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How Good was Adam Smith? 4 Tax Maxims from 250 Years Ago that are Still Fresh – EP239

This episode delves into Adam Smith’s four maxims of taxation and examines their relevance in today’s economic environment. Host Gene Tunny explores the balance between efficiency and equity, discussing historical perspectives and contemporary debates, such as the proposed billionaire tax.

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What’s covered in EP239

  • Introduction. (0:00)
  • Important taxation principles. (5:33)
  • Taxation principles and maxims from Adam Smith’s “The Wealth of Nations”. (13:19)
  • Wealth inequality and proposed taxes on billionaires. (20:30)
  • A classically liberal perspective from Simon Cowan. (28:33)
  • Taxation principles, including horizontal and vertical equity, convenience, and efficiency. (33:29)
  • Taxation and its impact on economic activity. (41:19)
  • Adverse impacts of high taxes: example from Australia’s tobacco industry. (47:54)
  • Wrap up of taxation principles from Adam Smith’s “Wealth of Nations.” (54:04)

Takeaways

  1. Adam Smith’s maxims of taxation remain highly relevant, advocating for efficiency, equity, certainty, and convenience in tax systems.
  2. Contemporary tax debates often reflect a trade-off between efficiency (minimizing economic distortions) and equity (ensuring fairness across different income groups and treating similar people in the same way).
  3. The episode highlights the potential adverse consequences of high taxation, such as reduced economic growth and black markets and organized crime.
  4. Discussions on billionaire taxes illustrate ongoing disagreements about how to design tax systems that balance economic incentives and equity.
  5. The taxation principles discussed are essential for understanding governmental approaches to raising revenue while minimizing negative economic impacts.

Links relevant to the conversation

Recent episode with Dan Mitchell on US debt:

https://economicsexplored.com/2024/04/17/is-uncle-sam-running-a-ponzi-scheme-with-the-national-debt-w-dr-dan-mitchell-ep235

Episode featuring Simon Cowan on tax:

https://economicsexplored.com/2024/02/23/the-tax-reform-debate-cutting-through-the-spin-w-simon-cowan-cis-ep228

Episode with Miranda Stewart on Billionaire and inheritance taxes:

https://economicsexplored.com/2021/11/06/ep112-taxing-the-rich-billionaire-and-inheritance-taxes

Episode with Steve Rosenthal on Tax rules benefiting tech titans and hedge fund managers:

https://economicsexplored.com/2021/11/22/ep114-tax-rules-benefiting-tech-titans-and-hedge-fund-managers

Adam Smith’s The Wealth of Nations: Books IV-V: 

https://www.amazon.com.au/Wealth-Nations-Books-IV-V/dp/0140436154

One of Dan Mitchell’s posts at International Liberty on adverse impact of taxation on economic growth:

https://danieljmitchell.wordpress.com/2018/03/10/new-imf-study-shows-u-s-would-benefit-from-lower-tax-rates-and-less-government-spending

Transcript: How Good was Adam Smith? 4 Tax Maxims from 250 Years Ago that are Still Fresh – EP239

N.B. This is a lightly edited version of a transcript originally created using the AI application otter.ai. It may not be 100 percent accurate, but should be pretty close. If you’d like to quote from it, please check the quoted segment in the recording.

Dan Mitchell  00:03

Now I’m never one to say, Oh, you raised this tax or that tax, there’s going to be a recession. I worry worry about if you raised this stature that tax in the long run growth rate will decline. And even if it only declines a small amount, maybe two tenths of 1% a year that has massive long run implications because of the wedge effect.

Gene Tunny  00:32

Welcome to the economics explored podcast, a frank and fearless exploration of important economic issues. I’m your host, Gene Tunny. I’m a professional economist and former Australian Treasury official. The aim of this show is to help you better understand the big economic issues affecting all our lives. We do this by considering the theory evidence and by hearing a wide range of views. I’m delighted that you can join me for this episode, please check out the show notes for relevant information. Now on to the show. Hello, and welcome to the show. This episode, it’s just me, there’s no guest, I’m going to talk about one of the issues that I’ve been covering in the book that I’m writing. So over the last few months other than my business other than this podcast, the thing that’s really occupied my time has been this book. So I’ve been working on this book. It’s titled government budget analysis principles for policy. So this was a book that Tony Macon and I proposed to Routledge, which is a major international academic publisher. And we got an agreement to, to write the book. But if you’re a listener to this podcast, and you know that I had Tony, on my show, we talked about the pandemic stimulus. And then I had Alex Robson on in white 2021 to just talk about the terrible news that that Tony had, died, unexpectedly died suddenly, at age 67. And, yeah, I mean, huge blow. We’re about to start working on the book. And I didn’t know whether I’d be able to go through with it. But people like Alex and also Fabrizio come and Yanni, who’s a professor of giveth now at Griffith University, where tiny was and now Fabrizio is over at University of Southern Queensland. They encouraged me to continue on with a book and that’s what I’ve been doing. And I’m going to dedicate the book to Tony, for sure. So I’m at the stage where I’m trying to finalise the book, tidy it up getting comments from reviewers, it’s, it’s been a huge effort. If you’ve written the book yourself, then I mean, you’d know just how much work goes into it, and how much work there is just getting it across that finish line. So that’s where I am at the moment. And in researching and writing the book, I’ve come across so much, great material and, and some that I want to share with you. I think there’s some some great stuff that I’ve learned along the way. And what I want to talk about today is taxation and how we determine what a good tax system looks like, what are those principles for taxation? So, I mean, tax is something we all grumble about. It’s, I mean, particularly at tax time, I mean, it’s, it can be very trying. But ultimately, you know, it’s inevitable as what do they say about the only two things that are inevitable in life are death and taxes, we need taxes to pay for the public services? And there are, I don’t know exactly who said this, but there’s that quote that taxes are the price we pay for civilization. And there’s something to that, I suppose. There are other perspectives, of course, that I’ll talk about a bit later a bit is the libertarian perspective, the extreme libertarian perspective that taxation is theft. That’s another way of looking at it. But generally, I think most economists, or the vast majority of economists would recognise that we need taxes to pay for government services. As. On the other hand, if we resort to money printing, we essentially pay taxes and other way we pay the inflation tax. That’s, that’s perhaps a bit tangential to this discussion. And I have talked about that before. The main point is that taxes are inevitable. And we should be thinking about principles for having a well, a well designed tax system. There’s a great quote that was attributed to the finance minister for Louie, the 14th of France. I think John Baptiste Colbert and the way he described it, and I’m not going to get these words. Exactly. Well, in any case, they would have been in French. And will which I’m not going to try to quote, The basically said that the art of taxation is basically trying to pluck a goose to get the maximum quantity of feathers for the least amount of hissene. And, to this day, I don’t think anyone’s really described the process of taxation, or what governments are trying to do with taxation with in such a clear, and brilliant, why I mean, it’s a great way to describe it. It’s very illustrative of what the process involves. So we’re essentially trying to tax the population in an efficient way, also an equitable way, as we’ll talk about soon, it’s a way that’s going to prevent a lot of hissing because either a tax is too burdensome, or it’s seen as unfair, it’s seen as inequitable. And, to this day, that’s the way that political scientists economists tend to think about taxation. economists talk about the main principles of a tax system or the main goals of a tax system. Depending on which economists you ask or which textbook you read, there might be three or four different principles, or there could be five in some cases, but generally, the major ones are efficiency. So there’s widespread agreement that the collection of taxes has to be efficient. And that encompasses various different things, which we’ll talk about in a moment. And it also has to be equitable. And there are two types of equity. There is horizontal equity, which is we treat similar people in the same way. So there’s no arbitrary taxation. The government doesn’t tax its political enemies more than the people that likes there’s equity and in that way, and then another concept of equity. And this can be controversial, which we’ll talk about in a moment, is vertical equity, which is probably what we probably first think of when we think of this concept of equity or fairness. It’s about people who have a greater ability to pay a greater capacity to pay, they contribute more, so they pay a higher tax rate. So the wealthy attacks more than the poor. And so I think a lot of people when they think of equity, they probably think along those lines. Okay, so they’re the major ones that economists talk about. Sometimes I’ll add in simplicity, as another principle, I tend to think of simplicity as part of the whole efficiency of the tax system story. So the big, the big items are efficiency and equity, the two different components of equity. And usually what we find or often what we find is that there’s a trade off there’s a, there can be a trade off between efficiency and equity. That’s when you have the really difficult policy decisions. Arthur Oaken, who was a a famous American macro economist. He was Lyndon Johnson’s chair for his Council of Economic Advisers. He talked about that big trade off between equity and efficiency. So that’s something that will come up in taxation, such as debates over consumption taxes, increasing the consumption tax. consumption tax might be an efficient tax, it might be better than income tax, for example, but it is regressive. If you’re on a to lower income, then you’re proportionally spending more of your total income on consumption items, then someone who’s wealthy who’s saving a lot. So there’s a trade off there. I mean, that’s one of the big issues that comes up in taxation, these these trade offs. Okay. Now, what I want to go over this episode in particular on tax having, you know, provided that background on how economists are thinking about it, is what Adam Smith, what the father of economics, thought about tax. And as happens in economics, we find that a lot of these, these principles that we talk about, that we that we espouse many of them, go back to Adam Smith, to 1776, to the Wealth of Nations. Now, not everything’s in Adam Smith, of course, I mean, there are insights, great insights from later economists such as Ricardo Keynes, Milton Friedman, but there is so much that is in Adam Smith is just extraordinary. It’s if you haven’t read Wealth of Nations, I thoroughly recommend you grab yourself a copy of Wealth of Nations, there’s, it’s generally in two different volumes as volumes 123, which is where most of the famous passages from says stuff about invisible hand, etc. But then there’s also volumes, four to five, and it’s in the book four to five, and it’s in book five, where the principles of taxation aren’t they’re the ones I’m going to talk about today. Now, just on the importance of Adam Smith, I mean, if we go to John Kenneth Galbraith, it’s the age of uncertainty which is one of those great books on the history of economics. Now Galbraith, as a, as someone with Scottish ancestry, he saw a connection with Adam Smith and Adam Smith was, of course, one of the the intellectual giants of the so called Scottish Enlightenment in the 18th century. And Galbraith wrote, The Greatest of Scotchman was the first economist, Adam Smith. Economists do not have a great reputation for agreeing with one another. But on one thing, there is wide agreement. If economics has a Founding Father, it is Smith. And there’s absolute truth in that I mean, Galbraith absolutely nailed that there have been economists often will will argue, but there is general agreement that, you know, Adam Smith was, was the founder was the greatest. It didn’t have the same analytical conceptual apparatus that Alfred Marshall and later economists had. But there was just, there’s just so much wisdom in Adam Smith, it’s, it’s extraordinary going back to it nearly 250 years later. So it’s absolutely extraordinary. And the what I, what I uncovered when I, when I was working on this book, because I was writing a chapter on tax policy. So it’s the fourth chapter in this, this book on writing. And I remembered are these taxation principles. We owe them to Adam Smith diet, we all they were inspired by Adam Smith, I vaguely recall that from something I read, or a lecture I went to a couple of decades ago, now. And it made me seek out the fifth book of the Wealth of Nations. And there’s the, in the section in part two of taxes under the sources of revenue, we have Adam Smith, lay out these four Maxim’s as he calls them of taxation, which, arguably, are still as you know, as relevant today as they were in the 1770s. And they’re just so descriptive. And you can you can see the connections between what Adam Smith laid out here and these principles of a good tax system that I was talking about before, equity, the two different types of equity, horizontal and vertical and efficiency. So without further ado, we might get into Adam Smith’s maxims of taxation. Now, I won’t read all of them all. Well, I won’t read all of the passages in the book, but I’ll just give you the, the headlines. Because I definitely encourage you to, to get a copy of the Wealth of Nations. Okay, so number one, maximum one, the subjects of every state ought to contribute towards the support of the government as nearly as possible, in proportion to their respective abilities, that is in proportion to the revenue, which they respectively enjoy. Under the protection of the state, the expensive government to the individuals of a great nation is like the expense of management to the joint tenants of a greater state, who are all obliged to contribute in proportion to their respective interests in the estate. Right, oh, so that is essentially the vertical equity principle, you can think of it that way. You should contribute in proportion. So it says, contributed in proportion to the revenue that they respectively enjoy. So in proportion to your income. Right. So and that’s, that’s Maxim number one. Now, I think that’s interesting, the way that Adam Smith, the first thing he puts down as a principle, it does relate to that, what we would think of as the vertical equity principle, it’s not efficiency. So generally, when we’re whenever I talk about the principles of taxation, or when public finance economists generally talk about them, they would generally put efficiency first. But I think it’s interesting. I don’t know whether to make too much of that. I’m not a Smith scholar, maybe I’ll look further into that. I just find that interesting that he’s put equity as the the first principle. And this issue of equity is, I mean, it’s it’s at the heart of a lot of the the tax debates that were that we’re having now. And I just saw a couple of months ago, there’s talk about how the Biden administration had Biden’s reelected. Now. I mean, who knows? I think it seems pretty close. I mean, Trump’s just a political phenomenon. No one’s seen any anything like him in the past is just incredible. Just just the I mean, he’s just got some sort of political skills that are, you know, hard to hard to comprehend. I mean, he clearly could win again, there’s no doubt about that. He is embattled now with all of these lawsuits. But given what we’ve seen in the past, I mean, I, it’s very possible he could win. So I mean, who knows. But if Biden wins, he’s saying that there could be a billionaire tax. So I think this is something that we’re talking about a few years ago, Elizabeth Warren called for it. And CNBC reported in March 2024, outlining his 25 budget proposals on Monday Biden to game at the Uber affluent and reiterated plans for a 25% tax on Americans with a with a wealth of more than $100 million. Okay, so I mean, who knows, they probably would never get a pass through Congress. Perhaps it’s just all political talk. But I guess what it shows is that there is this there is a lot of talk about taxation and the appropriate taxation of of the wealthy and a big debate about whether taxation levels are right or not, or whether Are they too low? Are we taxing the wealthy enough? And particularly in the US, there are concerns about taxation, policy settings around capital gains, there’s this whether it’s a loophole or not, that’s hard to say but there’s the rules around carried interest I talked about with Steve Rosenthal, I think it was from Urban Institute a couple of years ago, and this step up in basis that occurs when we when estates are passed on when the if the when someone dies, someone wealthy and there’s receive the the estate and effectively, there’s no taxation on the capital gains that were that were earned. During the their their benefactors live. So that’s something that is controversial. Hopefully, I’ve described that right. I’ll put a link in the show notes to the Steve Rosenthal episode. Uh, so there’s a lot of discussion about appropriate tax settings. And I had a great conversation with Miranda steward from ASU from Australian National University on this issue of the billionaires tax and talk about inheritance tax and what’s driving it all. And I think she gave a really, really nice, really good explanation of what’s going on. So I might play that for you. Let’s, let’s replay this. This is with Miranda Stewart, this is from about three years ago, I’ll put a link in the show notes.

