) and Ten Global Trends Every Smart Person Should Know: And Many Others You Will Find Interesting (2020).

His articles have been published in the Financial Times, the Washington Post, the Los Angeles Times, the Wall Street Journal, The Atlantic, Newsweek, the U.K. Spectator, Foreign Policy, and various other outlets both in the United States and overseas. He has appeared on BBC, CNN, CNBC, MSNBC, Fox News, Fox Business, and other channels.

Tupy received his BA in international relations and classics from the University of the Witwatersrand in Johannesburg, South Africa, and his PhD in international relations from the University of St. Andrews in the United Kingdom.

Source: https://www.cato.org/people/marian-l-tupy 

Timestamps for EP258

  • Introduction and Overview of the Podcast (0:00)
  • Explaining the Concept of Super Abundance (2:30)
  • Methodology and Stylized Facts (6:48)
  • Julian Simon and the Bet with Paul Ehrlich (9:46)
  • Future Prospects and Human Ingenuity (12:45)
  • Environmental Concerns and Degrowth (22:59)
  • Population Growth and Resource Use (33:11)
  • Final Thoughts and Future Prospects (34:08)

Takeaways

  1. Tupy argues that human ingenuity continuously expands the resource base, making resources more abundant even as populations grow.
  2. The concept of “time prices” shows that resources are becoming cheaper relative to wages, supporting the thesis of super abundance.
  3. The famous Simon-Ehrlich bet demonstrates that commodities became cheaper over time, disproving doomsday predictions about resource depletion.
  4. Technological advancements, such as desalination and agricultural productivity, are key to sustaining resource abundance.
  5. Economic prosperity and technological innovation are essential for environmental protection.

Links relevant to the conversation

Marian’s book Superabundance:

https://www.amazon.com.au/Superabundance-Population-Growth-Innovation-Flourishing/dp/1952223393

Simon–Ehrlich wager Wikipedia entry:

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Simon%E2%80%93Ehrlich_wager

Regarding the question, “Is it true that the majority of plastic in the oceans comes from Asia and Africa?” see:

https://www.perplexity.ai/search/is-it-true-that-the-majority-o-3aYOSMTyT6m9CcULDm7Iug

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Transcript: Abundance Mindset: Exploring the Super Abundance Thesis w/ Marian Tupy, Cato Institute – EP258

N.B. This is a lightly edited version of a transcript originally created using the AI application otter.ai. It may not be 100 percent accurate, but should be pretty close. If you’d like to quote from it, please check the quoted segment in the recording.

Marian Tupy  00:03

The air in western rich countries is now cleaner than it has been since before industrialization. If you look at the Yale index of environmental protection and then you compare it with GDP per capita. If you combine these two statistics, what it shows you is a very strong correlation between income per capita and Environment Protection.

Gene Tunny  00:35

Welcome to the economics explored podcast, a frank and fearless exploration of important economic issues. I’m your host gene Tunny. I’m a professional economist and former Australian Treasury official. The aim of this show is to help you better understand the big economic issues affecting all our lives. We do this by considering the theory evidence and by hearing a wide range of views. I’m delighted that you can join me for this episode. Please check out the show notes for relevant information. Now on to the show. Hello and welcome to the show. Today, I have a fascinating conversation with Marian TUPE, senior fellow at the Cato Institute, and co author of the book super abundance. Marian dives into an optimistic view of the future, highlighting how human ingenuity has consistently overcome perceived limits on our resources, even with a growing global population, we delve into the famous Simon Ehrlich wager with Marian, explaining how exploration and innovation mean that we continue to defy Malthusian predictions of decline. Toward the end of the episode, we shift gears and discuss migration, exploring its impacts on housing affordability, public service delivery and social cohesion. Thanks to Lumo coffee for sponsoring this episode. This grade one organic specialty coffee from the highlands of Peru is jam packed full of healthy antioxidants. There’s a 10% discount for economics explored. Listeners. Details are in the show notes. Okay? Without further ado, let’s dive into the episode. I hope you enjoy it. Marianne TUPE, welcome to the program.

Marian Tupy  02:14

Thank you very much for having me.

Gene Tunny  02:17

It’s excellent to have you on so you’ve written a really interesting book called super abundance, and it’s on an issue that I think about a lot, which is on the Limits to Growth, whether there are limits to growth, whether we need to move to something called degrowth, which is becoming popular in certain circles. To begin with. Marion, could you tell us a bit about what is this concept of super abundance that you have? Please?

Marian Tupy  02:49

Well, super abundance is not just name of the book. There it is. It is also a it’s got a technical term, which is to say, when resources are becoming abundant at a higher rate than population growth. Because, why? Why bother about the link between population growth and and resources? Because, because, when people think about population growth, they usually think that there is sort of a fixed pie of resources, and the more people you have, the fewer resources you end up with. So you know, if you have 10 people at dinner, you know you have so much food to go around. If you bring 100 people to dinner, everybody has to do with a small plate, because, you know, more people are going to exalt resources more quickly. But of course, humanity is different. Humanity can grow the size of the pie. Humanity can bring additional resources to dinner, so that even 100 people can get fed, even 1000 people can get fed, or, for that matter, 10 billion people can get fed. But anyway, the point is that for the longest time, people were worried that as population increases, we will run out of resources. And in fact, what we found was that resources are becoming cheaper. And in fact, abundance of resources increasing at a faster pace than population. That’s what we call super abundance,

Gene Tunny  04:05

right? Okay, so what sort of resources do you mean are becoming cheaper? This is the majority of commodities you studied. Could you tell us a bit more about that please?

Marian Tupy  04:15

Yeah, I guess it’s useful to actually start by defining resource, if we can. You know, people talk a lot about natural resources, but I think that’s a bit confused. I think that you should really start by thinking about natural endowment, or you should talk about raw materials. You know, raw materials such as whatever minerals in the crust of the earth, metals, things like that. And when you apply human intelligence to raw materials, you end up with a resource. So take just soil, you know, it’s a it’s a raw material. It’s it’s that. But when you apply human ingenuity, such as, you know, using it in order to grow crops. Then the resource becomes wheat, right? And so in the book, we look at hundreds of different types of commodities, really, which is to say food, fuel, minerals, metals, and even, actually some services. But that’s that we can talk about it later. But the bottom line is that we look at, we could look at traded commodities, anything from uranium to zinc to iron to wheat and barley and oil and natural gas. Basically, you know, we start with the big 50, which are, which are measured, or rather, which are, which are being tracked by the IMF and the World Bank, and then we expand it going back 170 years. But yes, so, so there are these raw materials, and when you apply human intelligence to them, you get resources. That’s essentially how we define resource.

Gene Tunny  05:54

Okay, so have you established some stylized facts about the prices of these resources? Is that the main point of the book, and can you just go over that again? I just want to make sure I understand is, are you saying there’s a general tendency for them to become cheaper, or is it on average, they’re becoming less expensive, or is it the majority? Or is it a just one, a bit bit more to understand. Is it? I mean, are you trying to are you proclaiming a general law of super abundance? I just want to understand what, what your thesis is exactly.

Marian Tupy  06:27

Yeah. So usually, when people look at resources, they look at a real price of resources, meaning, you take a price of resource in, say, 1900 you compare it to a price of resource in 2000 you discounted for inflation, and that tells you whether something has gotten more or less expensive. Now, we were dissatisfied with this kind of analysis for a simple reason. We wanted to take the resources back in time as much as possible, and we wanted to include as many countries as possible. Now, when you start looking at resource abundance from a global perspective and over hundreds of years, you quickly run into a problem, which is, you know what happens to exchange rates? You know what happens to inflation rates? What if you don’t have inflation rates in 1850, or 1900 you know, how do you deal with it? And so we came up with a different methodology, which is called time prices. Basically, what we look at is nominal wage per hour, and we look at nominal price of a resource. So let’s say, let’s, let’s give a stylized example, a pound of beef costs you. Let’s say that you are making $20 an hour in the United States, and a pound of beef costs $20 Okay, so a pound of beef will cost you an hour of later, but if in 50 years time, the price of beef may go up to $40 an hour, but you are now making $80 an hour, then now you have two pounds of B for an hour of work. So everything we do, we do in terms of time cost or time price, it’s really the nominal price of something relative to nominal wage that you are making at the time of the purchase. And the beauty behind time prices is that inflation doesn’t matter because you are only dealing with nominal prices and nominal wages. So it doesn’t really matter whether the inflation is 10% or 1,000,000% over the intervening period, because you’re looking only at nominal prices, then it doesn’t really matter. And also, an hour of work is the same in Australia as in the United States, as in China. So that way you can basically make these comparisons between different countries over different periods of time, in in a in an intellectually honest and methodology methodologically sound way. Did that make that make any sense? Yeah,

Gene Tunny  08:56

yeah, that that does make sense. Understand what you’re what you’re doing there. I mean, I think the general point you make is a is a good one. And I mean, you go back long enough. I mean, you go back to the I mean, I remember when I was in school and we were hearing about the limits of growth and all of that, and and then that was, you know, before we had the rise of China and India and, you know, massive expansion of global trade world, GDP. More recently, we’ve had peak oil. That was prior to the financial crisis, that that proved not to be really something that we’re at yet, or at least doesn’t, we don’t appear to be at it. And so, yeah, I guess I’m very sympathetic to the argument about about super abundance. Can I ask? Is this a continuation of the work that Julian Simon has done? Is this because I see on your CV or your bio, you’re part of something called the Simon. Project. Could you tell us what that is and whether this is continuing his work? Yes, yes,

