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Podcast episode

Jimmy Carter the Great Deregulator, AmFest, MAGA & Migration, and Why Competition? w/ Darren Brady Nelson  – EP269

Gene Tunny and Darren Brady Nelson discuss the economic legacy of President Jimmy Carter, highlighting his deregulation efforts, particularly in aviation, which led to increased competition and significant cost savings. They also touch on Carter’s appointment of Paul Volcker as Federal Reserve Chairman, credited with fighting inflation. The conversation shifts to the America Fest conference in Phoenix, where key speakers included Charlie Kirk, Tucker Carlson, and Glenn Beck. They discuss the tensions within the MAGA movement, particularly around immigration policies. Lastly, they explore the intersection of Christian economics and competition, emphasizing its ethical foundations and the potential for a moral case for free markets.

If you have any questions, comments, or suggestions for Gene, please email him at contact@economicsexplored.com.

You can listen to the episode via the embedded player below or via podcasting apps including Apple Podcast and Spotify.

Timestamps for EP269

  • President Jimmy Carter’s Legacy and Deregulation (0:00)
  • Carter’s Economic Policies and Personal Anecdotes (5:16)
  • America Fest Conference in Phoenix (14:36)
  • Trump’s Speech and MAGA Movement Dynamics (27:46)
  • Christian Economics and Competition (36:34)
  • Darren’s Critique of Mainstream Economics and Antitrust Regulation (51:22)
  • Regulatory Challenges and Natural Monopolies (55:55)
  • Final Thoughts and Future Directions (59:26)

Takeaways

  1. Jimmy Carter’s Deregulation Impact: Carter’s policies in aviation, trucking, and beer production revolutionized U.S. markets, creating long-lasting consumer benefits.
  2. MAGA’s Immigration Debate: Tensions exist between Bannon’s nationalist stance and Musk’s globalist vision for high-skilled immigration policies.
  3. The Role of Competition: Darren highlighted the economic and ethical importance of competition, criticizing overreach in antitrust regulations.

Links relevant to the conversation

Mises Institute article “Jimmy Carter’s Legacy Is Much More than Good Deeds Done in His Later Years”:

https://mises.org/mises-wire/jimmy-carters-legacy-much-more-good-deeds-done-his-later-years

The previous episode with Darren:

https://economicsexplored.com/2024/11/10/trump-2-0-w-top-wisconsin-door-knocker-economist-darren-brady-nelson-ep261/

Great Reset discussion with Darren from 2020:
https://economics-explained.simplecast.com/episodes/the-great-reset 

Larry Reed, President Emeritus of FEE, speaking about the Parable of the Vineyard Workers:

https://economicsexplored.com/2022/02/05/price-controls-to-fight-inflation-a-bad-idea-infrastructure-lessons-from-potus-21-ep125/

Darren’s articles in Concurrences on competition and antitrust (paywalled, alas):
https://www.concurrences.com/en/page/recherche/?recherche=darren+nelson#

Alfred Kahn’s Economics of Regulation:

https://www.amazon.com.au/Economics-Regulation-Principles-Institutions/dp/0262610523

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Transcript: Jimmy Carter the Great Deregulator, AmFest, MAGA & Migration, and Why Competition? w/ Darren Brady Nelson  – EP269

N.B. This is a lightly edited version of a transcript originally created using the AI application otter.ai. It may not be 100 percent accurate, but should be pretty close. If you’d like to quote from it, please check the quoted segment in the recording.

Gene Tunny  00:00

Gene, welcome to the Economics Explored podcast, a frank and fearless exploration of important economic issues. I’m your host, Gene Tunny, I’m a professional economist and former Australian Treasury official. The aim of this show is to help you better understand the big economic issues affecting all our lives. We do this by considering the theory evidence and by hearing a wide range of views. I’m delighted that you can join me for this episode. Please check out the show notes for relevant information. Now on to the show. Hello and welcome to the show. It’s Saturday, fourth of January, 2025 here in Brisbane, Australia. However, it’s Friday, the third of January in Milwaukee, in the USA, where my guest is based, and it’s Darren Brady Nelson coming back onto the show. Darren, good to have you back on the program. Thank you.3

Darren Brady Nelson  00:55

Thank you. Am I? Am I now in first place, or is that other?

Gene Tunny  00:58

Yeah? Oh, you’re definitely in first place. I think you’ve been in first place in terms of number of appearances for a long time, so

Darren Brady Nelson  01:08

not in quality, just but quantity. I’ll take.

Gene Tunny  01:12

Very good. Wow, yes, yes. I mean, it’s all about consistency, isn’t it that? Yeah, absolutely. Okay. Very good. Well, Darren, thanks for joining me. I wanted to chat with you about a few things. I mean, first we had the news about President Jimmy Carter. He died earlier this week, lived to 100 impressive innings, and you sent me something interesting on Carter being a great deregulator. And I wanted to talk to you about that. I also want to talk about the America fest that you attended. You’re in Phoenix, Arizona. That’s a turning point USA event. And then Doge Trump 2.0 what’s going on there? And finally, there’s an article you wrote recently on why competition. So I want to, want to touch on all of those things to begin with. Can I ask you about President Carter? Now Carter’s seen as well. Often this presidency is seen as an unsuccessful presidency, the presidency of malaise, the presidency before the Reagan administration. You sent an article on Carter being a great deregulator. So there were some positives that came out of the Carter administration. Can you tell us about those, please? Darren,