Miranda Stewart  20:30

But so I suppose we’re observing what’s going on in the US, as we always do here in Australia, and I guess, to some extent elsewhere in the world. So if we think in that context, and then think how might that affect our our ideas about Australian Taxation, the big driver of both the US billionaires tax as it’s been, you know, marketed in the, in the papers. And I guess, by the Democrats, to some extent, is income inequality in the US. And another big driver of the US policy, Democrats policy is wealth inequality. So I guess we should see these two things are related, but they’re not the same. So the US has, probably, among OECD countries, almost the highest income inequality of any OECD country, I mean, there’s a couple of others. Costa Rica is another example. You know, some of the Latin American countries have rather high inequality, Brazil has very high inequality in income. But the US really stands out compared to most developed countries in its income inequality. And the inequality is both at the top, you know, the billionaires have very rich that is they have a lot of income. And at the bottom, poor people are very poor, you know, so you sort of have that extreme. Australia In most in the UK, and most European countries are nowhere near as extreme as that in terms of income inequality, although, of course, we do have some in the US that inequality was sort of trending upward, as well, I suppose, over the last 10 years and 20 years. And of course, the other thing that we’ve seen in the US is, is these billionaires, you know, the the tech boom, and the the tech billionaires, the ones that really stand out, although they’re not the only ones, Bill Gates, you know, on musk, Apple, and, and so on. So, they, the owners of those, those tech companies, of course, are massively rich in ways that none of us perhaps can ever remember being the case in terms of their access to kind of global capital. And these global monopoly markets that they have. Most of their wealth, of course, is not in their own personal hands. It’s in the stock that they hold in their companies. You know, it’s of course, they own that they’re in those shares. And they they’re worth billions, but it’s not income so much as as wealth. So the US billionaires tax, it’s bit it’s a bit mis described, the the Biden proposal is two things. One is that it’s essentially just a higher income tax write to include some amounts of more of income and gain in the income tax in the US. And then the other part of that is to strengthen some of the districts in the USA state tax they do have an estate and gift tax, and there have been lots of proposals in the US for a wealth tax. Gabriel Zucman. refound was famous for proposing an actual kind of accrual wealth tax on the very richest. Right, come back to Australia. Well, I can. Coming back to Australia, of course, we don’t have inheritance taxes, as you said, the Queensland Joe Bill key Peterson started that trend in the late 70s in Queensland, abolishing the Queensland estate and gift duties and we had a classic tax competition reaction to that, within among the states and territories, they all really quickly abolished their estate taxes. And then the feds, you know, with one of those things where with hindsight, probably they shouldn’t have done it. They abolish the federal estate and gift tax, although there was no tax competition issue there. Nonetheless, it was very unpopular tax and it was a political campaign to abolish it. And as we’ve seen more recently, it is possible to abolish unpopular taxes. Federal Governments do do it from time to time. So we have growing wealth inequality, we don’t have quite so much income inequality, although that is growing a little bit but we do have growing wealth inequality and I think that’s why the interest again in these issues.

Gene Tunny  24:51

Okay, so I think that was a really good summary from Miranda as to what’s going on On and it’s why why do we have all of this talk about the billionaires tax and, you know, inheritance taxes now, it’s because of, you know, the the trends we’ve seen in the inequality of wealth. We’ve seen that in the United States. I mean, I mean, that’s really where you see the big, the big increase in wealth inequality. We’ve had some of it in Australia, we haven’t had much of a change in income inequality, or there’s a debate about whether that’s really changed a lot. But definitely, wealth inequality has increased, particularly with, with housing with. I mean, we’ve got, you know, some ridiculous house prices now in Sydney and Melbourne. And now I’ve got young people unable to enter the market, we’ve got a real crisis there, arguably. Now, I guess what I would say about this is that, and this is where it gets tricky is because equity is in the eye of the beholder. So there’s value judgments that that come into it. And I mean, maybe I wouldn’t go so far as to say, a lot of these proposals are motivated by envy or class warfare. So those will often be the criticisms of proposals like that. I mean, you know, in some cases, maybe there’s some truth in it. I wouldn’t go there immediately, I would say the people advocating for them, they have a different way of looking at the world. They have particular values, and they think that well, this is unfair. So it’s what do we see as unfair? So that’s one set of value judgments you could make. Now, another perspective on this is that, that libertarian perspective I was talking about before. So there’s another perspective, and this is, you know, you could say, it’s this taxation is theft perspective. I mean, if you have a presumption in favour of the individual in favour of private property, then you would be very resistant to taxation of any sort, you’d be resistant to, to these moves to have a billionaire’s tax or have a have a heavy inheritance taxes. And, I mean, it could be based on a libertarian argument, or it could also be based on an argument that this is the sort of thing that will stifle entrepreneurship. So we’ll talk a bit about that later. But I want to play a clip from a conversation I had with my colleague at the Centre for independent studies, Simon Cowen earlier this year, Simon is research director at CIS. And you may be aware, I don’t know, it depends on how often you listen to the show. I am a an adjunct Fellow at Centre for independent studies in Sydney. So I’ve had a long association with with CIS. That goes back, g must be this must be the 27th year I’ve had an association with CIS 26 through 27. It’s been a long time. But here’s a clip from my, well, my friend and colleague, Simon Cowell. And so let’s listen to what Simon has to say.