Marian Tupy  10:05

yes, absolutely. So. Julian was a, obviously, a huge inspiration, but so he was actually a senior fellow at Cato before I joined the Cato Institute. He died in 1998 but he was senior fellow there, so we never met. But what I wanted to do back in 2017 is to look at his work and update it, you know, to the present. And I found that his bet with with Ehrlich, he would still win. In other words, commodities continued to get cheaper, at least the ones that Julian looked at, but I was using the old methodology. I was just looking at real prices of commodities. And my co author, Gail Pooley, got in touch with me, and he says, well, let’s turn them into time prices. Let’s look, let’s look at the price of commodities relative to wages, how much more you can buy for an hour of work than your ancestors could. And then we published a paper in 2018 with this new methodology. And indeed we found, once again, that Julian was right. And then we decided to turn into a book which goes back to 1850 and basically what we find is that commodities, relative to wages, are constantly getting cheaper. If it’s a long enough period, everything is getting cheaper, including gold. The only thing that continues to become more and more expensive over the centuries is human labor, essentially the human input. And we might as well talk about Simon and Ehrlich wager, right? Yes, yes, yes, yeah, please. So Julian Simon, since we mentioned him, he was an economist at the University of Maryland, here in the United States, and he was basically looking at the data. And he was noticing that things were getting cheaper, even though population was expanding whilst over in California, at Stanford University, Paul Ehrlich, who is still alive, he’s 93 years old now, was predicting doom and gloom. He was basically saying, you know, as population increases, we are going to run out of everything, and there’s going to be mass famine. And, you know, starvation of hundreds of millions of people. And so they had a bet between 1980 and 1990 on the price of five commodities, nickel, tungsten, tin, chromium and copper. And basically, they made a futures contract for $1,000 and when the period came to an end in 1990 Ehrlich had to send a check for $576 to Simon, because commodities became 36% cheaper. Had Simon implemented our methodology, he would have won even bigger. He would have won by about 40, 42% rather than 36

Gene Tunny  12:45

very good. Yes, yeah, that’s, I’ll put a link in the show notes to that, that wager. Yep, I remember that because I think that was still very when I, when I first started learning economics, I think that wager had just, it had just been decided, and yes, it Yeah, certainly in Simon’s favor. But yep, I mean in terms of this idea of the limits to growth, or the, you know, how many earths we need to support ourselves, which is something I think you and your co author, Gail, were were reacting against, because in the blurb for your book, it goes generations of people have been taught that population growth makes resources scarcer in 2021 for example, one widely publicized report argue the world’s rapidly growing population is consuming the planet’s natural resources at an alarming rate. The world currently needs 1.6 Earths to satisfy the demand for natural resources, a figure that could rise to two planets by 2030 now what I’m interested in, Marion, have you thought about like your analysis? You’ve looked at it over. Was it 150 years or a couple 100 years? 170 170 What are you by the way,

Marian Tupy  14:05

it’s 170 because that’s, that’s all the data that we could get. Yeah. Gotcha, yeah.

Gene Tunny  14:09

What are your thoughts on where we’re going? Because we’re still, I mean, up until, say, 2070 or 2080 we’re still going to have growing global population. We still have rising living standards in well, we’ve got convergence catch up in China, India, other emerging economies. Do you think this super abundance thesis will hold despite this continuing economic growth? Or do you have any? Do you have any concerns? How confident are you in the this super abundance hypothesis?

Marian Tupy  14:47

I’m 100% confident I’m not investing in commodities, and I wouldn’t, unless you know I think that there would be a good hedge against inflation. But. No, I don’t think that commodities are going to, you know that they are, that they are going to somehow explode in price. Now, before I answer that question, let me make a couple of points. So the world’s population is going to peak at about 18, sorry, 2065 maybe 2017 and it’s going to start declining. But the question over population growth and resources that’s remains relevant, even if population plateaus and even starts declining, because the expectation is that as we become richer, we are going to be using more resources. We are going to be consuming more resources. So it’s very important to understand the exact relationship between population growth and resource abundance. But but my prediction is that even if that, even if population continues to grow, or even if plateaus, or even if we just start consuming much more resources than we currently do, we are still going to have more abundant resource based and then we currently do for a simple reason that human ingenuity just doesn’t stop. I mean, human ingenuity depends on population growth. So the more people you have, the more ideas you are actually going to have in order to increase your resource base, right? So as I said, you know, in the olden days, maybe you could produce 40 bushels of corn or wheat per acre of land. Now you have 200 bushels of wheat per acre of land. That’s human ingenuity that is applying scientific methods, GMOs, genetic modified organisms, that is applying modern fertilizer, modern watering techniques and whatever else, and pesticides and fungicides in order to produce more food. That’s, that’s, that’s really, that’s all comes from the human mind, right? And so the more people you have, the the more opportunity you have to come up with new ideas. So what are the new ideas? One we can increase the supply of resources simply by discovering new fields, or, for example, oil, gas or whatever else, much of them continues to be unexploited, and certainly on much of it hasn’t even been properly, properly. You know, checked for for resources, we don’t really know how much oil or gas we have, how much iron we have, how much, how much other metals or minerals we have, because we have only explored a tiny percentage of the world. Secondly, we can of the planet. Secondly, of course, we can increase our technology so it enables us to get to resources which were previously uneconomically expensive. So you know, many of the oil fields and gas fields which we are exploring and exploiting here in the United States were prohibitively expensive under the old drilling methods, but are perfectly economical based on fracking, right? Recycling is is another way of doing it. Dematerialization is a great way of doing it. You know, if we can, if we can, if we can do more with less meaning. 20 years ago, you walked into any, any hotel room and it would have a thick copper cable running from the wall to your computer. That’s the only way that you could get on the internet. Now it’s been completely dematerialized. We can do that functionality without actually using any materials whatsoever. We can dematerialize our car fleet. For example, if we can have cars which are powered by AI, cars are 90% of the time cars are not being used. So basically, we could get rid of 90% of cars, including all the metal and plastic that goes into them, and simply have autonomous vehicles picking us up when we need it. So that’s another way of going around the problem of material use. So efficiencies, you know, we can have relative as well as absolute efficiency. So, you know, a can of Coke or water or whatever else uses much less materials than it used to in the past. But also when, when, when you look at very sophisticated economies such as the United States and the United Kingdom, what you observe is that the total, the absolute amount of resources they use every year in order to produce GDP, is actually decreased things. So there has been a certain level of decoupling between resource use and economic growth. So that’s that’s also important. So there are many different ways in which you can actually increase your resource base, but it all requires innovations. It requires new ideas that are born in human mind.

Gene Tunny  19:46

Yep, gotcha. And I mean, that requires that we have a, you know, a good education system, too. And I mean, well, that’s another that’s an issue for another, another podcast. But I was,

Marian Tupy  19:55

in case, I was, I was going into too many details. Let me put it this way. Yeah. Today’s population is 8 billion people. Half of us would be dead if it if it wasn’t for artificial synthetic fertilizer. Our ancestors, 200 years ago, used horse manure, and they used even human excrement. They would compost and do all sorts of other things in order to produce very little yield in agriculture today, what we are using is ammonia, which is essentially a compound made from natural gas. We are using natural gas in order to create artificial synthetic fertilizer, which enables our crops to grow very fast and very big and and who would have thought that you can use natural gas in order to fertilize our crops? But haber bosch discovered this process in the early 20th century, and ever since then, half of humanity has depended on this kind of fertilizer in order to feed humanity. But it was born in human mind.

Gene Tunny  20:56

Oh, exactly. And that’s, that’s one of the points that I think Ed Conway makes, in his book, material world, a substantial story of our past and future, which I’d recommend if you’re listening. And do you want to learn more about what’s been happening with our use of resources and materials, that that book’s absolutely fascinating. And, I mean, I’m sure yours will go along that. I mean, you’ve, you’ve got some great reviews already on on your book, which is terribly just on the I’d like to talk about this issue of exploration, because, yep, that’s, that’s one of the ways that we get around this, this constraint, because of it as if things do become scarcer, then the price increases, and that sends a signal that makes it economic to mine less, you know, deposits that are of that are harder to get to. It makes it economic, or it can support exploration activity. Have you crunched the numbers on to what extent is your super abundant story being driven by, you know greater discoveries. You know exploration, finding more reserves of resources. To what extent is it driven by increases in the efficiency of extraction? Or you haven’t, no okay, because

Marian Tupy  22:19

we didn’t break it down like that. And I don’t even know if anybody has done that, but, but the main point of the book is is things are getting cheaper because of human innovation.

Gene Tunny  22:32

Yeah, yeah. And so the other option is that it could be because of general productivity, the productivity more broadly, because we’re becoming wealth, more productive, wealthier,

Marian Tupy  22:44

sure, but of course, but productivity is just another word for innovation, right?

Gene Tunny  22:49

Yeah, yeah, yeah, absolutely, yep. I think it’s a valid hypothesis. Before we sort of wrap up, I just want to ask whether you think there are other constraints on growth like this is something that I’m confronted with. You know, I generally think, I think this whole degrowth argument, I’m not a fan of it. I’ve, I’ve argued against it in various places, so I’m not a supporter of it. What the degrowth advocates will argue is that we’re reaching these planetary boundaries. I mean, one, we have concerns about climate change, and that’s in their view, that’s leading to, well, there’s the increase in temperatures, there’s the concerns about heat stress and whether humans can cope with that. There’s concerns about, I mean, all of the concerns about what it means for agriculture and and also natural disasters. So there’s that, there’s also, there are concerns about ecological collapse, in some cases. To Have you thought about those issues at all. Marion, are you concerned? Do you see any limits to growth coming from from other issues, some other environmental issues?