Darren Brady Nelson  02:30

well, I mean, I always think of two things, and I often even I kind of forgot about, you know, one of them, you know, then the article is about the second thing, which is about deregulation, essentially that, I mean, you think of deregulation in the US, you know, around that time, you probably would have thought, you know, Reagan, obviously, rather than Carter, I guess, you know, Carter would have, you know, certainly had the reputation, and Reagan, I guess, ran on that to some extent of you know, Jimmy Carter being a big government guy. And, you know, and maybe, you know, philosophically, perhaps he ultimately was, but, but the reality is, you know, two things that he did, obviously, was he did start the deregulation process in the US, particularly in transport, I believe, rail, trucking, aviation, and those are huge things, obviously, particularly aviation, you know, that really, I mean, I mean, all of them are, obviously, but I think aviation really is something that, you know, your average american really would have saw the benefits from, you know, maybe rail would have been a little bit more indirect, you know, kind of it might have been part of because they weren’t really deregulating in terms of, like, sort of so much transport, you know, like Amtrak, it would have been more kind of to do with, with freight, and people would have saw some of those benefits. But, you know, would have been kind of a little bit more indirect, same with trucking. You know, trucking would have fed through and, you know, lower prices and better services and all that to consumers, ultimately. But the aviation thing was the thing I think that really stuck out. And, you know, which later came to Australia. And perhaps I’m not, I guess, 100% sure, but you know, Australia usually, often does look to the US to, you know, to get some of its ideas both good and bad. So and the other thing just quickly to mention was that Carter appointed Paul Volcker as the head of the Federal Reserve. And you know, for mine, at least in my lifetime, I think he is by far the best Chairman of the Federal Reserve in terms of being, you know, someone was, you know, a very responsible person of the Federal Reserve, and, you know, having to do what he had to do to, like, try to fight inflation from the 1970s and then, you know, once he did that, to not then just go back to, sort of like, easy money. So sorry, I covered kind of probably more ground in just that introduction than. Than you were looking for. But

Gene Tunny  05:01

good, that’s good. I think it’s a good point about Volcker. I think most economists would agree with you on Paul Volcker, certainly. I mean, Greenspan’s legacy, he’s been his reputation was essentially wrecked by the financial crisis. If it weren’t for that, then he would have been the maestro. I mean, that’s what people were calling him, but, but since the financial crisis, I mean, and he’s seen as the Greenspan put they talk about. And, I mean, Greenspan’s policies are seen as having helped bring about that, that crisis. So I agree with you on Paul Volcker on airlines, I think you’re right. I mean, Australia, we had a two airline policy, and that wasn’t changed until the 1980s so we had the same problems, the restrictions on competition. Now, Carter introduced, it looks like it’s the Airline Deregulation Act in 1978 so that prohibited states from regulating air carrier prices, routes and services. So I think at one time in the states there, I mean, there are rules about how many airlines could compete in a particular market, and it was seen as, oh, this is better for consumers, because then you don’t have all of this terrible competition which is undermining the viability of the airlines. I mean, that’s how they thought, right? You’ve seen, well, you know, you

Darren Brady Nelson  06:19

don’t want the consumer to have too much choice. That’s just, you know, too difficult. Well, isn’t that?

Gene Tunny  06:23

Wasn’t there that scene in The Aviator with, with Alan Alda playing the the rate was he a regulator or a senator, and Alec Baldwin was playing one trip from Pan Am, and they were basically making the case. So this is justifying the regulation of the of the airways, and because they they wanted to crush Howard Hughes, who was trying to compete with them.

Darren Brady Nelson  06:49

Oh, okay, yeah, yeah, seen that movie. Sorry, yeah. Oh, you’d

Gene Tunny  06:52

love it. It’s great film. I mean, DiCaprio is an amazing actor and, yeah, but there’s that, that little, that sort of subplot there about the airline regulation and Alan Alda playing a senator. And I’m pretty sure that’s the avian I put a link in the show notes. It was really good. It’s worth, worth seeing. And I think there are some, sorry, so

Darren Brady Nelson  07:16

I was gonna say one. I forgot to mention the deregulation this. This one might, you know, be something that bit closer to your own heart, perhaps, is, you know, that his deregulation efforts extended to the production of beer making, making the kind of, you know, the particularly the craft beers and all that sort of thing. That industry kind of really grew in the wake of that, which is something I didn’t even realize I knew about the aviation stuff, and that’s really important, obviously, but, you know, it’s interesting that it even extended to things like beer, you know. So,

Gene Tunny  07:48

yeah, well, I mean, that’s important industry for Milwaukee, isn’t it, really, I mean, are you the beer capital of the USA?

Darren Brady Nelson  07:55

Well, they might have been against it because, you know, you know, they like the big, you know, like Miller was here. Miller still is here in Milwaukee. And there were other ones that, you know, have since probably really turned into craft beers, actually, industry interestingly, off these bigger like, there were Schlitz and Old Milwaukee and Pabst and all these other ones that, once upon a time were, you know, quite large beer companies, and, you know, I think they’ve kind of shrunk to become almost, you know, mid tier, possibly even, you know, more competing with the craft beers than they are with like Miller and Budweiser, yeah, yeah. So possibly, maybe walk ins weren’t all that keen on the deregulation, yes, yeah, yeah.