Simon Cowan  28:33

What you actually really need to do is lower the tax rates across the board. And this is one way to start that process. Right? And

Gene Tunny  28:42

is that that’s to encourage work effort and innovation. Entrepreneurship. Yeah, so

Simon Cowan  28:47

absolutely all of those students, but I think there’s also a moral argument to this, where, you know, the government is acting as if your income belongs to them, and you should be grateful when they allow you to keep some portion of it. And, you know, the analysis seems to be that people who are receiving government benefits or low income deserve more of the higher income people’s income than they do. And I mean, you know, I think there’s a moral difference there. People who people should be entitled to receive as much of the benefit of their hard work as they can and at a tech to redistribute from the perspective of trying to sort of equalise incomes rather than trying to provide a safety net for people at the bottom it I think the more that our tax system tries to create that that equalisation for equity purposes, and the less that it focuses on, on you know, sort of the the issue of absolute inequality, the the absolute poverty issues. Is the people bought again, I think that’s a mistake. I think people should be entitled to keep their income, regardless of the income level there. Okay,

Gene Tunny  30:10

so that’s an alternative perspective. That’s from Simon Cowan. And Simon is expressing a classically liberal perspective. A libertarian, you could say, perspective on taxation. And look, that’s a that’s a fair perspective on perhaps reasonably sympathetic to that perspective, having been associated with the CIS myself. And that’s in contrast to another perspective, the thing I’d say is that, look, there’s going to be debates about values. And I mean, you know, and to an extent, we just can’t really say that there is one right answer, there’s not necessarily a solution. What’s that saying about? What would Thomas soul say? There’s no solutions, only trade offs? So look, you know, this is a tactic when it’s when when it comes to taxation, we’ve got a whole range of considerations, equity is one and we will argue about what is equitable. So we might leave it there, I think I’ve played I’ve given two perspectives on that. And if you’ve got your own views, let me know, get in touch. Right, I’ve got to move on to some of the other Maxim’s of taxation, or I’ll also, just before I get onto that to vaccin, to I’ll put the context for that. Simon Cowell and clip in the show notes. What what it was all about was about this debate we had earlier this year about this stage three tax cuts that we’re having here. And there were redesigned, so there wasn’t so much going to the top end. And arguably, well, what Simon in some of his colleagues at CIS were arguing is that well, those tax cuts will go into the top end, because they’re the ones paying the bulk of tax in the first place. And this was just given giving them back bracket creep. So what they were all the extra tax our pain, because inflation pushed them into a higher tax bracket. So he was saying, Look, you know, there’s nothing really wrong with that. And you had a lot of the people advocating to redesign the tax cut, they were essentially assuming that all his money belonged to the government in the first place. So that’s what he was. That was the context for that. So I’ll put some links in the show notes, so you can understand that a bit more. The key thing is that, yeah, I’ve given you two different perspectives, and I would be interested in your own So yep, please get in touch. Okay, we’ll take a short break here for a word from our sponsor.

Female speaker  32:51

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Gene Tunny  33:20

Now back to the show. Right oh, let’s get on to the other Maxim’s number two. So Maxim to the tax, which Each Individual is bound to pay ought to be certain and not arbitrary. The time of payment, the manner of payment, the quantity to be paid ought to all to be clear and plain to the contributor and to every other person. Okay. So, to me, this is essentially the horizontal equity principle. You’re not being treated arbitrarily, you know, what the rules are? It’s not going to depend on the tax assessor or the person assessing your taxes, there are clear rules. And I think generally, in advanced economies, this is something that that we do reasonably well. I mean, we’re gonna have lots of debates about vertical equity and efficiency, as we’ll talk about in a moment, but I think generally, this is, this is something that is, is reasonably well, well taken care of, in terms of having clear rules. I mean, maybe you could argue, and this gets into one of these equity arguments, I suppose. Like some people will say, Well, isn’t it unfair that you know, so and so billionaire pays less taxes or proportion of their income than someone who’s a teacher or, you know, an administrator worker, okay. So, yeah, there’s that’s maybe that’s more vertical equity than than horizontal My view is that that second maximum relates to horizontal equity and our systems are probably reasonably okay in that regard. But if anyone has any different views on that, please get in touch we, we might move on to another, the third Maxim, every tax ought to be levied at the time or in the manner in which it is most likely to be convenient for the contributor to pay it. Okay, so this is, this just gets to the burden of the tax system. And I think this relates to efficiency, whether it’s efficient or not, whether it’s minimising the the regulatory burden on on taxpayers, and Smith gives the example, a tax upon the rent of land or of houses payable at the same term at which such rents are usually paid is levied at the time when it is most likely to be convenient for the contributor to pay, or when he is most likely to have where with all to pay. K? Well, I mean, I suppose that I can see why this would be an important principle, it doesn’t usually, I guess, it does come under efficiency, you can think of it under efficiency, but generally, what we find is that the tax officers, the tax agencies, they want to, they want to get your money, they want to get money from people as frequently as they can. So I suppose with with employees, the employers have to withhold the tax on behalf of the employees. So this is the withholding tax in, in the US. And in Australia, as I suppose the the wage earners are paying the tax at the time that they’re paid. So that’s consistent with this third maxim of Adam Smith’s. And even though they don’t even see the money, the employer handles at all. So perhaps you could say that that’s consistent with it. And then, depending on the type of business, you are in Australia, so if you’re a company, I think you have to pay those those tax instalments every month to the ATO or if you’re a large company, and if you’re not a large company, you pay quarterly. So I mean, arguably, that’s more convenient than then just having to make one big payment at the end of the year, which, which could cause cashflow issues. Right. So I think, you know, that’s a reasonable principle. I find it funny, it’s a bit a bit odd that it’s elevated to its its own Maxim, but Adam Smith obviously thought it was important, it was obviously a big deal at that time back in the 1770s. So fair enough, I can understand why it’s in there even even if I would have probably rolled it up into an efficiency principle. And in fact, I think it’s, I mean, when I think of when I think of the tax system in the big thing I’m often concerned about is that economic efficiency, and maybe that’s, maybe I’m not giving as much weight to those equity considerations that aren’t as others maybe that you know, that’s a that’s a value judgement on my part. I mean, obviously do care about equity to an extent. But then I’m also thinking about how do we ensure that the economy is as productive as possible for the benefit of us? All? Right, oh, so we get on to Maxim for every tax ought to be so contrived, as both to take out and to keep out of the pockets of the people as little as possible, over and above what it brings into the public treasury of the state. Now, that is a very good maxim that is a really intuitive are a really nice summary or explanation of the efficiency principle of taxation. He’s basically saying that, well, we’ve got to minimise what economists in the technical language of economists what we now call the excess burden, or the deadweight loss of attack. So when the government raises $1 of tax revenue, that’s actually taking more than $1 away from households and businesses as well. It’s a transfer of $1 from the households and businesses to the government. But then there’s an extra excess burden or deadweight loss which could be say 25 cents or so. $1 are a tax actually, it costs $1.25. So there’s the dollar. And then there’s the 25 cents on top of that, from the disruption to economic activity that lost economic activity. So the marginal cost of public funds, so to speak, is higher than then $1. So in that example, it’s $1.25. There’s that excess burden of, of 25 cents. And I think that is, that’s what Smith captured quite nicely in that maximum his. Okay, so how does that excess burden come about? And I think this is where Smith provides some, you know, some really good illustrations, he talks about how a tax may either take out, or keep out of the pockets of the people a great deal more than it brings into the public treasury in the four following ways. First, the levelling of it may require a great number of officers whose salaries may eat up the greater part of the produce of the tax and who’s perquisites may impose another additional tax upon the people. Okay, fair enough. I mean, the tax office has got administrative costs, given given modern accounting systems, and computerization, given the fact that the tax collections outsource to big business, a lot of it through withholding tax and company tax, maybe that’s less of a big deal than it was in in Smith’s stay. But certainly, I mean, yep, there’s administrative costs with taxation, no doubt about that. And I suppose that’s why you probably want to rely on a smaller number of taxes. And one of the things you do see, and this is this, this arguably is an issue when Ken Henry, my old boss, in the treasury, he did his tax review in Australia, about 15 years ago, and I remember there was a chart of some kind that showed that will, across Australia, across commonwealth and state agencies, there will, there’s over 100 different types of, of taxes. And I mean, there’s basically only 10 of them that, you know, raise the bulk of the revenue, or I don’t know, whatever, some 8020 rule, basically going on with taxation, I’ll try and track it down and put the the exact figures in the show notes. And when I did some work with Darren Nelson, and with Dan Mitchell, we did some work for a think tank in Maine, the state of Maine in New England, we discovered the same with their their state tax system. I mean, you had 90 or so maybe, yeah, oh, you had dozens and dozens of taxes, maybe it was 70 or something like that. But there was only, I think it was only like four of them, it was a handful of them that raised 90% of the revenue or something like that. So you got to wonder about the administrative costs of having all of those other, you know, dozens of small taxes and charges, is it efficient to have them? Or should we just raise the revenue with the big tax levers? Should we just use things? Like, if we have an income tax, or if you have a consumption tax or or a sales tax or whatever, should you just use those rather than having taxes on on all of these different to different things, all of these different activities like a bed tax or taxes on the production of specific commodities, particular particular crustaceans, for example, if I remember correctly, so yeah, I think, you know, Smith’s onto something there. And then he gives some other examples. Secondly, he’s talking about taxes, they may obstruct the industry of the people and discourage them from applying to certain branches of business, which might give maintenance and employment to great multitudes. Okay, so when economists think about efficiency, costs of taxation, this is essentially what they’re concerned about. They’re concerned about taxes, discouraging work effort. They’re concerned about taxes discouraging investment in new projects of our topical example, in the state of Queensland where I am in Australia. We have a state government that a couple of years ago, introduced some new tiers in the coal royalty rates, which could be seen as some sort of super profits tax in a why they were they saw the coal price just shoot through the roof really just incredible. Up to 400 500 US dollars a tonne for coking coal at one stage, I mean prices that they never ever thought they’d see. And so they tried to get some of that upside. And, you know, it’s brought it brought a lot of money into the state. And there’s a, you know, there’s a big debate about I mean, if it was really a windfall gain that these coal companies were getting, then you know, what’s the big what’s the big deal? The Capitol is sunk. They’re still making a lot of money, the state governments just getting a share of it, what’s the big deal? But then the company said, Well, how can we trust you in the future, there’s this, there’s risk that you could do something, something, you know, that could be expropriation, more expropriation in the future. So there’s this there’s this risk there. And look, you know, there’s something to that. I mean, I mean, I wouldn’t like to say that we’re an emerging economy here in Queensland, but this is a sort of thing that does happen in emerging or developing economies in from time to time. And we’ve seen various examples of, of, of populace who have tried to nationalise or take over assets of, of foreign companies. And then you had well, you know, various examples. Masa, DAG, in, in Iran in the 50s, you had NASA in Egypt with Suez Canal. So look, it’s not something that never happens. And, you know, maybe there is some risk there. So there’s that argument about that. And, and then bhp, I think it was one of the companies came out and said, Well, this is going to stop us from investing in the future. Okay. So that’s an example of where you have a tax and it could discourage investment, it could discourage economic activity, the creation of jobs, likewise, with income tax, if the income tax rates too high, then why would I go and work an additional hour? Maybe I’d rather take some leisure time. And I think we’re probably all, you know, all understand how that mechanism could work. There is a debate about just how significant that is. And people like John Kenneth Galbraith would argue that, well, high income earners are people who are driven, they’re just going to work hard anyway, they’re not really going to care about how much tax they’ll pay. But, look, I think the evidence is pretty clear, it does have an impact of some kind. And, I mean, you’re not going to be completely altruistic and, and work for all those additional hours and work hard for nothing. So there’s obviously some sort of impact there. And this is a point that that Dan Mitchell often makes, and in fact, I chatted with damage. Also, Dan Mitchell, the well known us commentator on public finance issues, Dan was on the show, several episodes ago talking about his new book, about the greatest Ponzi scheme on Earth. So he’s talking about the problems with the US budget, particularly with Social Security, the trust fund is going to run out of money in the early 2030s. And that means there’s an automatic cut in benefits, and less, they can sort things out before then. So great interview, I’m gonna put a link in the show notes. But right now, what I’m going to do is I’m going to play a clip from my conversation with Dan, to give you a taste of what we talked about. And this is Dan on the link between taxes and growth. It’s illustrating well link between high taxes and lower growth. And it illustrates the point that I’ve been talking about with efficiency, about efficiency.