Marian Tupy  24:00

Yes, so I try to think about it as much as I can, as time permits. But okay, so we need to distinguish between what I would call the primitive version of degrowth, which is the claim that we are going to run out of oil, or we are going to run out of pound or something like that, and then a more sophisticated version of degrowth, or the degrowth criticism, which would be something like, we are going to poison our oceans, we are going to run out of the biosphere. We are going to kill all the animals, etc, etc. Now, this is a huge subject, and I’m very happy to come on to your program in the future, but, but let’s, let’s take as many as we can within a within a reasonable time window. Let’s think about plastics in the ocean, and let’s think about pollution of the oceans. 90% 95% of all plastic in the oceans comes from eight rivers, all of them are in. Asia and in Africa. Two are in Africa. Six of them are in Asia. What does that tell us? It tells us that when a society is rich, such as Europe, you know, Australia, North America, people are so rich that they insist on living in a clean environment and being protect and protecting their environment, which is why stuff doesn’t plastic and other poisons do not emerge from our rivers into the oceans. It’s the poor countries that do that. So the answer to having clean oceans without plastic is actually economic growth and prosperity, which will allow Asia and Africa to implement the kind of environmental policies that we have in order to prevent poison from running into the oceans. Let’s look at a second subject, which could be something like the biosphere. So I’m an environmentalist as much as you are, and probably anybody else, in a sense that we like clean environment, we like animals, we like plants. We don’t want to destroy the Earth. I love nature. So now what is, what is the best way to protect the biosphere? What is the best way to ensure that there is plenty of acreage in the world where animals can thrive. Well, the best way to do it is to have hyper efficient agriculture so that we can produce more food on fewer and fewer acres of land. If 8 billion people in the world today lived on the same amount of land as our hunter gathering ancestors, we wouldn’t need one planet, we would need 10 planets, right? But because we can produce a lot of food on acre of land, and then we can produce twice as much food in 50 years, and maybe another twice as much in another 50 years, that should enable us to feed more people on less and less land, which means that we can return land back to animals. Jesse asubel from Rockefeller University once calculated that if the world’s farmer, the average world’s farmer, became as productive as the American farmer, we could return the land mass the size of India, back to nature. So it’s all about agricultural productivity, right? The more we can make our land, the better we are water. There are concerns over running out of out of fresh water. I’m not concerned because I know that this Desalination is absurdly cheap. Israel now recycles 98% of its water and it desalinates the rest. The ideal version of desalination is to combine desalination with solar or wind power. And in fact, Israel not just supplies its own water, but it actually supplies palestines and Egypt and Jordan with fresh water out of desalination, recycling. What else is there? Fresh air. Sorry, clean air. So this is something that obviously requires global action, because, you know, there are no property rights in in the atmosphere. However, I would like to point out that the air in western rich countries is now cleaner than it has been since before industrialization. So the particulate map in the air has been declining. And in fact, if you look at the Yale, the Yale index of environmental protection, and then you compare it with GDP per capita, if you combine these two statistics, what it shows you is a very strong correlation between income per capita and environmental protection. So we talked about, you know, animals and plants preserving biosphere, but by returning more land to nature, we are talking about our oceans. Now, another thing which we could talk about is overfishing. This is something that a lot of people are concerned with, and here the answer, of course, rests in aquaculture. Already, 50% of all the fish that are being consumed around the world are being grown for the specific purpose of being eaten by essentially seafood farmers. Right? These are not fish from the wild, and obviously what we want to do is to get to 100% as soon as possible. So there are all of these different ways in which we are supposed to bump against planetary, planetary boundaries, but, but when you look at again human ingenuity and the way that we’ve been able to tackle such things as, I don’t know, desalination or aquaculture, agricultural production, it. Gives you hope that we’ll be able to do this in the future. Just more of it.

Gene Tunny  30:06

Okay, we’ll take a short break here for a word from our sponsor.

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Gene Tunny  30:41

now back to the show. That figure you gave about plastics in the ocean that was striking. 95% of the plastics in the ocean come from eight rivers in Asia and Africa. I mean that that’s that’s extraordinary. I’ll have to look that up, because that’s a I know a lot of people who’d be, who’d be fascinated by that, and I know my the producer of my podcast, Josh, has asked me about that Pacific Island garbage patch in the past, and has said I should cover it on the show. So it’s, it’s interesting to know what the source of those plastics, predominantly is. Do you remember where that where that comes from is that one of Bjorn Lomborg figures. Would you know this?

Marian Tupy  31:29

I can’t remember, and I sure as hell hope that I’m I’m 90 How about this? I’m 95% right that it’s 95% of plastics out of plausible. We can

Gene Tunny  31:40

go, it sounds plausible, because I imagine that, yeah, because when you think about it, yeah, be we, like in Brisbane here, we’ve done a lot of work cleaning up the Brisbane River, so it looks a lot better than it did 20 or 30 years ago. So, I mean, it’s, it’s plausible. I mean, I know that, yeah, a lot of the environmental, uh, problems we see that, yeah, they they see more acute in those in those emerging economies. So anyway, I’ll have a I’ll have a look for that. I agree with your, your general point. The other thing that your remarks, what had brought, what came to mind in the 2000s here, we had a thing called the Millennium drought in Australia, and there were concerns that, oh, it’s never going to rain again, or we’re going to have much lower rainfall than ever. And you know that people were linking this to climate change. And then we had, and then we had record, or near record rainfall, or whatever it was, in 20, 1011, it just kept it just rained for weeks, and all the cashflows got soaked, and there’s massive flood. So Brisbane flooded. I was caught in the flood at Toowong, and, yeah, but prior to that, we were worried about water security, and we went on a recycle we built a recycle water plant, then we built a decal plant, a desalination plant at Tugan for I don’t know whether it was a couple of billion, it was a lot of money, and we, we hardly ever use it. We use it occasionally, for brief periods. It’s, it’s, it’s not, it wasn’t really required. It just goes to show you, if you, if you make your decisions based on some imagined catastrophe in the future, you can end up making some, some really bad, really bad decisions. So that was a you

Marian Tupy  33:27

I remember distinctly, I was skiing in Whistler in Canada in 2014 and, you know, the the old dogs who’ve been skiing there for, for for decades, were absolutely certain that 2014 was the last year in which it was going to snow. Because, you know, the year before there was more snow, and the year before there was more snow, and now it seemed like there was ever less snow up there. But these things are not linear. And of course, all the predictions about, you know, snow free winters, remember those from 20 years ago, all gone broad. You know, Arctic, ice free, Arctic that never happened. So, you know, the earth is warming. Planet is changing. Climate change is not a myth. It is not a lie. It is it is really happening, but figuring out what exactly is happening the exact consequences of climate change on the planet, that is much more complicated, and we certainly have time. Look, I’m not suggesting this is not a problem. What I’m saying is that the notion that we have six years left, or when, when Prince Charles was still Prince Charles, before King Charles, he said something like, you know, we have 48 months to fix the world, or something ridiculous. The point is that. The point is that a lot of people have been burned by making predictions about how the world is going to end. And we it’s not that we have five years or 10 years. We have decades in which. Need to think about maybe burning less fossil fuels, maybe having more nuclear, maybe having fusion energy, but we have time to adjust. And, you know, the world is not running out of anything, and we just have to be, you know, we just have to apply our ingenuity to fixing our problems. We have. We have fixed tremendous problems before. Let’s remember that life expectancy around the world, until recently, was 35 years. 50% of babies before the age of 15 died due to natural causes, and famines were omnipresent. 10s of millions of people died every year due to famine. We have solved a lot of problems, and there is no reason to think that we cannot solve them in the future. We are a very special animal. We can think. We can long term plan. We have reason, we have cooperation, we have trade. So you know that there’s there’s rational grounds for rational optimism. Absolutely,

Gene Tunny  36:02

very good. And it’s about ingenuity and relying on on free markets letting you know, providing the incentives for people to to innovate and to reap the rewards of their of their innovation. So very good. Mario Toby, anything else before we wrap up? I really enjoyed this conversation, and it’s a good start to the day. I’m in Australia, and it’s just it’s gone past 630 so it’s a really good start to the day for me having this conversation. Anything else before we wrap up?

Marian Tupy  36:36

I would just say I very much enjoyed my trip to Australia. You are the lucky country. Very beautiful. A lot of resources. Lovely people. Keep it going. I understand you are going to build some nuclear power stations. Is that true?

Gene Tunny  36:49

Possibly, I’m I think, I think they’re worth exploring. I’m skeptical about whether we will ever build them here in Australia. I think there’s too much of a an environmental movement here in Australia for us to ever build nuclear power. I could be wrong about that. It’s looking like the cost of moving towards 80% or 90% renewable energy, or whatever they want it to be, that’s just going to be too high. So we’re going to have to do something else that possibly could be nuclear. But just knowing the Australian, Australian politics of people, just how prominent the Greens movement is, I think it’ll be hard to get nuclear reactors built in Australia. But having said that, I mean, they could end up being the path of least resistance, or there is no alternative, because the alternative, at the moment, looks to be hideously expensive electricity due to this rollout of renewables and that are unreliable, we’re trying to build this Snowy Hydro. I don’t know if you’ve heard about our Snowy Hydro 2.0 project that that was initially supposed to cost. I don’t know. Maybe it was 10 billion. Now it’s blown out to 20 billion or so. I’ll put the right numbers in the show notes. So it’s just keeps blowing out, because I have all sorts of issues. We we ended up with one of the tunnel boring machines stuck in the rock, okay, like this is, it’s been stuck for months, and this is just this. It’s just symbolic of just how dread, hopeless this project has been. So we’re having to do these, you know, massive engineering projects to back up all of the intermittent wind farms and solar farms. And it’s just, yeah, it’s a, it’s a, well, you never know.