Gene Tunny  08:39

Good point. Okay, well, yeah, it’s an extraordinary legacy, and I’ll put some some links in the show notes, or estimates of how much it saved in terms of air airfares. I mean, airfares, certainly here in Australia, used to be prohibitively expensive, and you’d rarely fly. I mean, it was just so expensive, even in the in the 80s and and so there’s a story that Karen Chester tells she’s a former Treasury official here about how her mother, she couldn’t go visit her, her dying father or in Perth because the of the prohibitive airfares at the time. Just tragic story. And now, in real terms, they’re much cheaper. So many, you know, many poor, many more people flying. That’s the same as in the States. So and Alfred Khan. Was it? Alfred Khan, the economist who was an advisor to Jimmy Carter, who was an important figure in that story, Darren, yeah, I

Darren Brady Nelson  09:39

believe so. And you know, when I’ve, you know, my early days as an economist, you know, out of university, I first started doing sort of competition policy at New South Wales treasury. But then my second job was at the Queensland competition authority, doing, you know, regulation of of infrastructure and all that sort of stuff. And, you know, the, the first kind of textbook. That I kind of read was Alfred Khan’s, you know, he’s got, like, a super thick two volume, you know, sort of book on on the economics of regulation. And Volume Two, I think, was largely devoted to this sort of stuff. You know, a lot of these deregulation, deregulation efforts, particularly, you know, the current administration’s deregulation efforts that. So you know that that’s where I first cut my teeth on regulatory economics and the economics of deregulation as well, sort of thing. So the Queensland competition authority was trying to do kind of both, you know, like be a part of, you know, in, you know, as their name suggests, you know that maybe you help competition and where it can be, you know, sort of introduced or helped along, if you like, that was kind of, you know, their their dual mandate. I think all the kind of Australian state regulators kind of had that, you know, and the ACCC at the federal level now, you know, now they’ve kind of not so much involved in that sort of thing anymore. They kind of straight up regulation rather than being involved in deregulation. But at the time, when I joined the QCA, they were certainly, you know, trying to do that sort of thing as well.

Gene Tunny  11:11

Yeah, yeah, yeah. I’ll put a link in the shop. It

Darren Brady Nelson  11:15

was the textbook, basically. And that feel,

Gene Tunny  11:19

yeah, yeah. And do you have any memories of the Carter administration? Were you living in the States at the

Darren Brady Nelson  11:24

time? Oh, I was a little kid. And, yeah, but not really, you know, my kind of, you know, Reagan’s. I have stronger memories of Reagan because, you know, I was getting a bit older, so thing as a kid, so starting to remember Reagan more than than Carter. But, yeah, kind of small memories, you know, but you know, as a little kid, you know, peanut farmer or something, you know, and his brother and his brother Billy and his Billy beer, right? You go look that up. Yeah,

Gene Tunny  11:53

I vaguely remember all the bad news, because I think when I was first became conscious of the the news was probably late 70s, early 80s, and the news at that time coming out of, well, I mean, worldwide was just terrible. I mean, and you know, Carter had there was high inflation, wasn’t there, particularly after the revolution in Iran, and then because of, you know, impacts on the oil market, and then the hostage crisis, which just went on with the hostages from the American Embassy in Tehran, which just went on forever. And, I mean, that was, yeah, that was probably

Darren Brady Nelson  12:26

my first memories, along with the peanut farming and the fruitless sort of stuff you know about him, you know, being, you know, from a back his brother being a redneck who liked beer, yeah,

Gene Tunny  12:37

yeah. So, yeah, you’re right, yeah. So it’s interesting. He’s got a mixed record on the economy, good on the micro, but generally people think the macro story under Carter was was was poor and but his post presidential legacy has been extraordinary. Many seems to be much loved. He’s built houses for homeless people. He when He goes on flights, he shakes everyone’s hands. Yeah, it seems just to have a really quality, decent man. So, yes, I think an extraordinary, an extraordinary life

Darren Brady Nelson  13:14

well, and it’s funny that what the article I sent to you was from, you know, the Mises Institute. There’s another one which I could share with you. Won’t be too hard to find. Is there was an article there about, basically, the author was suggesting the last, if you like, you know, intellectual or debate, was actually Carter and Reagan, you know, like, you know, good debate about issues and policy, you know, not this kind of, you know, attacking each other and attacking each other as people and, you know, all that sort of stuff. You know, there was, there was levity, obviously, at times, you know, in the debate, you know, between Reagan and Carter, I think they even had some, at least, that levity carried over into the next election, 1984 with Reagan and trying to remember the film Mondale. That’s right, Carter is vice president. So, yeah, you know, times have changed, obviously, not always for the better in terms of, like, the quality of presidential debates. So, you know. So someone’s making the case. You know, basically the, you know, that was kind of the, the, the high watermark appeal of presidential debates was Reagan and Carter and, you know, in 1980

Gene Tunny  14:32

Yeah, okay, I love to check that out. That’s, that’s probably, that’s probably true, Alrighty, now, Darren, what was America fest? You went to this America fest conference in Phoenix. Can you tell us about that? Please?