Dan Mitchell  48:59

Now, I’m never one to say, Oh, you raise this tax or that tax, there’s going to be a recession. I worry more about if you raise this tax or that tax, the long run growth rate will decline. And even if it only two times a small amount, maybe two tenths of 1% a year that has massive long run implications because of the wedge effect over time. And then, and I think that even left wing economists, the honest ones are going to admit that higher marginal tax rates on work saving and investing are not good for growth. So as GDP gets smaller and smaller over time, at least in terms of compared to some baseline projection, that means Oregon tax revenue because there’s less national income to tax.

Gene Tunny  49:45

Okay, so that was Dan Mitchell. That was from a recent episode where we talked about his new book, The Greatest Ponzi scheme on Earth. So yeah, I think Dan really gave a good you know, a good summary there or he made a good point about Are these these taxes and they can have adversely affect economic growth? And he’s right there is. There is evidence from international bodies or the OECD or IMF, there are cross country econometric studies that, that do that do show that link. So, yep, good stuff from damage. All right, we’re getting getting toward the end a bit to try and wrap this up. I never thought I’d be able to talk so much about these. Maxim’s of taxation The time has really flown right. And then Adam Smith gives a a couple of other examples of how this adverse efficiency impact can come about. He talks about thirdly, by the forfeitures, and other penalties, which those unfortunate individuals incur, who attempt unsuccessfully to evade the tax, it may frequently ruin them, and thereby put an end to the benefit which the community might have received from the employment of their capitals. Okay, so So and then he goes on to talk about smuggling in in judicious tax offers a great temptation to smuggling and then he talks about, well, you know, people have this temptation to smuggle, and then they get into trouble with the law, and that ruins them. So that’s, that’s all very terrible. And look, I think, I mean, this is still going on, right? And there’s an example of this that’s very close to home. For me. Well, allegedly. We’re having this. There’s this. Well, there’s all I mean, there’s organised crime involved in illegal tobacco here in Australia. So we have just massively jacked up the taxation, the excise on tobacco. And so a pack of cigarettes now costs 40 Australian dollars or whatever it is, I mean, I don’t smoke. But I mean, I don’t know how people afford to smoke. I mean, this is why, you know, hardly anyone smokes anymore, right? Compared with 30 years ago, or even even 20 years ago, it’s that we’ve had a huge reduction, maybe, I don’t know 10%, or something about old smoke now, whereas once it would have been 60 or 70%. And we’re having this there’s a gang land war going on, because there’s all this illegal tobacco being sold. And it’s it’s been driven by the high excise the high cost of cigarettes and so I’ll put a link in the show notes to an article on this. It may be paywalled I, what I better do is just put some of the quotes from it in the show notes and what the story is, it’s how the price of a path is putting profits in gang Lords pockets. So criminologist say the de facto prohibition of cigarettes by successive federal governments hiking taxes and increasing regulation for health reasons, had created a booming illicit tobacco trade. The more government restricts a product, the more they say you can’t have it, the more it’s driven underground, and that’s when organised crime enters Bond University criminologist Terry Goldsworthy said, and then they quote another crime expert Dr. Martin, he said illegal tobacco products accounted for about 25% of the entire market. With a huge illicit trade in vapes also emerging following recent government crackdowns, the black market for smokes is huge, is growing bigger because the government is continuing to increase the price of smokes more and more. The more that happens, the more the criminal groups that supply the black market, lick their lips and think fantastic. We can just grow our market share even further. Dr. Martin said government policies aimed at stamping out smoking completely were foolish and unrealistic. Absolutely. So I think that’s consistent with how economists think about these sorts of things. I mean, you can’t really prohibit things we know that from prohibition, you just create this massive black market and you end up putting profits in the pockets of gang wards and I said this this hit close to home because around the corner from me now I don’t know exactly what happens. So you don’t want to create an awful but this is there was a vape shop around the corner from me on wicked terrorists that Spring Hill. That was well there was this suspicious fire. So police are in there’s a there’s a shot of it in this article. With the burned out shop, police investigating a potentially suspicious fire at a vape shop on Wickham terrace at Spring Hill and this is in an hour article on how the price of a puff is putting profits in gang Lord’s pockets. So it says tobacco shops in Queensland and interstate have been targeted in a spate of fire bombings and a bit of turf war as incredible figures show just how rough the black market is and how easy it is to get hold of dirt cheap illegal cigarettes. Okay, so maybe there’s some scope to have a higher excise on smokes on tobacco, because there are those health risks with tobacco, no doubt, I mean, all the deaths from lung cancer. But if you set it too high, then you’re going to have these adverse unintended consequences. And I think that is what Adam Smith was getting at, in that. That third type of efficiency cost of taxation. So, again, well done Adam Smith, and his final, the final way that you end up with his efficiency cost. He says, fourthly, by subjecting the people to the frequent visits and the odious examination of the tax gatherers, it may expose them to much unnecessary trouble vexation and oppression. And though vexation is not strictly speaking, expense, it is certainly equivalent to the expense of which every man would be willing to redeem himself from it. Okay, so some, some brilliant writers from Adam Smith. And that’s, that’s the final maximum of taxation of his principles of taxation as one about efficiency. And I mean, not that it’s not all, not every principle of economics is in the Wealth of Nations, but a lot of them are, and his writing on taxation on what makes a good taxation system that is still fresh, 250 years also after he wrote it. So absolutely. Go out and grab yourself a copy of the Wealth of Nations books fortifies Penguin Classics as a great addition of it that I’ve been that I’ve been reading. Do yourself a favour, brilliant book, says, So are the first three books of the Wealth of Nations. And I’m gonna have to come back to Adam Smith, because I think there’s so much in it. If you’d like to hear more about Adam Smith, let me know if you’ve got any thoughts on what I talked about with taxation? Do we agree, do you disagree? Let me know. I’d love to know what you think about how we design our tax system. What improvements do you think we could make? What’s your perspective on equity? Are you concerned about wealth inequality? Or are you more of the taxation is theft? View? So please let me know I’d love to love to hear your thoughts. Right. I better wrap this up. Thanks for for joining me. It’s been really great to talk about Adam Smith and, and talk about these public finance issues that, that I think about a lot and that I’ve been writing about in my new book. Okay. Thanks for joining me. Right. Oh, thanks for listening to this episode of economics explored. If you have any questions, comments or suggestions, please get in touch. I’d love to hear from you. You can send me an email via contact at economics explore.com, or a voicemail via SpeakPipe. You can find the link in the show notes. If you’ve enjoyed the show, I’d be grateful if you could tell anyone you think would be interested about it. Word of mouth is one of the main ways that people learn about the show. Finally, if your podcasting app lets you then please write a review and leave a rating. Thanks for listening. I hope you can join me again next week.

59:01

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Credits

Thanks to Obsidian Productions for mixing the episode and to the show’s sponsor, Gene’s consultancy business, www.adepteconomics.com.au. Full transcripts are available a few days after the episode is first published at www.economicsexplored.com. Economics Explored is available via Apple PodcastsGoogle Podcast, and other podcasting platforms.

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Podcast episode

The Tax Reform Debate: Cutting Through the Spin w/ Simon Cowan, CIS – EP228

This episode examines the need for tax reform in Australia and debates various options for overhauling the country’s tax system. Host Gene Tunny is joined by Simon Cowan from the Centre for Independent Studies to discuss issues like bracket creep, the progressivity of the tax system, mining royalties, and negative gearing. They also analyse the political strategies around the stage three tax cuts. Cowan argues the tax system has become too reliant on income tax and higher-income individuals.

Please get in touch with us with any questions, comments and suggestions by emailing us at contact@economicsexplored.com or sending a voice message via https://www.speakpipe.com/economicsexplored

You can listen to the episode via the embedded player below or via podcasting apps including Google PodcastsApple Podcast and Spotify.