Marian Tupy  38:43

You never know. You know. In Europe, 10 years ago, it looked like the greens, the Climate Lobby was all powerful. They’re losing power all over the place because, basically, energy became so expensive that Europe industrializing. People’s standards of living are decreasing because energy and electricity is so expensive, and energy goes into everything. It goes into literally, it impacts the price of price of tomatoes in the shop. So you never know. We certainly see very positive changes amongst environmentalists here in the United States, they’ve now recognized the importance of nuclear. If you want to get away from, from from fossil fuels, at least to some extent. We are never going to get away from completely from fossil fuels. That’s just not possible. There is not going to be energy transition. We are just going to add new stuff to energy. We are still burning coal and sorry, we are still burning wood. So you know that’s not going anywhere but, but we can. We can. We can certainly limit it, and I’m a huge proponent of nuclear especially if we can learn to make it cheaper. So we’ll see. But certainly, congratulations on being born in such a beautiful country, and I hope that you can keep it prosperous and happy. Yes,

Gene Tunny  39:59

yeah. Yes, I hope so too. I mean, one, one thing I should note, because it just comes up with this issue of population, just if you got another second, because I did what I did want to wrap up, but I thought there’s one thing, one point you made about population before I agree with you. Over the long term, I think for any individual country, this relates to your last your concluding what, what was going to be your concluded covid, about Australia, and I think you’re generally right. I mean, it is a prosperous country. It is the lucky country. We’re facing big challenges in the short term or over the next few years, because we’ve had a massive surge in population post covid, which is related to very lax immigration policy settings that are very favorable to overseas students. So then possibly rorting of the student visas, because it’s, you know, it’s a way you can get access to the Australian Labor Market. So I think that’s one of the issues we’ve got to grapple with. I know that’s an issue in other countries too, but that would just be my one qualification to this general optimism about, you know, having a larger population, more more ingenuity, that sort of thing. So I just wanted to make that that comment, it just occurred to me. But if you’ve got any reactions to that, please, please, let me know.

Marian Tupy  41:22

I mean, the question is, the question is, what? What is the negative effect? Is it? Is it increases prices of real estate, like increasing

Gene Tunny  41:30

real estate, just general congestion, I think, an inability of public services to keep up with the the population growth, yeah, just a general feeling that the country has, the country’s changing in a way that, yeah, think things just don’t seem to work as well, or it’s not the same country as generally, not as friendly or as Welcoming as it once was that would be, that would be the, my sort of take on it, yeah. But generally I think, yeah, it’s the housing issue, where it comes up the most, but it’s congestion in other areas too, well. I

Marian Tupy  42:12

mean, obviously I think that every country has a right to decide who comes in. You know, you know, I’m very I’m very liberal on immigration, but I do think that we need to know who is coming in. Are these people posing any kind of terrorist threat? Do they have criminal records? We just don’t know, because a lot of people come in illegally. I wish we could go back to the time from 20 years ago, when you know people would come in legally, and they would go through the process of having background checks and whatever else, and if they can contribute to the economy, then so much the better. And when it comes to housing, look, if Australia cannot solve it, I don’t know who can, because you’ve got a lot of land. One thing which puzzles me is that we have stopped building new cities, which is kind of bizarre when you think about it. People used to, yeah, cities left and right. And it seems just so difficult nowadays in the West to actually start properly, start a new city. You know, there are states in the United States where the federal government owns 90% of the land. If the federal government just gave it back to the States, and the states simply said, Go forth and conquer and build new cities. You know, it could be done. But ultimately, I don’t think that the issue here is lack of land. I don’t think there are the issue is lack of resources. I think the problem here is tends to be over regulation and governments putting putting barriers in in the way of human ingenuity and human enterprise. So, you know, there’s that’s certainly the case in the United States when it comes to housing. Yeah,

Gene Tunny  43:48

absolutely okay. We might end there. I think that was a good point to end on. Barry and Tubi from the Cato Institute. Thanks so much for all your work, for a great conversation, and I’ll put a link in the show notes to your new book, super abundance looks terrific and all the best for the future, and I hope to catch up with you sometime again soon. Thank

Marian Tupy  44:09

you very much. All the best.

Gene Tunny  44:12

Righto, thanks for listening to this episode of economics explored. If you have any questions, comments or suggestions, please get in touch. I’d love to hear from you. You can send me an email via contact at economics, explore.com or a voicemail via SpeakPipe. You can find the link in the show notes. If you’ve enjoyed the show, I’d be grateful if you could tell anyone you think would be interested about it. Word of mouth is one of the main ways that people learn about the show. Finally, if your podcasting app lets you, then please write a review and leave a writing. Thanks for listening. I hope you can join me again next week.

Obsidian  44:59

Thank you for listening. We hope you enjoyed the episode for more content like this, or to begin your own podcasting journey, head on over to obsidian-productions.com you.

Credits

Thanks to the show’s sponsor, Gene’s consultancy business, www.adepteconomics.com.au. Full transcripts are available a few days after the episode is first published at www.economicsexplored.com. Economics Explored is available via Apple Podcasts and other podcasting platforms.

Categories
Podcast episode

How to improve housing affordability and why the Greedflation thesis is wrong w/ Simon Cowan, CIS – EP203

Host Gene Tunny and Simon Cowan from the Centre for Independent Studies discuss housing affordability and greedflation in the CIS’s Sydney HQ. They delve into recent articles written by Simon on these topics and explore the factors contributing to unaffordable housing (e.g. zoning and other supply restrictions) and why the greedflation thesis is wrong. 

Please get in touch with any questions, comments and suggestions by emailing us at contact@economicsexplored.com or sending a voice message via https://www.speakpipe.com/economicsexplored

You can listen to the episode via the embedded player below or via podcasting apps including Google PodcastsApple Podcasts and Spotify.

About this episode’s guest: Simon Cowan

Simon Cowan is Research Director at the CIS. He is a leading commentator on policy and politics, with a regular column in the Canberra Times newspaper, frequent interviews on Sky and the ABC, and multiple appearances before parliamentary committees discussing the budget, citizenship, taxation and health policy. He has written extensively on government spending and fiscal policy, with a specific focus on welfare and superannuation policy. He earlier work focused on government industry policy, defence and regulation.

His latest work includes Attitudes to a post-Covid Australia and Millennials and Super: the case for voluntary superannuation. Some of his other works include a co-authored report on pensions, a deep dive into the Universal Basic Income, and a 2012 piece arguing that Australia should acquire nuclear submarines from the Americans.

What’s covered in EP203

  • The problem with housing affordability. (4:56)
  • High property prices and housing affordability. (10:02)
  • Should we cap migration to improve housing affordability? (14:24)
  • The role of public/social housing. (19:12)
  • Shared equity schemes. (24:15)
  • Home ownership as a key milestone on the way to retirement. (29:09)
  • Local government regulations and housing affordability. (35:06)
  • The Greedflation hypothesis and why it’s wrong. (39:04)

Links relevant to the conversation

Simon’s Canberra Times articles on housing affordability and greedflation:

The Coalition can create generational voting change by tackling housing affordability – The Centre for Independent Studies 

‘Greedflation’ myth hides real causes of inflation – The Centre for Independent Studies 

Images from the Bill Leak room including a poem from Sir Les Patterson (i.e. Barry Humphries):

Sir Les with Bill Leak.jpg 

Sir Les’s poem about Bill Leak part 1.jpg 

Sir Les’s poem about Bill Leak part 2.jpg 

Past Economics Explored episode discussing wage-price spiral mentioned by Gene:

https://economicsexplored.com/2022/06/14/stagflation-be-alert-not-alarmed-ep143-transcript/

Transcript of Q&A session following Phil Lowe’s speech in Brisbane in July 2023 during which Gene asked the RBA Governor about Greedflation:

https://www.rba.gov.au/speeches/2023/sp-gov-2023-07-12-q-and-a-transcript.html

Transcript: How to improve housing affordability and why the Greedflation thesis is wrong w/ Simon Cowan, CIS – EP203

N.B. This is a lightly edited version of a transcript originally created using the AI application otter.ai. This was then looked at by a human, Tim Hughes from Adept Economics, to pick up the bits otters might have misheard. It may not be 100 percent accurate, but should be pretty close. If you’d like to quote from it, please check the quoted segment in the recording.

Gene Tunny  00:06

Welcome to the Economics Explored podcast, a frank and fearless exploration of important economic issues. I’m your host Gene Tunny. I’m a professional economist and former Australian Treasury official. The aim of this show is to help you better understand the big economic issues affecting all our lives. We do this by considering the theory, evidence and by hearing a wide range of views. I’m delighted that you can join me for this episode, please check out the show notes for relevant information. Now on to the show.

Thanks for tuning into the show. Today, I have the pleasure of catching up with my colleague at the Centre for Independent Studies, Simon Cowan. We’re in the CIS offices on Macquarie Street in Sydney. And we’re going to be chatting about some recent work that Simon’s done on housing affordability and greedflation, Simon, so good to catch up with you.

Simon Cowan  01:06

Yeah. Welcome to the Bill Leak Room here at the CIS, our little office here in Macquarie Street. It’s fantastic to have you here in our facilities with our totally real plants and our wall of photos.

Gene Tunny  01:19

Yeah, well, it’s great this room. So Bill Leak was a famous Australian cartoonist, and there’s a there’s actually a poem about Bill Leak from Les Patterson, one of Barry Humphries characters. Yeah, just it’s terrific. So I might put a link in the show notes. I’ll make sure I take a photo of that before I go. But yes, Simon, you’ve written some great pieces recently, they were both published in Canberra Times on housing affordability and greedflation both topical issues and I thought I’d be good if we could chat about those.

Simon Cowan 01:40

Yeah, for sure.

Gene Tunny 01:43

Your piece on housing affordability was in the Canberra Times on third of July 2023. “The Coalition can create generational voting change by tackling housing affordability.” I’d like to start off by asking you about the context of that piece because CIS Centre for Independent Studies, it’s a non-partisan Think Tank. The way it’s pitched, it’s pitched as how the Coalition can create generational voting change. Now I know this is this relates to some recent research. Could you tell us a bit about the context of that piece, please?