Darren Brady Nelson  14:47

Yeah, so I think we talked about it, you know, like my the last time I was on the podcast that I was, you know, the door knocking economist, you know, there’s probably not too many of us like. That I’m guessing so, so that was for, essentially for turning point Turning Point action. It was a strange marriage, and I think I may have explained at the time, you know, between Turning Point action and Elon Musk’s America pack. So, you know, Charlie Kirk runs Turning Point action and turning point USA Turning Point space, kind of using the American parlance as a c4 it’s kind of, you know, more of a think tank type of outfit, although, you know, they do a lot of, sort of, like educating on on university campuses, and now they’ve extended that to sort of high school level as well. Turning Point actions, a straight up. You know, get out the vote for the candidates you like, right? Yeah, that’s a c4 sorry, yeah, I believe that’s, am I getting this wrong? No, but is that the c3 My apologies, my I think I need to drink some more coffee or something, but it’s all right. So, you know, they’re totally different types of organizations, and so anyway. So to make a long story short, all the people who did, you know, helped out on that election were offered the opportunity for, you know, free airfares and free hotel and free admission to America fest, which is put on by, you know, Charlie Kirk’s organization. And so it’s kind of like a, you know, if you’re aware of CPAC, you obviously wear CPAC Australia. CPAC Australia is obviously trying to do what CPAC us does, you know, big conference for not just conservative, just anybody, if you like, on the, you know, the right side of politics, whatever that means, you know, center right, whatever, conservatives, libertarians, including kind of, you know, modern day populists on the right. I mean, populists are in the left and the right. You know, over time. You know, that’s kind of a nebulous description populism, but you know, so in Australia, that would include, obviously, you know, Liberal National Party, folks, but include one nation libertarians, all that. And over here, obviously it’s, it’s Trump and, you know, Reagan conservatives, you know Ron Paul libertarians, whatever. And so America fest. I mean, you know it’s not, it’s basically trying to do what I guess CPAC does. And I don’t know the whole ins and outs on why it started out, they thought they needed this. And, you know, to, I’m not sure if they’re trying to be a rival to CPAC, or just, you know, or maybe if you like the markets big enough, and they wanted just another one, the way they hold it in Phoenix, it’s got a, you know, a more blatant, you know, America First type approach, you know, which is kind of a little bit more in line with, you know, the Make America Great Again movement, mega movement, not to say CPAC, not on board with that, because, you know, they are. I guess, if CPAC is trying to, maybe trying to combine that, but keep the establishment Republicans kind of still around, maybe an America fest is, like, we don’t really care about the establishment Republicans, you know, in fact, we want to push them out the door. So they’re probably a little bit more explicitly, you know, mega Not, not, not exclusively So, but they’re certainly, you know, they’re happy, obviously, probably for libertarian types, you know, like, you know, Ted Cruz is kind of bit of a more of a libertarian type, and, and he spoke, there’s certainly, you know, they’re definitely not for the establishment types and Mitch McConnell’s and and certainly not the Liz Cheney types, right? And certainly not the neoconservative types. So anyway, so that, and they hold it in Phoenix. I’m not sure how many they’ve had, I think they’ve had several or more. So basically, I think they took what was good of CPAC and they’ve added to it. There was certainly more energy. It was actually interesting, a bigger than CPAC in Washington, DC, which is saying something, because that’s pretty big, you know, that’s I’ve ever seen, was CPAC until I saw America fest. So

Gene Tunny  19:01

how many people? You’re talking 1000s of people. Oh, boy, oh, boy.

Darren Brady Nelson  19:05

I think the main hall holds 10,000 but the whole, but the whole, you know, conference area is bigger than that. Still, you know, so still, yeah, I don’t know what the numbers are. And, you know, we could probably find a link that maybe sort of said what those numbers might actually be, and I can share that with you where the audience can look that up. But, you know, the biggest thing I ever seen was CPAC, until I saw America fest, and it kind of reinvigorated me too, because I was, I was kind of getting sick of CPAC To be honest, you know, like not to say it was bad or whatever, I just kind of was getting sick of it. And this kind of, you know, the opening night of America Fest was like, you know, pretty Wow. Okay, you know the three key speakers that, I mean, there was more than three speakers. But I mean Charlie Kirk, like, I mean, I was impressed by Charlie Kirk coming in, but, wow, I was even more impressed by Charlie Kirk seeing him speak on the night. He was kind of the opening speaker and, you know, and then one of the last speakers on the opening night was Tucker Carlson, and I’ve been a big fan of Tucker’s for quite some time. And, you know, he certainly delivered as well. And and on the very last night of the conference, Glenn Beck was also, I thought, an amazing speaker as well. And they had plenty of other amazing speakers. We can talk about some of that, including one of the breakout speakers who talked about Marxism, was was amazing, and he’s an academic, and often academics aren’t very amazing speakers, as you probably have experienced yourself. You know, it’s not an easy thing to be someone who’s like, sound on what they’re talking about well and actually interesting at the same time. And who was that? Oh, boy. I mean, it’s really bad that I forgot the fellow’s name, considering he’s from Hillsdale College. He’s got a, he’s got a, he’s originally from Lebanon, so he’s got sort of, you know, you know, maybe I’m being a bit saying he’s got an Arab sounding name, and that’s probably offensive to Lebanese ago. Wait, we’re not Arabs, you know, but, and I think they’re not Lebanese, they’re kind of like a different sort of people’s group than strictly Arabs are, and then they obviously had that interesting mix of like, you know, kind of a bit over half the country’s Christian, and then slightly under half is Muslim. But I think it was originally from Lebanon, because even after the talk, he was talking to someone from Lebanon. He was speaking, you know, in Lebanese, which I understand, is a different language from Arabic, so um, and it sounds different too. So, but anyway, the interesting thing about him is, like, even though his speech was labeled, you know, Marxism, and you know, that obviously gets people, you know, kind of in to see that it was actually more about Jean Jacques Rousseau. Then it was actually about Karl Marx. Yeah, and I knew a bit about Rousseau, but I didn’t realize the importance of Rousseau to the left and he was making, he said, All Marx did was fill in some of the gaps. Rousseau is a guy who, you know, was really leading the charge on the ideas that were, you know, if you like, stuck with today in the 2020s they’ve come to fruition. Yeah. Well,

Gene Tunny  22:25

one of will Durant’s volumes in his history of civilization, I think, is Rousseau and revolution, after the after the age of Voltaire. And so Rousseau is one of those thinkers is associated with the French Revolution. And, yeah, with I mean, yeah, certainly, the Marxists wanted to have their own revolution whereby they get rid of the bourgeoisie, didn’t they? Whereas the French Revolution was, it was against the the aristocracy at the time. Yes, yeah, interesting. Okay, I’ll have to check out his work. And Donald Trump spoke at that event, didn’t he?