About this episode’s guest Simon Cowan

Simon Cowan is Research Director at the CIS. He is a leading commentator on policy and politics, with a regular column in the Canberra Times newspaper, frequent interviews on Sky and the ABC, and multiple appearances before parliamentary committees discussing the budget, citizenship, taxation and health policy. He has written extensively on government spending and fiscal policy, with a specific focus on welfare and superannuation policy. He earlier work focused on government industry policy, defence and regulation.

What’s covered in EP228

  • Australian tax system overhaul and cost of living relief. (0:04)
  • Tax bracket creep and its impact on income. (5:14)
  • Tax system and progressivity. (9:44)
  • Tax cuts and political strategy in Australia. (15:29)
  • Tax system in Australia, income tax reliance, and potential changes. (21:13)
  • Taxation, welfare, and the burden on working-age population. (26:02)
  • Tax reform and its challenges in Australia. (31:03)
  • Taxation and resource extraction in Australia. (38:05)
  • Australian tax system and potential reforms. (45:42)

Takeaways

1. Australia’s tax system has become overly reliant on income tax and needs to diversify its revenue sources.
2. Bracket creep is a real problem that has not been adequately addressed, particularly for higher-income earners.
3. Both major political parties have taken cynical, short-term positions on tax reforms that are not in the best interests of the economy.
4. Expenditure reform, including controlling the growth of programs like the NDIS, is needed to reduce the tax burden.
5. Lowering company taxes could boost business investment and economic growth in Australia.

Links relevant to the conversation

Simon’s article on the stage 3 tax cuts:

https://www.cis.org.au/commentary/opinion/labors-tax-backflip-all-the-easier-against-an-opposition-with-no-spine

AFR article (pay-walled) “Royalty hike and IR overhaul threaten critical mineral pipeline: BHP”:

https://www.afr.com/policy/economy/royalty-hike-and-ir-overhaul-threaten-critical-mineral-pipeline-bhp-20231119-p5el3y

QLD Government announcement on coal royalty hike:

https://statements.qld.gov.au/statements/95467

Grattan Institute’s view on tax reform: https://grattan.edu.au/news/thats-not-tax-reform-this-would-be-tax-reform/

Transcript: Revisiting Ricardo: The Rise and Fall of Ricardian Equivalence

N.B. This is a lightly edited version of a transcript originally created using the AI application otter.ai. It may not be 100 percent accurate, but should be pretty close. If you’d like to quote from it, please check the quoted segment in the recording.

Simon Cowan  00:04

So people were expected to live. I think it was about 10 or 12 years in retirement in the 70s. Now that she goes above 20 And these are all years where, you know, people are healthy and consuming. I mean, it’s a fantastic story as a society, we haven’t yet figured out how to pay for it.

Gene Tunny  00:32

Welcome to the economics explored podcast, a frank and fearless exploration of important economic issues. I’m your host gene Tunny. I’m a professional economist and former Australian Treasury official. The aim of this show is to help you better understand the big economic issues affecting all our lives. We do this by considering the theory evidence and by hearing a wide range of views. I’m delighted that you can join me for this episode, please check out the show notes for relevant information. Now on to the show. Hello, thanks for tuning into the show. In this episode, I talk about tax reform with my colleague Simon Cowan, who is research director at the Centre for independent studies is widespread agreement the Australian tax system needs an overhaul. But there’s a big debate over what reform should look like. It’s a debate that’s heated up ever since the federal government redesigned a legislated tax cut earlier this year, the so called stage three tax cut it redesign a tax cut, so it provides more relief for lower income earners, and less relief for higher income earners. The government has been accused of class warfare by the opposition. But the government claims is doing this because economic circumstances have changed and that this is the best way to deliver cost of living relief. Now there’s speculation the government may change other tax laws, particularly those regarding the taxation of investment properties. It’s going to be a highly charged debate on the Australian tax system this year for sure. This episode, Simon cuts through the spin from both sides and provides some great insights into what tax changes would be good for the Australian economy and community. As always, I’d be interested to hear what you think about the issues we discussed in the show. So please get in touch and share your thoughts. You can find my contact details in the show notes. Right? Oh, we’d better get into it. I hope you enjoy my conversation with Simon Cowell from the CIS. Dom And good to have you back on the show. Yeah,

Simon Cowan  02:26

my pleasure to be here.

Gene Tunny  02:27

Excellent. Simon, you’ve written a really hard hitting piece. This was one of your regular op eds in the Canberra Times if I remember if I forgot that, right. Yeah,

Simon Cowan  02:39

absolutely channelled a bit of my inner anger at the tax changes.

Gene Tunny  02:44

Yeah. So Labour’s tax backflip, all the easier against an opposition with no spine. So you basically rip into both the governing party, so the Labour Party, which is in government at the federal level in Australia now. And the opposition. So the opposition originally opposed this, what they what became known as the stage three tax cuts, which involves a flattening of the tax, the progressivity of the tax system, getting rid of one of the tax brackets, and there was an accusation that they provided too much tax relief at the top end. So I’m keen to get your thoughts on why you’ve, you’ve come out strong about on this issue, I’m just wondering, should the stage three tax cuts have gone ahead as proposed? Or would you have been willing to have accepted some changes in the interest of cost of living relief? Look,

Simon Cowan  03:46

so I think my ideal situation is to add the labour lower income tax cuts on top of the existing strikethrough package. So I think, you know, one of the things it’s quite reasonable for governments to do, especially when their boss surpluses distribute some of that surplus to its taxpayers, and so I would have been okay with a change that resulted in additional tax reliefs being provided to people in middle income brackets. I think there were other potential options that could have been added on so for example, they wanted to eat extra tax brackets, while also perhaps reducing some of the benefit from the stage three casting that might have been acceptable to because at least then it would have fixed the problem that the stage three tax cuts will design to resolve. But at the end of the day, my biggest concern is that this entire debate has been filled with terrible information, terrible assessment, labour and liberals have both taken what I think quite cynical and short term pull legal positions. And as a result, I think they’ve, they’ve banned the use to manage the handling of this whole tax burden. Right. Okay.

Gene Tunny  05:08

So what were the what were those elements of the stage sort of three tax cut? You like? Did you like the fact that it was becoming less progressive is that? Yeah,

Simon Cowan  05:21

so I think there’s there’s probably two elements that I thought were were worth preserving and worth pursuing. So flattening the tax brackets, I think was a good idea. But I mean, a number of people in sort of PAMPs, classical liberal ideas and suggested flat taxes, that appears to be politically difficult to do, but I would have certainly advocated for flattening your tax structure, to a large extent where most people who were working are facing the same marginal rate. Obviously, that system remains progressive. It’s not a regressive system, but it would flat in the brackets. But I think the bigger issue here is that people are in the top quarter or so of the distribution hadn’t seen any substantial return of bracket creep since about 2010. So there was a small benefit provided as a result of moving stage two forward during the pandemic. But since then, inflation has been running at seven or 8%. So we’ve got this enormous, ongoing impact pre that has been focused on the topic of the redistribution, we saw taxes cut, at the lower end is repeatedly in 2012 13, carbon tax was introduced, that compensation was was retained. We saw, you know, the initial stage one benefits, we saw the introduction of low and medium income tax offset. So there’s been a lot of bracket creep return across other parts of distribution, but none of it has been returned to the top end. And I think, you know, stepping beyond the politics of just least tax cut, we’ve now established a principle that says that higher income people no longer deserve to be compensated to bracket creep. And I think that’s a terrible law to introduce into our tax system. Bracket creep is only fair. It’s a it’s a stealth tax. And it shouldn’t be allowed to just run rampant because you’ve got a fascination and fetish of higher income tax. Yeah,

Gene Tunny  07:29

so bracket creep is the process whereby due to inflation, you end up in a higher tax bracket, even though your real income may not be any higher in real terms, because it’s just the effects of inflation. And suddenly, the government’s getting more money from you that you’re facing a higher tax rate.

Simon Cowan  07:49

That’s right. So your real, your real income stays the same, but your tax bill goes up. As a result, your disposable income, your living standards go down. That happens every year, bracket creep wasn’t a massive issue in the latter half of the 2010s, because inflation is so low. But since they and the massive injection of stimulus from the Reserve Bank and the government in 2020 21, drove inflation up to almost double digits across the western world. And it that bracket creeps taking a significant hit on people’s incomes and and you know, stage three, I think we’ve got some work coming out soon and analyses the the cumulative impact of that stage three, when didn’t return all that bracketry that had accumulated over the course of those 1014 years. And now that compensations been cutting hearts. Right.

Gene Tunny  08:44

Okay. So this is CIS. We’ll have some research coming out on that. Great. Absolutely,

Simon Cowan  08:49

yeah, we’ve got some some really good work being done by some of my colleagues that looks at and try looks at the issue of bracket credit, but also tries to correct the narrative that’s been pushed forward of these stage three tax cuts, costing hundreds of millions of dollars, based on the incredibly unrealistic assumption that there would be no return of bracket proof for more than two decades that that was just, I mean, that was a ridiculous assumption to make. It was my Western liberal party that has a vested interest in higher taxes. And it’s been accepted wholesale by the media is, oh, the State Street tax cuts cost all leads. And we saw, you know, the height of absurdity when inflation went up seven or 8%. And all this bracket Creek was ripping off people. These are the cost of steaks three has gone up and over $4 billion. What what an absurdity.

Gene Tunny  09:45

Yeah, yeah. So this is one of the reasons I mean, you know, the bigger reason is the higher commodity prices and higher corporate profits, but this is it’s made a contribution to the budget surplus that the treasurer has declared, hasn’t it? Yeah, yeah.

Simon Cowan  09:59

You Yeah, well as Australia is incredibly dependent on income tax, I mean, we do receive significant swings in revenue as a result of commodity prices in particular. But Australia globally is highly dependent on income tax, and as a result bracket is highly beneficial to the government. It’s one of the reasons I think why, apart from a very short experimentation, indexation, if you give a 70s or 80s, it’s you ever really seriously be considered? Yeah,

Gene Tunny  10:29

yeah. Yeah, I want to ask you about the structure of our tax system in a moment. But before we get there, I want to ask about this point about having a flatter tax system and because equity is, is, is there an equity principles with tax design, there’s vertical equity, horizontal equity. This This relates to vertical equity, and this idea that if you have a greater ability to pay, you pay more, which, you know, there’s a community acceptance of that, or there’s community support for that. But from what do you see as the advantages of having a less progressive tax system? Do you think our tax system has been too progressive? What are the Why would you actually try and reduce that progressivity?