Simon Cowan  02:29

Yeah, sure. So one of my other colleagues, a man by the name of Matt Taylor who’s actually working out of our Canberra facilities, we’re stretching our tentacles across the country with Brisbane and Canberra and Sydney. He did some work that looked at the prevalence of centre right voting patterns amongst younger people, in particular, millennials and Gen Z. And right. And now in Australian politics, the Coalition vote is a proxy for for the centre right. And, you know, to the extent that the Coalition embodies what you might describe as classical Liberal values and policies, then they’re, you know a proxy of some sorts for classical Liberal voting patterns amongst younger people. And the concern that we had as an organisation and I think it’s been heightened by Matt’s research, is that it’s not just that we’re seeing, you know, that traditional voting pattern of younger voters voting left and older voters voting, right, but that each generation that comes into the electorate is more likely to vote for left wing parties, so not just Labour, but increasingly, the Greens. And for Gen Z, in particular, what we’re seeing is, they’re actually moving further left, compared to the average voter as they get older, which is an unusual pattern, both in Australia and globally. So millennials are moving to the right, they’re doing so at a much slower rate than previous generations. They’re starting from further left, Gen Z started from way further left than the millennials and are becoming more left wing. So the end result of this is that we’re seeing a roughly 65% of that younger cohort is voting for left wing parties, roughly equally Labour and the Greens and that the centre right is attracting for Gen Z in particular, as little as sort of 10% of the vote. Now, our issue isn’t so much for the Coalition’s political fortunes, I’m sure that that’s a concern for them. But for us, it’s to the extent that the Coalition is more likely to implement classical Liberal reforms than the Labour Party, which I think is a reasonable deduction. To the extent that’s true. The fact that young people have no interest in centre right politics and therefore classical Liberal ideas is a real concern of ours.

Gene Tunny  04:56

Okay. So is part of the reason that Gen Z has these left wing views to the extent they do, is that related in part to this issue of housing affordability, the fact that younger people aren’t able to purchase their own homes, to the same extent that previous generations, particularly baby boomers, and to a lesser extent, Gen. Gen X, were able to, is that part of the story?

Simon Cowan  05:24

I think that’s a very big part of the story and Matt’s now working on some more research that will look into that issue more, more specifically around what the actual triggers of that, that are. But I think there’s definitely a problem with millennials and Gen Z, in particular, around housing affordability. The issue isn’t just, and this is, it’s a very important issue. It’s not just that they can’t afford to buy a home, it’s that the prospects of them ever being able to afford to buy a home, and ever being able to move out of that cycle that that sort of rental cycles seems very remote to them. So, you know, they’re not just moving into the market later than their parents, for example, there’s a real fear amongst Gen Z in particular, that they won’t ever get into that point, that they’ll be basically trapped as renters for the rest of their lives. And a number of people have sort of made this observation in the past. If you’ve got nothing to conserve, there’s no reason to vote conservative.

Gene Tunny  06:19

Yeah. And what do you think of that concern Simon, do you think that’s a legitimate concern on their part?

Simon Cowan  06:23

I think in part, it certainly is. There are some people who will be rentals forever, probably more so than was true in previous generations. I mean, if you look at the sort of Baby Boomer and then the previous generation to them as well, almost 95% of that generation ended up buying home at some point during their their lifecycle, once you get into retirement, you see that almost everyone, there’s sort of a core of 10 to 15% of people who who don’t own a home, in retirement, most of the current cycle of retirees own their home, the vast majority of them own it without a mortgage. So far the trend is increasingly people coming into retirement with mortgages, rather than having paid off that during their working life, I think we’ll also see, though, a generation of people, a larger percentage of them will be renting for far longer. And the issue there is, at least in part around the enormous difficulty of saving enough money to get into that first rung of the housing market. And also, you know, those affordable entry level houses are now, so much further away from the CBD of the city, that if you’re someone who works in, you know, if you’re working in the city, it’s very difficult for you to have a young family and commute from two and a half hours away each day. And that option, like if you’re gonna buy a home, you have to, you know, you’re now looking at that two hour commute each way, that becomes a very difficult prospect for a lot of people.

Gene Tunny  07:53

So you’re talking about in Sydney, there’ll be people who are doing that in Sydney.

Simon Cowan  07:57

Yeah, absolutely, so if you go back a couple generations a long commute was was sort of from what is now the sort of almost not necessarily the inner ring of suburbs, but there was a sort of middle density ring of suburbs around, you know, the Canterburys, the Bankstowns, etc, that were all, you know, still 30 or 40 minutes commute from the city, but the prices in those suburbs are now well beyond the entry level, you’ve got to go another 20 kilometres from the CBD before you start to get to places where people can afford to buy houses in that entry level of, you know, even as far as sort of Blacktown and places like that you’re seeing median house price is well over a million dollars. So that becomes very difficult and you end up with a situation like we’ve seen in London, for example and other places, too, as far as I’m aware, people who do essential jobs that are not particularly well paid, you know, your teachers and your nurses in inner city areas can’t afford to live within commuting distance of the places where they work. And that then becomes a real problem for society. If you can’t get teachers for your school, because they can’t live within two hours of your school, you’ve got no teachers.

Gene Tunny  09:10

Yeah, this is the key worker problem isn’t it that they talk about, you know, the key workers can’t find affordable places to live…

Simon Cowan  09:18

There’s always a slight risk that some of this is overstated, right? It’s not it’s not an absolute catastrophe. But things have changed enough that it’s having a significant impact on voting patterns and that’s probably where we’re at now. If things continue to get worse, if the trends that we’re seeing of you know, systemic underdevelopment, particularly in the parts of Sydney where people want to live. If those trends continue, then things will definitely get far worse. Right now we’ve got a problem, not a catastrophe. But there’s a real problem and it’s not yet clear to me that particularly the centre right, there’s been a sufficient level of engagement with this problem, that they’re willing to look at solutions that might actually work.

Gene Tunny  10:02

Okay, okay. Australia does have high property prices relative to median income, we must be one of the highest in the world are we are, you know, particularly for Sydney and Melbourne that I’ve seen some of those ratios, I might dig them up and put them in the show notes. But yeah…

Simon Cowan  10:19

Yeah we’re top, so regularly, so Sydney, Melbourne in particular have been regularly in the top 10 least affordable cities in the world, at various points other Australian cities have snuck in there. So I think at one point, Perth managed to make its way in at the height of the mining boom that it was, you know, one of the most unaffordable cities, so New Zealand has a similar problem, as well, around that, that issue of affordability comparable to us. And then I mean, you’ve got a lot of American cities, and then your Tokyos and Londons as well.

Gene Tunny  10:49

Yeah. But what’s extraordinary is like, based on what you were just saying then, it’s not just, you know, there are some exclusive suburbs in Sydney here say out at Double Bay or out in the Eastern suburbs, and you’ve got places worth 10s of millions of dollars, but this is, you’re paying a lot of money just for property in, in what was traditionally a working class area. I mean, over a million dollars, whatever your…

Simon Cowan  11:12

Yeah, absolutely and places like you know, the Northern Beaches, suburbs, which are a fair way from Sydney. And, and we’re never I mean, they’re not they weren’t poor areas, by any means, right. But they weren’t, they weren’t the areas that the elite and rich of Sydney lived in. But now, many of the homes in that area are way outside the price range for a young family, particularly if you’re in a situation where one of your partners isn’t able to work full time. Or if someone’s in a job where you know, they’re not in a professional capacity and being paid six figure salary, it’s really hard for them. And the thing that becomes even harder, it’s largely about getting over that that initial hurdle of having to save, you know, you need 20% deposit for a million dollar home, you got to save $200,000 of after tax income. When you know we’ve got cost of living spiralling out of control at the moment, we’ve got, you know, 11% of your income’s being diverted into retirement savings. And you’ve got to somehow find $200,000 plus of post tax income. It’s yeah, I mean, it’s a real challenge.

Gene Tunny  12:13

Yeah, yeah. And what do you think’s caused this housing affordability problem we have in Australia Simon?

Simon Cowan  12:19

So the evidence on this is actually really clear, despite the fact that a lot of people really didn’t want to accept that this was true. It is abundantly clear from the work that my colleague Peter Tulip, and others have done that the issue is overwhelmingly restrictions on supply. So people want to say that it’s about demand, it’s about immigrants, it’s about negative gearing, capital gains, they have very minor impacts on price what’s having by far the biggest impact on price is the restrictions on bringing new properties to market, on redeveloping existing properties, it’s zoning and taxes and government restrictions that are aimed to stop people developing, and in Sydney, in particular, and a number of suburbs around the city. But also on the major arterial train lines, you’ve got councils that are simply refusing to allow development. And my colleague has highlighted some of them have massively undershot housing targets. But we see time and time again, things like heritage restrictions and zoning restrictions. And, and you know, even you can’t build high density housing around train lines. If you can’t build high density train on train lines, where are you going to build it? And the answer is, well, for them, at least build it way out in Western Sydney, don’t put it anywhere near where I live. And that attitude is pervasive in the eastern suburbs, in inner West and where I’m currently based in the North Shore, some of the councils out there are actively and very hostile to development of any kind.

Gene Tunny  13:52

Right. Okay. On immigration, do you think that what doesn’t have a major impact on housing affordability? Because that’s one of the things that people are concerned about, because we’ve had a record level of net overseas migration in Australia of 400,000. And there are concerns that, like, it’s just, we should be slowing that down while we let the housing stock catch up, on infrastructure catch up. Do you have any thoughts on that level of immigration we have at the moment?

Simon Cowan  14:24

Yes so my take on this, and I’ll be the first to admit there is, there are differing views on classical liberal amounts of immigration, but for me, personally, I would have almost uncapped skilled migration, I would be happy to take as many skilled migrants as we can get, because I think the economic benefits of skilled migration outweigh the costs. Now, the flip side of that is that we have to provide sufficient infrastructure and build sufficient houses to have those people, give those people somewhere to live. But I think you go, you’ve got it completely backwards if your approach is we’re going to stop migration because we can’t build fast enough when we could build faster, the roadblock, the handbrake on house prices is coming from that refusal to allow development, trying to take some of the pressure off so that councils don’t have to fix their obvious contribution to this seems like just the wrong way to go about it to me, I’d rather have more great migrants and way more housing, and I think you can do it that way. And the economic benefits of doing that way outweigh the costs of it. One of my other colleagues a few years ago, did some work around the sort of, what are the outcomes for skilled migrants in Australia? On average skilled migrants are they earn a slightly higher income, they pay higher taxes, they’re more likely to own a home, they’re more likely to be married, they’re more likely to have kids than the average person. So there’s a there’s a benefit to society beyond just the economic benefit of having more skilled migrants. There’s an issue around housing supply, I would fix the issue around housing supply rather than trying to create alternatives to remove some of that pressure.