Darren Brady Nelson  23:03

He did, and I was, sadly, I got distracted by a pair of Aussies and and I didn’t. And I can tell you more about that. I didn’t. So I didn’t actually get into the main hall to see, you know, the orange MAN there, and, you know, live. So I had to actually just watch them on the big TV screen. So basically, they set these up similarly in CPAC, you know, they have the big main hall, obviously, all the big there’s lots of razzmatazz and all that. Then there’s like an exhibition hall where a lot of, you know, people just, you know, commercial people offering different services, go, hey, you know, here we’re here. You know, either come buyer service or, you know, think tanks go there and say, Hey, join us, or whatever. And then there’s a media row, which is pretty exciting and interesting. So, you know, you have the TV stations and radio stations and podcasts who do their shows live from, you know, from there. So that’s very interesting, too. So you can sit there as an audience and kind of watch this. And some of them you can will interact with the audience as others, they’re not. You’re just kind of watching them. Yeah. And so, so, yeah. So basically, you know, one of the one of the in the exhibition hall was a so not all the media is actually in media rose. Some of the kind of smaller podcasts are in the exhibition area. So one of them was an Australian podcast couple, and so I kind of came across them. They had an Australian flag up so that obviously. And I’ll get you a link to their, their podcast, you know, for for your for the audience, and,

Gene Tunny  24:39

yeah, what do they cover? Do they do politics or economics? Yeah,

Darren Brady Nelson  24:42

their angle is basically doing American politics, but from an Australian perspective, right? And they, and they come over here for big events like this or, you know, and I think they’re going to stay here roaming around until the inauguration, so they’ll end up in Washington. In DC for the inauguration. And, you know, very, you know, like, very cliche Aussies, they were like, you know, just super friendly and super, you know, and I kind of got to know them, and, you know, ended up having, you know, lunches and stuff for them. And sadly, I was chatting so much that the queue to get in to see Trump, you know, it got cut off. Basically, there was, you know, obviously, once it was full, that’s it, you know, you can’t get, but there’s more people in the overall sort of conference than that can fit into the main hall. Yeah, that’s, I’ve actually been, I went to the, the Milwaukee, um, Trump rally right before the election. So, you know. So, you know, it wasn’t, I feel bad for people who actually, that was their thing. They came there Trump, you know. So I’ve seen Trump another, you know, a number of times in person. So, you know, wasn’t as disappointed sort of thing to not see him in person. But, you know, but some people paid money to get there and they’re not from Phoenix, you know, that would have been kind of a real bummer, so I felt kind of sorry for them. Yeah, and there was a few, I’ve met a few other Australians too. So, you know, that was nice. See, there’s probably a lot more Aussies there than I actually ran into. So yeah, it was, oh, actually one of the Australians I did run into. This was a good story. And I think he’s been living in the US now for quite a number of years. And I don’t know perhaps he’s actually married to an American is there’s a quite a popular Catholic podcast, podcast called

Gene Tunny  26:36

pints with Aquinas. Oh yes, yes. It

Darren Brady Nelson  26:38

runs it as Matt Fred, and he’s an Aussie. Ah, yes, yes. I wanted to the, you know, these breakout sessions on, you know, Catholics and, you know, voting and that, you know, I’m was raised a Catholic, but I’m a Protestant nowadays, but I’m still interested. I’m not an anti Catholic, and I find it interesting. And I just went in there, and I sat at the back. And lo and behold, Matt Fred’s behind me. You notice? You notice my my jewel flag? Yeah, you have that, you know. And I told him the story, you know, Brisbane, blah, blah, blah. And then we had a little bit of a chat. Then he wasn’t an official speaker. He was actually there because his son wanted to be there. He’s got a 17 year old son that’s into all this sort of stuff and but, so we had a little bit of chat then. But then later on the day I went out of the conference, I got a good coffee, because you couldn’t get the greatest coffee in the conference. And you know, at the hipster cafe that I was I was talking about, yeah, to go back in, they said no outside coffees. And I go, Okay, fine. So I went to just go drink my coffee, you know, and he was sitting there smoking a cigar, and Matt, that is, and then I said, Oh, you mind if I sit down with you, and we had a good chat for 20 minutes while I drank my coffee and he smoked his cigar. And, you know, we talked about Australia, we talked about Trump, we talked about Catholicism and Protestantism and all that sort of stuff, and and podcasting, and, yeah, it was, it seems like a good, good bloke. Very

Gene Tunny  28:08

good. Well, as I think I’ve mentioned before, you’ve you have a radar for finding the hipster cafes, Darren, whichever city you’re in, so I’ve benefited from that at times. So very good. Now. Can you tell me? Was there any policy discussion at America fest? Did you get any insight into what could happen in the second Trump administration, particularly around migration? Because it looks like there’s a civil war within Maga at the moment between Steve Bannon, the people, you could say are nationalists or Nativists, versus Elon Musk and Vivek Ramaswami, who could be perceived as globalists. Do you have any insights into what’s going to happen? There any any thought, any insights into policy you got from America first?