Simon Cowan  11:21

Yeah, so that’s, that’s a really good point. So for the first few states, the tax system has been becoming progressively more progressive for a number of years now. And it’s because every time any tax reform is proposed, everything is analysed through the lens of does any benefit go to higher income earners? And the answer is yes. And that’s wrong. And instead of the appropriate way, if it needs to be analysed as across the whole system is the system as a whole progressive, what we’ve sort of defaulted to is every individual measure has to always be more progressive. So the system has become more and more progressive over time. And what we’ve seen is that the percentage of people who are not next, net taxpayers has increased from I think, slightly below 50%, to more than 60%. Now. And so the the tax burden is concentrating more and more on the top end of town, you know, this, this idea that the rich people aren’t paying their fair share, I think flies in the face of a lot of evidence. So there’s that component, like why shouldn’t you know, we need to reverse some of that excessive focus on on vertical equity. I mean, I think there’s also a horizontal equity argument that suggests that people who are working should be facing roughly similar tax rates, I think that’s a fairly obvious point, if you’re, if you’re working a job and receiving an income, the your circumstances are at least comparable to people who are working, even if their incomes, the slightly less, I think there’s also an incentive argument here, where what we’re doing is bringing down the overall rate of taxation, trying to lower some of the distance agents at the top in which, you know, we saw the highest income tax rates, lower, he was really invitees to the level that they’re at now. But since May, we’ve had a number of ladies NDIS levy came in I income tax levy that Abbott introduced early in his tenure. So we’ve seen this sort of slow increase in the top rate aside, so you, we should bracket. And I think we get each or get, you know, people are facing, you know, effective marginal tax rates in the 50s or higher. And I think there’s a benefit to lowering that. So it’s not so much. I mean, I think there are arguments why you want to reduce the focus, even in some respects, and I think what you actually really needs to do is lower the tax rates across the board. And this is one way to start that process. Right?

Gene Tunny  14:01

And is that that’s to encourage work effort and innovation, entrepreneurship. Yeah,

Simon Cowan  14:07

so absolutely all of those students, but I think there’s also a moral argument to this, where, you know, the government is acting as if your income belongs to them, and you should be grateful when they allow you to keep some portion of it. And and, you know, the analysis seems to be that people who are receiving government benefits or low income deserve more of the higher income people’s income than they do. And I mean, you know, I think there’s a moral difference there. People who people should be entitled to receive as much of the benefit of their hard work as they care and a tech to redistribute from the perspective of trying to sort of equalise incomes, rather than try only to provide a safety net to be at the bottom it. I think the more that our tax system tries to create that, that equalisation for equity purposes, and the less that it focuses on, on, you know, sort of the issue of absolute inequality, the absolute poverty issues that people bought again, I think that’s a mistake. I think people should be entitled to keep their income, regardless of the income level. They’re right.

Gene Tunny  15:30

And why do you get stuck into the opposition? Simon, what did they do wrong in terms of prosecuting or trying to get this stage three tax cut up? Yeah.

Simon Cowan  15:43

So look, I mean, a lot of people talked about Labour’s broken promises. And I’m happy to put the buoy to them as well. But I think this situation coalition had established a tax cut package over an absurd period of time. They didn’t really prosecute the case for stage three, at any point, they stopped prosecuting the case for stage three, well, actually, before the 2020. Election, effectively, I think they adopted Labor’s position that it was unfair, and they were just hoping this political pressure here, but in all honesty, I mean, I don’t think they they were committed to that process. I think they passed the stage three cuts for largely political reasons. And I think they abandoned them. The first chance they got this was about trying to minimise the tail vote in 2022, was designed to try and bind high income earners to the coalition in 2019. It was designed to try and wedge labour whilst they want office falling 2022. And you know, then they just said, Well, we’re not we’re not going to bother even trying to really defend this, we’ll just roll over, we will allow them to pass their legislation on on I think, very flimsy grounds. And that’ll be that’ll be it. The thing is, the coalition had two fantastic opportunities to address this issue. And so when they won the 2019 election, they could have fast track the process for the tax cuts so that they occurred within the timeframe of that government. So that, you know, the, this is preganglionic prepaying. And they could have said we’re going to restage to forward to next year we’re going to bring stage three for the 2022. And at that point, those tax reforms they believed in, they would have been on before the call, and they wouldn’t be in Facebook coalition whatsoever. And then, so they didn’t do that, when the pandemic happened. And they shovelled the equivalent of 275 $300 billion out of the door. They threw money at every half baked scheme that they could take off. You know, they had they doubled unemployment benefits, they had all this pay for people who were out of work, we tried to companies to talk about them. So it’s about anyone out there was all of this stimulus to everywhere, right, they brought forward stage two, they had a massive deficit. But they did not touch the stage during tax cuts, they did not bring them forward at any point, even when the issue of deficits didn’t matter at all. And I think they did that for political reasons. And because they didn’t believe in what they had proposed. That I think for that reason, and the fact that they rolled over so quickly on it, I think they deserve almost as much blame as labour does.

Gene Tunny  18:28

Yes, yes. The interesting point about the TEALS. So they wanted to keep this to, or they wanted to signal that they at least supported this idea of eventually having this return of bracket creep to the higher income earners, because there’s they’re under threat from these independents. In the the seats, where there are a lot of wealthy residents, such as a Lego spenders seat is at Wentworth is that where are they and all of that? Yeah,

Simon Cowan  18:59

I actually think this is a this is a fascinating little sort of piece of political analysis. So I’d be inclined to just have a chat our way through is that you go back to the 1970s, right? And we’d look at the distribution of how people voted. And overwhelmingly higher income people voted for the coalition and lower income people voted for lately. I think a lot of that had to do with the prominence and trade union leave the class based analysis that the left of politics was enmeshed in right. What we saw in particular then as well was that the percentage of people who had a university degree was was relatively small. See, because high income earners for for most of history have trended right, but university graduates have trended left. And so, over time as the percentage of university graduates increased, and they went through the economy and became it, you see the higher income earner vote shift to the to the left. So these blue ribbon coalition seats in the, you know, the sort of north shore of Sydney and you know that sort of to rack in places in Melbourne that had voted for the coalition, which are 100 gig, it was suddenly at risk. Now, you know, and this, this trend has been going on for a decade or more give you looking at American political analysis, right, almost all the higher income earners in the areas we’re hiring come on as a vote Democrat, almost none of them vote for the Republicans. And that hadn’t been the case as much in Australia. So we saw a massive increase in university students starting to shift to higher income voters further towards the left coalition seems this demographic shift, they see the shifting votes, and they think to themselves, what am I going to do to fix this problem? And so what they did was say, Okay, we’re going to create a, effectively a political witch, we know that Labour will repeal these tax cuts, almost certainly they get it offence, will say the only way to get a $9,000 tax cut for you higher income earners in Wentworth and elsewhere in North Sydney, and all those other is to vote for the coalition. But not just in the 2019 election, he bought a boat to polish in 2022. And so, you know, I think a lot of this was very cynically aimed at trying to, you know, provide a massive benefit to these higher income people in these receipts. And, you know, I think one of the reasons why the coalition potentially roll over on this so quickly is tears picked up all of those seats nearly at the last election. And there’s no real indication that they’re all coming back to the coalition anytime soon. So the benefit to them of fighting on this score seems I think, to be somewhat less, but it’s a result of demographic and political shift that’s been in place for decades now. It’s just sort of manifested in the last, you know, really, obviously, in the last two election. Yeah,

Gene Tunny  22:06

yeah. Yeah, I think you’re right there. Right. So I might ask you about the structure of the tax system. I think you were suggesting this before. In OECD D data tend to back this up that were toward the top in terms of the reliance of our tax system on income tax, aren’t we relative to your direct taxes? Do you have any thoughts on? You know, what would that you know? Are you advocating for switch in the tax mix? What would that look like? What are your thoughts on that, Simon? So look, I

Simon Cowan  22:41

think that, fundamentally, that’s where things should go. And as the Australian state gets bigger, which seems to be inevitable at this point, unfortunately, again, despite our best, as the Australian state gets bigger, we can’t continue to rely on income tax to find that borrows in government spending and almost no other country, in certainly in the OECD funds, an enormous state, primarily through income taxes. You know, what we see is these these sort of European welfare states are, they provide a lot of benefits and a lot of benefits, I think that go to the middle class, not just people at the bottom. And, you know, there’s a wide spread of benefits of total social security with those things funded by large scale indirect taxes. So Australia started down that path in 2000. But the GST was then hobbled, because of the deal that had to be made to get it passed. So it was restricted from the sort of offsetting, or the state income taxes, state taxes that were supposed to replace, if then proven quite difficult to increase. And I think one of the main reasons for that is, as Malcolm Turnbull found during the two weeks that he will put this issue back in 2016. The vast majority of benefit from a taxi next week would have to be given an act to people in conflict, Lauren, one people in compensation. So you end up with relatively low revenue benefits from changing tax rates, because you ended up having to provide even more benefit to people, you’ve bought them off, and then you’ve got a you’ve got another problem there, which is that over time, as I said, I think I said before, over time, more and more people have become net tax recipients rather than that tax payers. Yeah. And there’s no real prospect of that changing. So, you know, a broad scale increase in an indirect tax would shift that, but that would then require someone to prosecute that argument. Let’s see. I mean, that seems unlikely.

Gene Tunny  25:05

Okay, we’ll take a short break here for a word from our sponsor.

Female speaker  25:10

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Gene Tunny  25:40

Now back to the show. Yeah, so I’m just for clarity with this, these net tax recipients or benefit beneficiaries of the tax system. So we’re talking about you look at what people pay in tax, and then what they get back from the federal government in terms of transfers. And it’s not. It’s Is it a lot of what is often criticised as middle class welfare.