Gene Tunny  16:02

Yeah, gotcha. Okay. In your article in the Canberra Times, you wrote that Labour’s signature housing affordability policies have huge problems. So Labour being the federal Labour government led by Anthony Albanese, the Prime Minister, first locking future generations into renting their homes from union-controlled super funds. What’s going on there, Simon? What’s, how to, how would the labour government’s policies lead to that outcome? And what’s the, what’s your concern there?

Simon Cowan  16:40

Yeah, so for long time, Labour was convinced that the issue was, was greedy landlords and negative gearing and capital gains. And Gene, you did some fantastic work for us on that issue, in fact, I think you did a an analysis, not necessarily for CIS, but previously that looked at the impact that those capital gains and negative gearing policies had on housing affordability and found it was what like 4%, almost nothing. Yeah. So for a long time, Labour believed that that was the issue, and then started to come around to thinking about this as a supply side problem. But the solutions that they have, they have two main supply side initiatives. And there’s been some more movement more recently. So this is at least as positive, but their main initiatives were: one they were going to encourage institutional superannuation investors to build residential properties for rent. So that meant in practice, I think it meant that they would incentivize the large super funds, which are overwhelmingly controlled, they’re overwhelmingly industry super funds, which have a 50% union 50% Business control. But overwhelmingly, those funds would be then encouraged, incentivized, to invest in and build rental properties for lease. And the other policy was around building a whole bunch more public and social housing. So rather than allowing, having, they’ve identified the right market block, but instead of removing that block and allowing the market to function, their solution is how do we use government incentives and government money to build additional supply? It just seems extraordinary to me that you would create a situation where individuals couldn’t use their own superannuation money to build their own home, but their super fund could use their super money to build a home for them to rent. And that just I mean, one of the reasons why this policy, I think, has been dis-emphasised by Labour is that there’s almost no one who actually wants that outcome. Super funds don’t want to do it, because they’re seeing the the noises around rent controls and increasing tenant rights and think this is a bad investment for my Super fund. And people are like, well why would I want to rent from my super fund with my money? Why can’t I just use my money to buy my own home? So I think that that policy has just got so many flaws to it, that even Labour’s now started to sort of move away from that.

Gene Tunny  19:07

Ok so they’ve moved away from that, but they’ve, they’re investing more in social housing and it sounds like well, reading your article, you’ve got concerns about social housing as the solution, would you be able to go into that please?

Simon Cowan  19:21

Yeah, you’re gonna get me started on talking about social housing. So look, there is a role for public and social housing, but it’s not the role that the government keeps pushing for it, right. So social housing is very important for people who are temporarily homeless, particularly people say who are fleeing domestic violence, they need emergency accommodation in the short term, and they don’t necessarily have access to funds that would allow them to rent a property go through, you know, the hoops that you need to go through to get a rental property. So you’ve got, you know, people who are in, fleeing violence you’ve got people say, who have, you know, sort of sickness or mental illness issues that need accommodation, you’ve got disability support accommodation, those, those are completely appropriate uses of social and public housing. Now, the difference between social and public housing, public housing is government funded social housing is funded by not for profits. What the government is talking about, though, is providing long term government funded accommodation to people. Basically, along the sort of a line you’re seeing in Britain, where you have a council house for decades, and that’s your home and you don’t own it, you are given it by the government. The problem with that is that it’s a terribly inefficient way of providing support for people who need rental accommodation and are on low income. So when you compare, providing a government house to providing, say, rent assistance through Social Security, it’s way more efficient to provide social security. And it’s way more equitable. Because what you have with government housing, as we have here, there’s a 10 year waiting list. And often, people don’t move on that waiting list at all. So you have people who get they spend years on a waiting list, waiting for free housing, they’re disincentivized to take actions that would get them off that list, especially if they’ve got to the top because if they go back on the list, they go at the bottom, you have people who are living in these public houses who are disincentivized, from getting out of public housing, because if they again, if they you know, they take a job that makes them eligible for public housing, and they lose that job in six months, they go to the bottom of the 10 year waiting list. So and then you also have the the way that rent is structured in public housing, where it’s a percentage of income rather than a fixed amount. So the more money you earn, it’s an effective marginal tax rate of 25%, you lose 25 cents of each dollar extra dollar you earn to your public house rent, rather than the rent being a certain fixed amount a month.

Gene Tunny  21:59

I did not know that. Is that how they do it in New South Wales?

Simon Cowan 22:02

Yeah, yeah, well look I…

Gene Tunny 22:03

I’ll have to check what they do in Queensland, other states…

Simon Cowan  22:06

Social housing again I mean it’s all different, but one of our recommendations, we looked at this when they were putting up the last sort of big round of public housing. And one of the things is that, and it’s designed to make it more affordable, it’s 20% of whatever 25% of whatever your income is. So if you’re on, you know, if you’re on Newstart, then 25% of that’s very low. But the problem is when you then start working and earning money, you’ve got an another marginal tax rate from your accommodation.

Gene Tunny  22:32

Yeah. And without, I don’t want to stig, stigmatise or be critical of anyone who’s who’s living in social housing, but because, you know, obviously, there are people are doing it tough and they’re trying to do the best they can. There are a lot of social problems with social housing is that right?

Simon Cowan  22:49

Yeah especially in the, and again, this has experienced the United Kingdom in particular, that social housing estates, particularly where a lot of public housing is clustered together, you tend to find a lot of antisocial behaviour, you find a lot of other problems, there’s a higher rate of crime. And so what you have is a situation where it’s not particularly pleasant for, for people living in social housing but it’s also, you know, a big disincentive for people to live near social housing. And then you have the effect where if there is a cluster of public housing in a particular place that affects property values that people who live around that by so no one wants, public housing, especially not clusters of public housing, anywhere in their suburb. Yet again, you know, we have this disincentive for development, people want the public housing somewhere else. And then in Sydney, we had a particular issue where, and this is largely a legacy issue, we had public housing that was worth just an extraordinary amount of money by virtue of where it was, you know, in The Rocks, which it’s in the, right in the centre of Sydney with views of the harbour. There’s public housing that had been there for 100 and something years, and each of those houses was worth millions of dollars. So you know, you had this this issue of well, do we, we’re giving away this public housing to someone for basically no money, why don’t we sell their public housing and build, you know, a lot more with with the money that it came from? So you’ve got a whole bunch of problems. I mean, fundamentally, I think the issue with this is if, if the issue that you’re looking at is housing affordability, rather than the need for temporary accommodation or something else, if the issue is housing affordability, you’re always going to be better off allowing the market to develop property than trying to do it by government. And there’s, and there’s a filtering effect of adding supply at any point in the market reduces prices of at every point in the market. Because if you think about this logically, even if you put the supply right at the very top end, the people who are buying those $10 million apartments are selling their $8 million apartments and the the effect of that sort of filters down all the way through the market, so adding supply anywhere, increases supply everywhere.

Gene Tunny  25:06

Okay, we’ll take a short break here for a word from our sponsor.

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Gene Tunny  25:41

Now back to the show.

And what about this this idea of Shared Equity? Labour or the government has a scheme a Shared Equity scheme, there’s concerns about how wide a coverage it is? I mean, it seems like small numbers relative to the total, total need out there. But what do you think of these Shared Equity schemes where the government effectively owns part of your property don’t they? Would you be able to take us through that, please?

Simon Cowan  26:09

Yeah so, there’s a I mean, so part of the problem with a lot of these schemes is that they’re designed to be so small, they can’t have an impact in the sort of aggregate level, because the number of caps are limited. And whenever you see a government policy like this, and it’s, it’s limited to a small number of people, you know, that it’s not a good deal for the taxpayers as a general rule. But so you do have that situation where the government would, in some instances, it’d be providing a portion of the deposit. So that the individual who meets a certain criteria jumps through the right hoops in order to be eligible for the scheme can can apply for a loan and basically buy a property with as little as sort of 5% equity. Shared Equity schemes don’t have a fantastic hit track record in Australia. And it’s not so much around the issue of the deposits. But one of the things that we looked at at the other end of the market was was how you could get into equity release schemes for pensioners. So you’ve got an issue with a percentage about sort of one in five people in the age pension are very, very cash poor and very, very asset rich, and most of them, the main asset they have is property. So when we looked at this 5% or so of people who were on the full rate of the aged pension had more than one and a half million dollars in home equity. But what they didn’t have was an ability to release any of that equity in order to fund their lifestyle. So my interest in in Shared Equity comes much more. And again, there’s, there’s a much bigger tradition of this in the UK, where banks and financial institutions will take over a portion of equity for your home and use that to provide an income or a lump sum to people. So it’s not that Shared Equity itself is a bad idea, where it becomes a bad idea where you’ve got government effectively taking the risk for marginal borrowers. And, you know, people who can’t actually afford to borrow the loans that they’re taking, not just they can’t afford the deposit, but they can’t actually afford the loan. And what we saw in America in the lead up to the financial crisis was exactly these sorts of schemes, schemes where the government tried to manipulate the criteria for eligibility for home loans to effectively give a certain group of people a greater chance of buying a home. And the end result of any of that sort of manipulation around loans was the potential for government to bear, the government to bear losses in relation to home equity. So, you know, it’s a small scheme, it won’t have a big impact for that reason, but it does expose the government to risk of default, which seems like a bad way of doing things.