Darren Brady Nelson  28:58

Yeah, look, I mean, America first wasn’t, you know, much of a policy oriented conference. And so true CPAC isn’t either it’s a lot of you know, it’s a lot of you know, celebration if something’s happened, or getting people you know, fired up for whatever is coming up. Now, look, I don’t know enough about Steve Bannon positions. I never got the feeling it was a nativist as such, like, you know, the one thing that I know Bannon, ramasami and musk agree on is the illegal immigrations that’s got to stop, right? Yeah, not just stop, but it’s got to be reversed. Basically, we can’t have, you know, and they’ll do it in sensible tears. I believe you’re going to, I’ve seen, you know, gangs and criminals, people who are literally, since they’ve arrived the they haven’t just broken the law to get here. They’ve been breaking laws, you know, inside the country too, and particularly the courageous ones. So they’ll prioritize this, you know, obviously, murders, rapists, etc, etc. You know what? You know they. Might come to a compromise with people who’ve, you know, peace, you know, who are peaceful, and they’ve entered and, and they actually did come here with families, as opposed of just, you know, child traffickers and all that sort of stuff. So look, I understood it was over those, those visas for, like, you know, highly skilled and targeted, yeah, you know, Bannon had a problem with that, is that? Is that? Oh, yes, yes,

Gene Tunny  30:21

yeah. But he was podcast the other day, because the the progressive commentators online are, they’re they’re enjoying this. They see this as a civil war within Maga, because you had Ramaswami come out and say, we need more h 1b, visas. Yeah, they’re the ones that Silicon Valley uses, like high skill, particularly bringing in high skilled Indians to work in Silicon Valley. And he, he writes, he wrote a tweet that was probably, you know, badly. He should have thought twice about it. It didn’t go down well with with Maga, really. He said that, oh, we need all of these people on H, 1b, visas, because Americans are, you know, a lot of Americans are lazy and won’t work hard. They’re not entrepreneurial, not not well educated. And that was just, yeah, that caused a bit of a firestorm. And then Steve Bannon on his show, he said, I will, you know, I’m going to fight for control, or something of the GOP. I don’t know the exact words, but he’s essentially saying, Look, we’re going to take on mask and Ramaswamy. We were here first. Well, he in terms of the Trump, you know, being supporters of Trump, where Maga, we’re not going to let you take over Maga. So I think it’s an interesting conflict there between musk and Ramaswamy, who who have a different outlook from that of a lot of the people in Maga, a lot of the supporters of Trump who see, who wants something different from Trump than what musk and Ramaswamy want?

Darren Brady Nelson  32:07

Yeah, look, I think, in a nutshell, I don’t think there’s going to be any sort of civil war, no. And to be honest, also, Bannon influence is just not anywhere near it was in, you know, 2016 2017 I think you know Ramaswamy is gonna certainly, if he hasn’t, he should really go out there and apologize for those statements. That’s just those are, there’s not, I mean, they’re not only offensive, they’re not even, that’s not completely accurate. Anyway, you know, the US is India as the entrepreneurial hub of the world compared to the US over history. No, there’s no comparison, like a really, Johnny Come Lately, you know, to that world. And obviously there’s some good stuff, and they’ve done some good reforms in India, but this is, you know, pretty recent sort of thing. So it’s not like the country that we look to for great entrepreneurs over the past 50 years. No, so you know. So I don’t think there’ll be a civil war. I think they’ll find a compromise Trump, Trump will, you know, Trump’s a strong leader. He’s going to sort this out. They’ll find something that, you know, not necessarily, that Bannon can live with, but I think something that at least your average mega supporter, it’s probably not like up in arms over these visas. But then, you know, when Swami says what? He says, Yeah, they’re gonna be up in arms about that sort of comment. And, you know, Musk, Musk comes from, you know, kind of a, you know, originally, you know, a Democrat type background, if you like. And he’s kind of become, you know, either he’s become more conservative over time, or he can just say the Democrats have become so out of touch with their previous base. Either way, you know, must not going to, he’s not going to be leaving the camp, and Ramaswamy is not going to be leaving the camp, and even Bannon at the end of the day, even if he doesn’t get what he wants on these visas, it’s not going to be, you know, he’s not going to, sort of, you know, be a constant thorn in the side. I would think, to, you know, President Trump. I think, you know, I think things, the compromises, will be reached. And, you know, maybe this on this issue will be one that they disagree, to disagree on. Basically, there’s bigger fights to be had. I think they’re going to fight. They’ll realize that, right? There’s far bigger fights, which is why they have the musks in their camp and the Tulsi gabbards and RFK juniors and stuff. There’s a bigger enemy to be fought, right? The weft type, globalists, you know, you know, rather than, if you like the musk type, small g globalist, if you, if you, if you like,

Gene Tunny  34:43

wow, okay, yeah. Well, we’ll big difference

Darren Brady Nelson  34:47

between that, because the big G globalists are not like, Oh, I just want to have access to better workers. It’s a far more nefarious globalism than than Musk’s type of globalism,

Gene Tunny  34:59

raw. But okay, well, I think we’ve talked about the great reset in the past, and, you know, whether there’s, whether there’s a conspiracy there or not. I mean, I don’t really think there is a conspiracy of any kind there is, because

Darren Brady Nelson  35:11

you can just go on the weft website, and it actually has a black and white it’s like, it’s not like a conspiracy theory. If it’s like, literally sitting there on their website, you know, like that. It’s not even a theory. It’s this is what they want to do. You know? You can say, like, oh, they don’t really want to do what they just said they want to do. Okay, fine, that’s fine. You can have that position, but it’s literally in black and white and reports, and you can go find it today easily. Yeah, they’ve

Gene Tunny  35:35

definitely said some silly things, right? The whole thing about you will, what is it? You will own nothing, and you will be happy. I mean, that’s just,

Darren Brady Nelson  35:43

I’m talking about statements. They have reports on what their is, you know, like it sets it out, you know, like, you know, you know, when someone says what they say, you know, the default should be able to believe what they said, you know, unless some reason not to.