Simon Cowan  26:10

Yeah, so some of you it is, I mean, a lot of it too, though, is in terms of like, benefits from education and free health care and those sorts of things. So there’s, you know, there’s, you look at the concept of direct transfers, and offset that against income, and that, that takes a significant portion of the population out of pay tax, and especially with superannuation be tax free in retirement, that knocks out a massive proportion of society. And then you have a lot of I mean, even sort of top income quintile, you still see some government benefits, especially eternities of things like, you know, government support for schools and government support for for health care and, and seniors health cards, for example, those sorts of benefits that that it all adds up, right. And what we what we see is, over time, the number of people who are a contributing contributors is staying relatively constant, the number of net recipients is increasing, and more and more people are going to have to shoulder the tax burden. Again, if you look back to the 1970s, there’s a dependency ratio of people who are overworked people who are not in work, but something like seven to wildland now that’s falling towards almost two to one three to one. And that results in a huge increase in the burden on people who are working to fund those who are not.

Gene Tunny  27:42

Right. So historically, we had, yeah, I don’t I can’t remember the exact figures. But you know, seven to one, so seven workers for every person who was retired, and it’s fallen to two to one or whatever it is. Yeah,

Simon Cowan  27:57

yeah, I think it’s I think it’s about it’s my recollection, last generation of borders, that it’s now gone, I’m sure that it’s going to head to three on potentially lower over time. Yeah. And that’s, I mean, that alone is a real problem. It’s one of the reasons why we’ve been so concerned about an ageing population. And there’s a whole bunch of factors that play to that. I mean, a lot of it comes down to increases in life expectancy, both at birth and life expectancy in retirement. So, you know, people were expected to live, I think it was about 10 or 12 years in retirement and seven years, now that she goes above 20. And these are all years where, you know, people are healthy and consuming. I mean, it’s a fantastic story as a society. We haven’t yet figured out how to pay for it, or Yeah,

Gene Tunny  28:48

exactly. And particularly this NDIS. That’s hugely costly. And we’re struggling to control the cost of that as well. On the the switch in the tax system toward more indirect taxes. I mean, Australia has a GST of 10%. But it doesn’t apply to fresh food. It doesn’t apply to health and education. That’s that deal you were referring to with the Democrats. The other thing is, yeah, the the other point you’re making is there would be compensation. I mean, given the politics of it, they’d have to compensate lower income earners, because it’s going to fall. Well, they that lower income earners a higher proportion of their their income spent on consumption, and so therefore, they’re going to it’s going to affect them more in proportional terms. Right. Yeah, exactly.

Simon Cowan  29:41

And I think so the bargain, it’s been at the European particular, is effectively that they’ve been willing to accept higher taxes on the middle class, in exchange for a broader based welfare system. And, I mean, it’s like an explicit deal, obviously, but that wasn’t Basically how all this was was done, and it wasn’t done in the last 10 or 15 years, this is the process has been in place for decades now. And what we have is a portion of Australian politics was effectively trying to create the spending half of that deal. But funded by taxation on only the quote unquote, Rich. So and it’s it creates a fundamental mismatch to the I keep getting given this idea that you can get more from government, on average, and give to government on average. And that simply can’t be true for the bulk of the population. That’s a systemic debt problem. If, if that’s the way that things are organised, but we keep being told that, you know, for example, we can, the NDIS can grow at 40% a year and Social Security can continue to grow, and pensions can be next to wages, all of these things can happen. And the rich and multinational corporations and somehow pay for it all. And I’d say I think that’s a very short sighted and unrealistic approach to a tax system. But, you know, we’ve had a number of attempts, increasingly futile, in the last, I would say 1515 years to reform to undertake a wholesale reform of the tax system, which would allow us to move a lot of pieces at once, rather than try to move any individual piece. Yeah, those attempts have been frustrated. Time and time again. I mean, you only have to look at the Henry Tax Review. Where I think the Rudd Government cherry pick one of about 70 Something he recommendations and, you know, we had Joe hotkey to cover his own tax review. And I don’t even think that got to the point of making recommendations before it was cancelled. Yeah,

Gene Tunny  31:56

that’s because yeah, Turnbull came in and cancelled it. It was a bit. Yeah, it was really, it was actually I think they were doing a good job because I was just on my old tertiary colleagues were Roger brake, and Graham Davis, were running that. And I’d often catch up with them. When they’re in Brisbane, I thought they were doing a great job. They’re going around the country, talking to people and finding out what they thought about the tax system. But when Turnbull got any word interested, sadly, yeah,

Simon Cowan  32:22

and I think that’s, I mean, that’s sort of part of the background raising why why I was so harsh on the coalition in relation to this tax reform package, because I think, you know, they had an opportunity to reform spending through the commission of audit, and they bungled that because the West Australian Senate rerun in 2014, they had an opportunity with the tax reform process, and then their, their leadership spills No, as adequately captured on this, this a recent ABC programme nemesis, fundamentally undercut a whole suite of policy reforms plus a number of different areas. We had this supposedly, broad tax, the stone foam package that was introduced in sort of 2017 2018 that a lot of that is now not going to happen. So when was the last time we had a substantive? Like a real look at that tax system? It’s, what 15 years? Yeah,

Gene Tunny  33:17

that’d be right. Since? Yeah, the Henry review, which would have been started in Yeah, it must have been an OA because I remember contributing to some of just one of their early documents. I can’t remember. Yeah, so it must start at? Oh, 809 10. Yeah. So yeah, yeah.

Simon Cowan  33:33

Well, that’s because it’s Kevin Rudd, when he came into office, started two fairly substantive processes. One was the review on welfare spending in 2009, that resulted in effective and locking in a massive increasing age patient for decades on end. And the Henry view was sort of the other bookend of that. But we ended up with a locked in spending and the tax reform sort of got abandoned. And now what we see is people who are trying to increase the size of the state and increase revenue are effectively trying to pick off individual tax bases one at a time. So you know, and see the push, having overturned the stationary tax cuts a week ago, we’re now already on to negative gearing and capital gains tax reforms. And, you know, I saw a tweet today from from a researcher at competing think tank, the effectively said, you know, none of these reforms are going to have a big impact on house prices, we should just do them so we can get the revenue. I mean, I think that that sort of explains a lot about how we’ve gotten to where we’ve gotten on on our tax reform process. Yeah,

Gene Tunny  34:41

yeah. I think I saw the same thing on LinkedIn. If it was from Brendan Coates was, yeah, Brenda’s I’ve had Brendan on the show before. So Brendan is an old colleague of mine, but yeah, I mean, gratins got a particular view on what they see is, you know, excessively generous concession And to landlords and also on Super. So I mean, that’s, like, broadly what do you think about all of that? Simon? I mean, the, like, if you look at the tax expenditure statement from the treasury, they will be reporting significant amounts of money in in well, they’re not tax expenditures, they report the concession for negative. Yeah, or the deductions for negative gearing, and then they report tax expenditures on things like super. I mean, what are your thoughts on those items and the logic of making changes there? Well,

Simon Cowan  35:37

I think a number of those measures are deeply unrealistic. They are effectively and should so you know, look at the numbers that are applied with superannuation concessions, and they assume that you’ll play a full marginal rates on your contributions, you’ll pay full marginal rates on your earnings in the farm, that you buy full marginal rates and earnings at the back end. There’s no retirement system in the world. The South even vaguely like that. Yeah. Right. So so this idea that there’s this massive honey bonds, people have money that can be taken from I mean, if you apply punitive taxation rates to saving and yeah, you might be able to get some revenue from that. But that doesn’t make it a good idea. And it doesn’t make it a realistic comparison. And so, you know, when you see it applied to a more realistic benchmark, the cost of those concessions fall dramatically. I think there are a number of reasons why super should have been reformed substantially during the last term of government, I would have identified a slight strolling increase in the compulsory contributions, because I didn’t think that was a good thing for people, especially when incomes were growing at such a low rate, why the government would force you to contribute that income to effectively an industry super fund seemed like a bad idea to me. But it went ahead anyway. That I see a lot of these tax measures and the tax expenditure statement, and the idea that, you know, this measure costs x billion dollars is set against such an unrealistic benchmark, it creates an expectation that, you know, that people would be able to just pull in this massive increase in revenue. So what I mean, what’s the alternative? We have no discount to for capital gains to reflect that that returns are impacted by inflation? We have no ability to offset losses against other income. I mean, these are non controversial measures in most tax systems. And they are they seem to be controversial here because we analyse them, at least in part, because we analyse the limits this unrealistic standard that says they cost way more than they actually do.

Gene Tunny  38:05

Yeah. Yeah. On the deduction of losses against you can deduct it from other, you know, reduce your taxable income, if you lose money on your rental property, which is what we call negative gearing. I mean, historically, they did try to get or get rid of negative gearing or let you only, like, reduce your rental income to zero. So sorry that they don’t. Well, yeah. So if you made a loss, you couldn’t then use that to reduce your other taxable income. So labour income, so you pay less tax, you could you could, you could effectively pay no tax on your rental income, but they wouldn’t let you get a benefit. Or the Yeah, so that’s, that’s the idea. But they did reduce, get rid of it in the 80s. And they’re all these headlines about, you know, as causing problems in the Sydney rental market. And as rents are going up, you can’t get a property with landlords were withdrawing. So I mean, my feeling is a chamas is probably bright enough not to go down that path. And he’s probably I think he’s still, you know, talks to Paul Keating regularly, so expect Keatings probably advising him on that not to go down that path. And

Simon Cowan  39:22

rents have been increasing ignore this too, right? Why would you take a chance on that? But I mean, just on the fundamental principle here, so if you want to quarry, see your income from property so that you can assess your losses are going steady income, that’s fine. Right. But what you can’t do or you shouldn’t be able to do then is assessed positive positively geared property on top of YG income. So right now, all of the if you may, if you’re if your property makes a A guy that is taxed at your full marginal rate. The converse of that is if you make a loss, then it’s deducted for your tax at your full marginal rate. Yeah, yeah, I’m okay. If you want to say, Well, look, you know, Rental property income should be quarantined. So you get a second, you know what, you get a tax free threshold and you pay when you might make $1,000 a month, you pay no tax on that. You want to do that? That’s fine. Right? I’m okay with that. What I’m not okay with is saying, on the one hand, if you make it gay, we’re going to tax that as much as we possibly can, on the other hand and make a loss, then you just got to you’ve got to eat. Right. I mean, that just seems like fundamentally unfair approach to it, where the government wins no matter what. And, you know, I’m not a big fan of the government winning no matter what.