Gene Tunny  28:52

One thing I should ask Simon is, we’re presuming that the ideal is that people end up in their own home by the time that they’ve retired, would you be able to expand on why that is such an important thing? Or why that’s such a desirable policy goal, please?

Simon Cowan  29:09

Yeah, sure. I’d bring it forward in time. I actually think that, you know, there’s some sort of key milestones in people’s lives, you get married, and then you have kids and buying a home’s one of those milestones and ideally, you know, the ideal situation, I think, is you want to be having that in the middle of those two things. So you know, you you get married and you buy a home together and you have kids and you raise kids in your own home. And that’s sort of the sort of model of of family life that was exceptionally prevalent in Australia and I think it’s, it’s one of those sort of, again, you know, talk about conservatives and for a second, but you know, when you’re, you’re married with kids in your own home, you’ve got something to conserve, you’ve got a stake in society, you’ve got, you know, roots and values there. From a retirement perspective, though, it’s, it’s even more important because Australia’s retirements system was built around a couple of specific ideas. And so one of those is voluntary savings, which is or involuntary savings, superannuation, but another, another one is the age pension, obviously government funded income. But the biggest one in Australia in particular was around the idea that you would own your own home. So the Australian retirement system is actually modelled around people owning a home in retirement without a mortgage. And that takes care of a lot of their basic needs. And what we’ve seen consistently and you know, what we see now in particular, the group of people who are struggling the most in retirement, are overwhelmingly people who don’t have voluntary savings, they don’t have any superannuation left, but they also don’t own their home. And they’re the people who are most risk of genuine poverty in retirement, it’s if you don’t own your home, and you’re dependent on the age pension, and you’re renting in old age, overwhelmingly, that’s a group of people who are right at the bottom in terms of income and living standards. And so, you know, whatever our retirement system is built around this idea that you’re going to own your own home in retirement and own it without a mortgage, then the system has to actually facilitate people being able to do that. And right now we’re starting to see that disconnect happening. More and more people are entering retirement with mortgages. Over time, you’ll see more and more people entering retirement who don’t have a home at all.

Gene Tunny  31:22

Yeah. And what’s really worrying is you’ve got all of these people who are then at risk of homelessness. And you know, people living living in cars or worst case…

Simon Cowan  31:34

Yeah, so one of the biggest, one of the biggest demographics of homelessness, and aside from, and this is sort of the broader definition of homelessness, right like because the the you think traditionally people who live on the streets, are far more likely to be sort of middle aged men, but one of the biggest groups of the biggest demographics of homelessness is actually older single women. And overwhelmingly, that’s the issue. It’s really, you know, they’re dependent on unemployment benefits or pensions, but they don’t own a home. They may have been married, their husbands died, they don’t own their home, they’ve got no income. That’s the group that’s most at risk of poverty and homelessness, was one of them at least. And it’s a big issue.

Gene Tunny  32:12

Yeah, yeah. Okay. What about tapping into your own Super? I think you were alluding to this before. What are your thoughts on that, Simon?

Simon Cowan  32:21

So one of my colleagues that sort of looks at that issue, and his view is that what you should use super for is guaranteeing a loan, rather than necessarily being able to tap into it. One of the issues with allowing people to take money from Super is that it is effectively just increasing demand. So you do have a, you do have a slight demographic shift, in terms of who is able to buy properties, if you can, you know, you can withdraw from Super to buy your own home, but you can’t withdraw from Super for an investment property, you do slightly shift who owns property at that point, just in terms of the simple should you be able to take money on your super to buy own home? Yes, because it’s your money. It’s your money, it’s your savings, you’d be better off in retirement, if you could do it, will it solve the problem that it’s trying to solve? Probably not without something else attached to it. And that really has to be around sort of that supply side reform. And, and it doesn’t have to be, I mean talk about supply side reform, it doesn’t have to be the cratering of house prices, what it needs to be is more flexibility in what people can do with their own property. And when you increase flexibility for owners, and you increase flexibility for people who want to buy, you have a more dynamic and more effective and more efficient market, and that’s better for everyone. It’s not just the case that one group has to win and one group has to lose.

Gene Tunny  33:43

Yeah. Now with, with what the federal government is proposing to do is one positive thing that they’re proposing around targets for, or they’re trying to incentivize the states to encourage development, is that, am I geting that right?

Simon Cowan  33:59

Yes, so this is one of our recommendations, it’s been picked up. And it’s it’s got a, you know, it’s a policy tradition that’s been around for a long time, which is the federal government has all the money, but not necessarily all the levers. So they incentivize states to make good policy by, you know, giving them either withholding grants from them, if they don’t do the right thing, or giving them extra money, if they do, and in this instance, they’re talking about, you know, states that meet housing targets should be able to access additional government money. And that makes sense, right? If you’re building more houses, more money for infrastructure is probably right. But if there’s a challenge, it’s that a lot of the levers and the need for incentive isn’t even necessarily at the state government level. It’s actually the local government level. And so, you know, we’ve seen a number of states, I think, both in Victoria and New South Wales that appreciate the issue around supply and housing affordability, but they’ve been unwilling to impose the requirements on local government level, where all the incentives work the other way. So, we think it’s a good policy. We think it’s something that we’ve recommended, but it won’t be as straightforward perhaps as it seems.

Gene Tunny  35:06

Yeah, you’re right about that. I mean, a lot of the problems are at that local government level. So in Queensland where I’m from, some of the places where we’ve been able to get the high density, where we’ve been able to get more people in, it’s, it’s areas that the state government zone priority development areas, so formerly light industrial areas around West End or, or Newstead so the state government’s been trying to do its best but the Brisbane City Council goes and bans town, townhouses in you know, a lot of suburbs, there’s all these character, all these character protection, and anytime someone…

Simon Cowan  35:39

Yeah, well heritage is increasingly become, basically an anti development scam, unfortunately. And you can look on Twitter and you can find fantastic examples of things that are heritage listed. Like there was a, there’s a heritage listed electrical substations and heritage listed broken fences, and it’s like, rusting machinery, heritage listed car parks, I mean, there’s not actually any historical value in a lot of this stuff. What it is, though, it’s a valuable as a foil or as a stop to development.

Gene Tunny  36:11

And it seems to be a lot of grounds for people to oppose developments, whether it’s, ah there’s, there won’t be enough car parking, there won’t, you know, it’ll affect local traffic and there’s all sorts of grounds for objection. So yeah, absolutely. agree there.

Simon Cowan  36:24

I tell you what’s interesting, just to leave this point, I think is in New Zealand, what we saw was that they basically changed the zoning rules that allowed you to have medium density as a right, so that you didn’t actually need Council permission to go up to sort of three or four storeys from, from a freestanding dwelling. And that resulted in a massive increase in, in the sort of developments that would be allowed that council used to say no to, and a reduction in relative prices in Auckland compared to Christchurch and elsewhere. I am reliably informed, however, that, that initiatives towards housing affordability in New Zealand are now trending in the other way, in the same way they are here, unfortunately. But it was a really good example of a sort of natural experiment. What happens if you change the zoning rules? So it turns out more supply, lower prices.

Gene Tunny  37:11

Okay, yeah. But I’d be mean to have a closer look at that. Because I know there are some, there’s a bit of debate about those data, but I’m just not familiar with them enough. But I want to come back to that. I’ve read about that in the past and mentioned it. I just know that the like everything there ends up being a debate on it. But I agree. I think that would be what I expected. If they did that. I would expect to see that. And if it didn’t happen, then something else must have happened to have stopped that. I guess Simon I think we’ve had a great chat about your article on housing affordability. Was there anything else in that article or any other thoughts you had on housing affordable?

Simon Cowan  37:49

I’ve got a lot of thoughts on housing affordability, but, but I have a lot of thoughts on a lot of things.

Gene Tunny  37:54

Okay, well, maybe I’ll ask you, in the last 10 minutes or so about greedflation.

Simon Cowan

Yes greedflation!

Gene Tunny

So yeah, this became, you know, this has been topical because of our friends at The Australia Institute have been very prominent promoting this view that inflation is due to greedy corporations. And I ended up asking Phil Lowe, about this, I asked our Reserve Bank governor about this at the lunch he he spoke at in Brisbane, and I asked, well, what’s your, what are your thoughts on this? And, and Phil Lowe said, well we looked at it and we don’t really think it’s a it’s really a reasonable hypothesis. And you’ve written something similar, or two, on greedflation, you’ve, you’ve said if, well, this is in an article in Canberra Times 12th of August 2023, “Greedflation myth hides real causes of inflation.” So Simon, could I ask you, what are those real causes and why do you think this greedflation hypothesis, it’s a myth?

Simon Cowan  39:00

Yeah sure, so let’s, let’s start with what greedflation is. Greedflation is the idea that the cause of our current cost of living crisis across the western world, is that corporations, collectively, and spontaneously decided to increase profit margins, and take additional money from, from consumers somehow. You know, the best explanation that I’ve seen for this, the best explanation, the only actual causality that I’ve ever seen someone try and say is, oh, there was supply side shocks as a result of the pandemic and that gave companies the ability to change the prices and so they push the prices up massively. Now, internally, I don’t think that’s actually consistent as an argument because if, support, if the cost of supply went up, then profit margins would go down, not up. But I don’t think any of this is actually about what causes inflation because what caused the bout of inflation is actually really clear. During the pandemic, particularly during 2021, across the western world, governments and central banks massively over stimulated the economy. In Australia, we saw an enormous increase in government spending in the tune of hundreds of billions of dollars, we saw a massive stimulus from the RBI in terms of basically creating money, we saw that across the western world, huge deficits, massive stimulus. Now, in 2020, you could argue that that stimulus was needed. And there was this significant shock as a result of the pandemic and significant uncertainty. By the second half of 2021, though, we had most of those variables under control, and governments kept spending and Reserve Banks kept printing money. And the result of that, as it has been, every time this has happened across history, was a massive surge in demand and as a result of that a surge in inflation. Now, the idea of greedflation, greedflation is actually measuring a real thing, there was an uptick in corporate profits, that came from, it wasn’t the cause of, it came from that stimulus, that massive increase in demand. It’s a simple supply and demand issue. There was a massive stimulus in demand, supply is limited to a certain extent, maximum capacity of the economy is certain amount once you go past that, it’s inflation, and that’s what happened. That’s what happened in Australia and Britain and America and Europe, over that period of time, massive increase in demand. And the reason why, you know it’s an increase in demand, and not an increase in costs of supply, is the corporate profits went up. And what we’ve seen in recent times is corporate profits have gone down, as inflation has come down. Why? Because across the western world, governments have been tightening budgets and reserve banks have been increasing interest rates, in other words, reducing demand.