Gene Tunny  36:00

Yeah. Well, I’ll put a link to our conversation on the great reset. I’ll have to go listen back to that. Yes, okay, well, yeah, look. I mean, I’ve got no idea what, exactly how economic policy will play out under Trump. I mean, I think it’s, it’ll be interesting, because there is that tension there, and we have to see how, what you know, how high the tariffs go up that are imposed on China, that are imposed on other countries, whether Australia gets an exemption. I mean, presumably we will, because of our, our strong relationship with the US. But, yeah, we just have to, have to wait and see about that. Okay, Darren, can you tell us about your article? You wrote an article. Why competition for concurrences journal? Can you tell us about that? Please?

Darren Brady Nelson  36:49

Yeah. Look, concurrences is essentially kind of an anti trust, you know, well, not just a magazine. It seems to be kind of bit of an association of particularly lawyers, antitrust lawyers, but also maybe other professionals in the field. And I can’t to this day, I can’t even remember how they approached me, but I remember in 2020 they kind of approached me and asked me to write a forward for one of their, you know, sort of their magazine that comes out, and I kind of wrote about anti trust economics, and kind of did a mix of, kind of like, you know, you know, I did kind of, here’s kind of a the mainstream kind of view on on this from an economics perspective, and then here’s kind of the free market perspective. I think the free market perspective is the better one. But anyway, laid it out and and then, you know, they kind of come back to me, you know, here and there to, you know, you know, ask me to write this or that. And earlier in the year, they were planning on doing a book entitled, you know, why competition voices from the antitrust community and beyond. Just to give it a little bit more context, they’re kind of focused on North America and the European Union, but they’re obviously open to kind of, you know, others around the globe as well. And this was going to have, you know, one of these books where, you know, each chapter has, you know, different author. I mean, they can be co authored or whatever, but they’re kind of in different themes. So my, the chapter that I wrote was, you know, basically, I think I entitled it, you know, kind of competition, economics, evidence, policy and ethics. Again, I kind of try to do, you know, a combination of of, kind of, you know, kind of, what’s the mainstream sort of view, and then kind of a free market view. But interesting enough, when I kind of proposed, you know, I thought, oh, you know, like, you know, as a Christian, as I kind of mentioned, I thought, oh, you know, how about kind of, also, because I’ve increasingly become interested in, kind of Christian economics is kind of even a different thing than than you get from the mainstream and the free market kind of way of looking at things. I thought, oh, you know, maybe this is an opportunity to write a little bit also from, you know, what, what is, what is this? You know, what does competition look like, you know, from a Christian economics point of view. So to my surprise, they went, Oh, yeah, that sounds interesting. Go ahead. So, so, you know, kind of, my, my, my chapter is kind of a mix of those three things wrong. Yeah, you know Christian, yeah. Sorry. Go on, I’ve got

Gene Tunny  39:27

to ask you about that. So, how is economics any different for a Christian versus a non Christian? I

Darren Brady Nelson  39:34

mean, well, it’s a complex thing to answer, because a lot of you know, you know, Christian economics is really just economics written by a Christian, right? So, so they kind of throw in some stuff or, you know, but, but interesting enough, there actually is, if you like, an actual proper Christian economics in the sense of, it’s built up from Scripture. It’s built up. From the Bible itself. Usually, you know, the better ones are people who’ve actually also been there are trained economists, you know, either, you know, from a mainstream perspective, or maybe a free market perspective, or maybe a bit of both. So, you know that, you know, so you kind of, kind of get some interesting feedback, you know, kind of from that. So, you know, like, for instance, you know, Gary north, you know, was, was, I believe, you know, trained in the usual kind of mainstream economics. Over time, he kind of became more an Austrian School economist. But then, you know, he also then tried to build up Christian economics, you know, purely from the Bible, as well as someone who was interesting enough, a trained theologian as well. So, you know, the Bible is, just like, you know, amazingly full of economics, you know, surprisingly full of it. And not just you know, like the parables you know, like the parable of it once or something that you know, probably sorry, the parable of the what’s all right, the talents, oh, you know, yeah, give me that one, you know, like, you know, where you know, a master gives you know, three of his servants, you know, he’s going to go away for a while. And he gives you know one, like one, one talent to go and do something with. And then another two talents, another five talents, you know, you know. So that, you know, there’s not just kind of, you know, they’re ultimately not. The main point of all these things is never just purely to make an economic point. Obviously, in the Bible, it was a more obviously theological point to be made. But, you know, it’s interesting to see just how much economics is in there, you know, as a teaching tool. Because, you know, obviously people can, you know, relate to, you know, least kind of economics in their own life, not necessarily, obviously, you know, the way we as economists necessarily think of things, but obviously economics touches everybody’s life. So, you know, I just wanted, you know, I’m certainly very much a, you know, a Padawan learner and not a Jedi in this just as of yet, okay, you know, I’m kind of, but I just thought it was a good opportunity for me to, kind of, like, write something and just, you know, give me the opportunity to learn more about it myself. Because obviously, you learn you know more from doing, you know, from writing and researching, than just, kind of just reading something, right? Yeah. So, you know, it was kind of a good you know. And I thought, you know, ethics is kind of interesting, too. And ethics, particularly, I don’t know, I find kind of secular ethics, kind of wishy washy for the most part, it’s kind of a lot of just like, how do I feel about things, you know? Like, if I’m from the left, I kind of feel these things. And if I’m on the right and not a Christian, I kind of feel these things. So I think, you know, whether you think Christianity or, you know, the is real or not, you know, it’s certainly more black and white than a lot of these kind of secular ethics is right? And as a Christian, I think it’s objective, right? And I think you go off into secular ethics, it’s kind of very subjective. So I thought it was an opportunity to kind of explore bringing, you know, that there’s an ethical element to economics, at least, you know, from a Christian perspective. And there’s not a, you know, there’s not a tension between the two. They’re kind of wrapped up together. They get like property rights is a concept and not just an economic concept, you know, like, Thou shalt not steal, is both economic and ethical at the same time.