Gene Tunny  40:54

Exactly. So yes. Yeah, there’s a Yeah. You know, it’s gonna heat up again, it is heating out that debate. And yet, I think the the, the logic behind what’s called negative gearing is is is lost, it’s absent from that debate, sadly, becomes, yeah, yeah.

Simon Cowan  41:12

And I mean, the Henry review, looked into this and proposed what seemed like a relatively good solution, because there is an issue with different types of saving being taxed different ways. So you know, there’s some things that are very incentivized, like, for example, owning your own home, there are some things that are strong, but not as strongly incentivized, like superannuation, and probably investing in, you know, in retail property. And there’s some things that are highly disincentivize, which is a lot of other types of savings. If you want to equalise a lot of that stuff in a way that reflected the, you know, some of the risk profiles on the longevity of holding those those instruments, that’d be fine. But that’s not the debate that we’re having. We’re not talking about having a coherent the fair tax system across the board. We’re just saying this one thing we cherry picked, this looks unfair to me, therefore, we should get rid of it.

Gene Tunny  42:13

Yeah, yeah. That’s the debate we’re having for sure. What about resources? Simon, have you thought about that? Because I mean, one of the things you often hear is ours, we haven’t, we’re letting these mining companies rip us off, and we’re not taxing them properly, or the the royalties aren’t high enough. We’re not taxing their super profits. And we’ve missed the opportunity that the Norwegian, you know, the Norwegian set up this huge sovereign wealth fund. That’s worth I don’t know, however many hundreds of 1000s of dollars for every Norwegian it’s, it is mind blowing. What do you think of that? The What do you think about resources, taxation? Have we missed an opportunity there?

Simon Cowan  42:51

So look, I’m very sceptical of anyone that says the word super profits, because I think super profits are defined as any amount of money that I think is big enough that I could take. So I don’t like that concept. I mean, I think he’s there an argument that the states have systemically underpriced the world is that they have charged in order to incentivize people to set up mining operations in their state, particularly up where you are. Yeah, I think that’s probably right. The states could have charged way more for their resources than they did. They chose not to do that. That’s a choice that they get to make. I’m you know, I’m, I’m sort of somewhat always it’s pause when I see a proposal that federal government take even more revenue from things that were traditionally revenue for the states. So, you know, I think if there’s an issue, we underpricing those royalties in the state, should we increase their royalties, and that would result in them having them having some more revenue that they could spend. And then I mean, when it comes to deductions, this idea that there are companies that are paying no tax, and therefore that’s unfair. So offsetting your tax liability against past losses, which is what’s happening with most of these 90 enterprises, is completely non controversial, and not a drama really, of any kind. So if your operation makes losses for 10 years while you are searching for mineral deposits, and then you eventually find one, you get to offset those 10 year losses against your first year of profits. And, you know, you have to tax a profit, not a loss. So that’s, that’s, you know, that’s, and that accounts for so much of these super profits that are being offshored or, you know, but people are worried about I mean, it’s just offsetting tax against previous losses. There is an issue around structuring global tax operations in a way that minimises your taxable liability. However, as Kerry Packer once famously said, you know, minimising your tax you’re, you’re an idiot, everyone minimises their tax. So, if the system is set up to allow people to minimise their tax, they will. There’s a lot of smart tax lawyers and accountants who can set things up in a way that minimises those, those taxes. And that’s being done completely legally. And if you want to change that more than then go ahead, but you’re going to struggle with the fact that you’ve got to force other countries to play ball with you on that score. And if you raise your domestic taxation of global companies too much, all disappear. Yeah, yeah,

Gene Tunny  45:42

that’s one of the concerns we’re having. I mean, I’m old. I’m all for making sure that these companies aren’t, you know, they’re not doing things that are sketchy. And they’re actually they are abiding by the law. And the Australian government has introduced measures to ensure that there’s work at OECD the BEPS initiative, whatever it is, I was just thinking about that point you make about discouraging investment and that yeah, that is a risk. And, you know, historically, we, like Queensland, for example, where I am, and you’re talking about Queensland. Yeah, I mean, the Treasury at the time, they probably did have they set really competitive royalty rates to attract the investment. And we were after the investment to develop these export industries, which have been usually beneficial economically for our region’s for the state budget. And that sounds like a good thing, doesn’t it? Yeah. Yeah, I’d say so too. And I guess we’ve had this competitive federalism. Yeah, yeah. And we’ve had this controversy recently, where the state treasurer, it was a bit of a surprise, Cameron dick, you know, introduced this more progressive royalty system for coal, and now we’ve got the highest royalty rates for coal in the world. And, you know, it was almost motivated by being a super profits tax. And now the the resources sector is saying, and BHP has come out and said, all this is, yeah, we’re not going to invest in in Queensland anymore. Other companies have said similar things. I’ll have to put some links in the show notes to make sure I get the details. Right. But then, you know, the government’s gonna go well, they would say that I mean, that’s, that’s, you know, that’s big mining. So, you know, when?

Simon Cowan  47:27

Yeah, and I mean, ultimately, right. Why? Because I’m a big believer in competitive federalism. Yeah. States have a right to run that experiment. Yeah. You think they would, they would just say that they do it. See what happens? Yeah, yeah. But where the consequences? Right. That’s, that’s the thing that annoys me a lot in the debates about state tax and issues with state state budget issues is the way that the GST distribution is set up, actually discourages states from taking those initiatives. Because if they do the right thing, and they create all of this additional growth, they lose sight of their GST distribution in effectively offset, you know, for for doing the right thing economically, you’re far better off to just as the West Australians did just take the aeroplane down the camera and say, please fill up my pipe with a lot of money, Mr. Prime Minister, because we have been unfairly denied our fair share of GST revenue. And you know, that without wanting to get to sort of jargony technical about it, that vertical fiscal imbalance between the states and the federal government causes a lot of efficiency issues, I think in the way that that that we deliver locally, our tax system and the way that we deliver our services. And so, you know, I’d be a big fan of fixing, like, if there was to be a large scale tax reform, aside from lowering the overall tax burden, the biggest thing we could do is shift a whole bunch of revenue options to the states, allow them to compete with each other for business and growth. But remove some of that vertical fiscal imbalance and stop the big ego. Yeah,

Gene Tunny  49:10

absolutely. Stop the blame game. Stop them. Yeah, saying, Oh, we don’t have the money. The federal government’s got all the money. Give us them all. Now. It’s

Simon Cowan  49:19

I mean, it’d be NFS across so many areas, right. Have a look at have a look at what it’s done to defence policy in the last 15 years. You know, that because of the South Australia invests money in the defence industry and the need for governments of both sides to buy votes, he said, Australia, there’s this constant pressure to spend defence procurement dollars in South Australia. And that result seems suboptimal procurement decisions all the time.

Gene Tunny  49:48

No doubt about that. Okay, we’ve we’ve had a wide ranging discussion about the Australian tax system. So I’m going to wrap up what are your what would be your broad parameters or broad themes or Have a genuine tax reform. Okay.

Simon Cowan  50:02

So I mean, I think the first thing that we should do is rely on the bracket played somewhere and say, this is going to be sure bracket great. If you want to increase taxes, you have got to get people to vote for it, not just have it happen automatically over over and over again. And then I would love for us to attempt to resolve some of the efficient taxes in economy, particularly some of those leftover state taxes that that were still around from the GST. switchbacking in 2000, I think there’s still some some sort of workers compensation insurance and other things at the state level that could be gotten real. You know, we always talked about the stamp duty for land tax, which I think there’s a, there’s a, there’s an issue with that. Overall, I’d love to see a lower company tax rates substantially, to attempt to increase business investment, need Australia, I’d be taking a company tax rate down to 20% or lower. And then I think we need before we were to do anything more substantive than that we need expenditure reform, so that we could go about reducing the tax burden substantially. And part of that, I mean, a big part of that, I think is getting in control of what’s happening in the IRS, and elsewhere. Reforming and sort of shifting the debate around things like education and health care away from how much money can I spend to what am I getting for, for my investment. And then also around, you know, around infrastructure, we spent so much money on infrastructure, that’s that’s just horribly inefficient, and poorly designed, managed and operated. And we could, because a lot of it sits off the budget. It’s not visible, but I’m sure that we could do things a lot better than we are right now.

Gene Tunny  51:58

Yeah, absolutely. I mean, we can certainly do things better than that snowy, 2.0 project where we’ve got a boring machine stuck in the tunnel. What an absolute debacle. Yeah. Well,

Simon Cowan  52:11

so you’ll be interested to know your listeners will be interested to know we’ve just stood up a programme on on energy. Yeah. And, you know, one of the big focuses of that programme is to bring some transparency to the investment decisions that are being made by GFI in the clean energy space. I a lot of climate change and climate change person by any means. But I’m a big believer in government, doing things in accordance with the rules and the principles, right. I don’t think you get to skirt the rules because of the desire to have a particular political outcome. I’m actually a lot of that tapping energy. So that’s a big deal for us. Yeah,

Gene Tunny  52:52

very good. Okay, Simon. Awesome. Thanks so much for your time. It’s been it’s been terrific good to catch up with a colleague and to chat about the big issues of the day. So, Sharif, thanks again. Thanks, buddy. Appreciate. Right. Oh, thanks for listening to this episode of economics explored. If you have any questions, comments or suggestions, please get in touch. I’d love to hear from you. You can send me an email via contact at economics explore.com, or a voicemail via SpeakPipe. You can find the link in the show notes. If you’ve enjoyed the show, I’d be grateful if you could tell anyone you think would be interested about it. Word of mouth is one of the main ways that people learn about the show. Finally, if your podcasting app lets you then please write a review and leave a rating. Thanks for listening. I hope you can join me again next week.

53:54

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Credits

Thanks to Obsidian Productions for mixing the episode and to the show’s sponsor, Gene’s consultancy business www.adepteconomics.com.au. Full transcripts are available a few days after the episode is first published at www.economicsexplored.com. Economics Explored is available via Apple PodcastsGoogle Podcast, and other podcasting platforms.