Gene Tunny  41:58

Yeah, yeah. I think that’s, that’s, yeah that’s good. Simon. I mean, I, I largely agree. And I think when I looked at this in a previous episode, I, I talked about a study from Chris Murphy. So Chris, has done modelling of this and he came to that view that it’s because of the huge stimulus…

Simon Cowan  42:18

Yeah I think he predicted it was sort of six or 7% inflation and got pretty close to where it actually landed in Australia for that survey looked pretty good. But I mean, the bigger picture issue here, there’s two really important points coming from this greedflation thing. One of the reasons why the greedflation hypothesis is is so popular or being pushed so hard, is connected to this idea of of wages, and who should be responsible for paying for the cost of bringing inflation under control. So if you can argue truthfully, or realistically or correctly or not, that it’s not workers, and it’s not, you know, ordinary people who are responsible for inflation, therefore, you can’t restrict wages, and your government should be providing cost of living support through their budgets, what you’re trying to do is actually shift the incidence of who has to pay for the cost of getting inflation under control. But it’s such a dangerous thing to do. Because what we know is that the thing that will make inflation enduring, and the thing that will cause the biggest problems if inflation is translated into wage expectations, it creates a cycle that makes it exceptionally hard to break. And the unions and to an extent the government are trying as hard as they can to put in put forward this idea that wages should at a minimum keep pace with inflation. And ultimately, that’s a very dangerous sentiment, in my view.

Gene Tunny  43:49

This is the concern about the wage price spiral. So yeah, yeah, I’ve looked at that in a previous episode. So I might, I might link to that. Yes. So you’ve written in your article on greedflation. “The dissidents seek to de emphasise monetary policy, especially the role of monetary of managing inflation in favour of a greater role for fiscal policy and an equal focus on maintaining full employment.” So you, you see this, this greedflation view, you’re, you’re worried about it because it could lead to really bad policy outcomes in your view?

Simon Cowan  44:31

Yeah I think we’re seeing a shift already. And it’s been coming for a little while, I think, you know, we had a period of time where there was a fairly clear settlement, particularly Australia and macro economic management stability issues were almost exclusively a domain of of monetary policy, and then micro-economic efficiency issues and supply side concerns were the domain of fiscal policy. And the problem with that is that that doesn’t really allow a progressive government that wants to, to, you know, put its finger on the scales in various places to use macro economic measures as a rationale for changing government spending priorities. And so there’s this shift. You can see in America, it’s not just, just here, but away from monetary policy being mechanism for micro, macro economic stability towards fiscal policy being responsible for for huge components of economic well being. And it fits very clearly, I think into what the treasurer has been saying about the role or the return of government to more central position in in determining the direction of economic forces and so greedflation, if you take it away from that over stimulus point and bring it back towards a discussion about employment and wages. It allows you to centralise government in that decision making process again. And it was so hard for us to get past that first time.

Gene Tunny  45:58

Yeah. What are the greedflation, people arguing for greedflation, what are they actually, what would they be suggesting price controls or something? Who really…

Simon Cowan  46:07

Yeah, price controls and tax increases and ,there’s a was a retribution component in some respects. But it’s also this idea that, you know, workers weren’t responsible for this. Therefore, they shouldn’t have to bear the costs of it. And I mean, from a, from a moral perspective, that that sounds right. I mean, it’s not it’s not instinctively wrong, the problem is from an economic perspective, the argument they’re basing that on doesn’t make any sense.

Gene Tunny  46:37

Yeah. Yeah. And particularly, and this is the point Phil Lowe made in response to my question, I might, I’ll put a link in the show notes regarding that, because I had a look at some of the data he was talking about. You don’t see this big spike in the profit share of national income other than in mining, you see it in mining because they’ve had a big terms of trade boom. But you don’t really see it elsewhere in the economy. There’s a little bit but it’s not huge. So it’s hard to see how it supports his greedflation hypothesis. I think that’s a fair point. And I like your point about the lack of a causal mechanism, because, you know, people like the Australian Institute people, what they’ve done is that they’ve shown or they can demonstrate they do some decomposition of the GDP deflator. And they argue that it’s largely associated with, with profits rather than wages. Now, that’s a nice statistical calculation, but it’s just they’re showing a correlation. They’re not necessarily proving any causation, which I think’s your point. Yeah,

Simon Cowan  47:40

Yeah, cool, but far more fundamentally, right? What is inflation? Inflation is an increase in prices. If, and it can only come from from two places, right? It either comes from an increase in costs, or it comes from an increase in in profit share. Now, either it’s come from an increase in costs. That’s a supply side driven inflation. And we’ve seen some of that during the pandemic, particularly around the energy costs. But what they’ve effectively triumphantly discovered is that inflation is an increase in prices, doesn’t say anything about what causes that increase in prices. And you often see, I mean, because unions, I think, unions think this way, because this is how unions work in the sense that everyone gets together and they make a sort of centralised decision. And that then flows outwards, they assume that their opposition works the same way. There is no business or collective sort of companies that can decide what the profit level is like they can’t, there is no mechanism by which you can actually do that. So what we’re seeing is that that sort of accumulation of literally 10s of 1000s of individual decisions in individual markets by individual companies, there’s no, there’s no overarching sort of business sector that makes decisions. It’s just a reflection of what’s happening in the market. And that’s why I mean, it’s the biggest reason why this doesn’t work. Like if, if you wanted companies to reduce profits to cut inflation. How would you actually go about doing that?

Gene Tunny  49:15

Yeah, I largely agree. Now, you’re not saying that, I mean, would you recognise that there are some areas of the economy where there may be excessive concentration or or we do need to be conscious of abuses of market power. Do you have any thoughts on that? Like so…

Simon Cowan  49:31

Yeah, I mean, I have some thoughts on that. I do have a lot of fairly uncharitable thoughts about competition policy for what that’s worth. I do think there are issues around efficiency within markets, and that is a problem. But it’s not at all clear to me that any of the people who are pushing the greedflation agenda, have any idea how to make markets more efficient. And none of their solutions would make markets more efficient or resolve any of those issues. So I I’m less convinced that that’s a solution to this problem. But what we have seen, I think, is over the last sort of 30 or 40 years, as you know, international trade has increased enormously as the sort of tyranny of distance, you know, internet, the ability of markets to sort of reflect international trends, competition has become enormously increased in a number of different markets. So the fact that it’s not immediately visible in Australia, because you can only see the Australian companies doesn’t mean that there’s not a whole bunch of potential competition that could arise there. So, but I mean, I think competition is important, and it’s not as efficient as it could be. But and I’d be very much in favour of making it more efficient. But I don’t know you make competition better or more efficient with more government?

Gene Tunny  50:47

Yeah. Oh, yeah. Yeah, we might have to come back to that in a future episode. I just thought of it because I know there’s a lot of talk lately about Qantas. And how close Qantas is to the government. And the government is making decisions in favour of Qantas like not letting Qatar Airways take a route into Australia. And at the same time, we’ve got Qantas coming out in favour of a policy position advanced by the government on the Voice, and it’s given Anthony Albanese, some chairmanship lounge membership.

Simon Cowan  51:17

Yeah well so I actually looked at this issue in the past too, and this is a really important thing, it’s what it comes down to is what the future direction of the economy is. So there’s, there’s a view where you say, you know, it’s big business and big union and big government, they all get together, and they do what they think is in the best interest of the country. Or there’s a model where you say, consumers should be sovereign, and they should make choices and the market reflects whatever people decide to buy with their money. And what we’re seeing is so many more people coming out in favour of that first view, the idea that, you know, the benevolent elites will come and decide what’s best for everyone and that Qantas and, you know, the ACTU and Jim Chalmers can get together in a room and decide what the priorities for the economy should be. And I mean, I fundamentally reject that view. But I think more importantly, my vision is not a business-centric one, it’s a consumer-centric one. Markets are consumer democracy. It’s not about what’s best for business. It’s what about what’s best for people and consumers?

Gene Tunny  52:17

Absolutely. I fully agree. Simon Cowan it’s been terrific. I’m so glad to have caught up with you here in Sydney at CIS’s offices. So thanks again for your thoughts and for your hospitality today.

Simon Cowan  52:30

Appreciate it. Thanks for your time.

Gene Tunny  52:33

Righto, thanks for listening to this episode of Economics Explored. If you have any questions, comments or suggestions, please get in touch. I’d love to hear from you. You can send me an email via contact@economicsexplored.com or a voicemail via SpeakPipe. You can find the link in the show notes. If you’ve enjoyed the show, I’d be grateful if you could tell anyone you think would be interested about it. Word of mouth is one of the main ways that people learn about the show. Finally, if your podcasting app lets you then please write a review and leave a rating. Thanks for listening. I hope you can join me again next week.

53:20

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Credits

Thanks to Obsidian Productions for mixing the episode and to the show’s sponsor, Gene’s consultancy business www.adepteconomics.com.au. Full transcripts are available a few days after the episode is first published at www.economicsexplored.com. Economics Explored is available via Apple PodcastsGoogle Podcast, and other podcasting platforms.