Gene Tunny  43:29

Yeah, yeah, okay, okay, I think I see where you’re coming from, just on the parables. Someone you introduced me to, if I remember correctly, was Larry Reed at Foundation for Economic Education. When he was on my show, he talked about the Parable of the Vineyard workers. The vineyard workers,

Darren Brady Nelson  43:48

oh yeah, the martial, martial value, really, isn’t it? Yes,

Gene Tunny  43:52

yeah, where he’s paying them different amounts of money. And I think Jesus says, Oh, that’s okay, if it’s a fair bargain, if they all are better off because of it?

Darren Brady Nelson  44:03

No, it was. It was basically, it wasn’t even that. It was just like, well, you agreed to it, you know, like, yeah, exactly. So it was actually, I think they were paying the same amount, but these people came in and worked nowhere near as long hours, or, you know, towards the end of the day, and these other people have been working the whole day, and they’re just getting the same pay, you know, I think that’s

Gene Tunny  44:22

right. Okay, gotcha, yeah,

Darren Brady Nelson  44:26

qualifying it by going, Oh, well, as long as it was fair, you know, like it, you know, some nebulous way, he was basically like, you know, is it not the master’s money to decide what he does with it, right? And if he wants to do this bargain, because he needs more workers to come in. And, you know, it was actually strangely in line with, you know, the whole marginal revolution, you know, right, okay, fascinating. It was kind of like a marginal value,

Gene Tunny  44:53

Okay, interesting. I’ll have to put a link to that episode. I have to go to do it actually, to make sure I know the story. It’s quite embarrassing,

Darren Brady Nelson  45:02

that stuff too. But it was something slightly different. But it was, yeah, it was interesting, because then you often, like, people, you know, go like, well, he, he flipped over the the money changers, you know, sort of thing. Therefore he’s anti, you know, markets and anti exchange. No, that that point was to do with the temple and the Pharisees. You know, Jesus didn’t have a problem with commerce. He didn’t run around knocking over exchange tables everywhere. He had a problem with the way that the Pharisees and others are running the temple and, you know, turning it into a farce, you know, sort of thing totally different. So, yeah, yeah, you know. But the thing so, you know, it just was a great opportunity to throw some, I think Christian economics, to me, actually was even surprising to myself as an economist, was like taking the best of the mainstream and taking the best of the free market and not literally building on it like that, but it actually, I found it actually even more insightful, if you like, than even Austrian economics was, yeah, or, you know, neoclassical economics, you know, it had a lot of, you know, you know, good overlap with them. But it was, you know, yeah, I thought it was really interesting. One thing

Gene Tunny  46:15

I remember from Milton Friedman might have been in freedom. It was, it may have been in free to choose, or Capitalism and Freedom. I can’t remember the exact book, but he talks about how there’s a there’s a moral case for free markets, for competition, as distinct from the, you know, the the efficiency case that economists make for free markets is that the case you’re making, you’re saying there’s actually a moral case as well as an efficiency case, correct?

Darren Brady Nelson  46:42

Yeah. And I think the, you know, the Chicago school or Austrian School eventually get down to a level where it’s, it gets a little bit Sandy, you know, like the base wanted to argue an ethical, moral reason for free markets. Eventually it just runs out at depth, right? And I think, yeah, the Bible takes it to a level, you know, that that’s on a solid foundation, that’s literally on a rock, you know, of course, obviously not everybody’s gonna agree with that, if they not a Christian or even a Jew, who can, because they can also go down to the same you know, a lot of this is in the Old Testament too. You know, the, if you like, the ethical, moral foundation for, for, you know, least, largely free markets. But also found that the Christian economics finds doesn’t have the tension between the individual and the collective like the secular Do you know, like the free markets often go into kind of hyper individualism, and then, you know, the left wing ones go into hyper collectivism, right? Christian economics finds the right balance between those two. You know, really marries the individual and the group together better than the secular economics does.

Gene Tunny  47:57

Interesting. Love to think about this some more. Darren, I mean, I’m not, I can’t see how it would affect the laws of economics or or how we would apply economics in practice, but I could see how it could affect your judgments regarding what is good economic policy. I can see that I’d have to wonder though. I mean, what is it? I mean, is there anything superior about I mean, this, I guess, is a bigger conversation. But like, we can’t leave out the Chinese or the Indians or people in other parts of the world who aren’t Christian, can we? Or aren’t predominantly Chris that aren’t Christian countries. So where are they? I mean, they’ve obviously got economists. They’ve got economics. Economics is relevant to them. How to is this just something you that augments your understanding of economics? Or do you think it’s something that’s

Darren Brady Nelson  48:46

essential? Originally, I thought it was augmenting. I think it’s ultimately essential, and it and, you know, if, if the Christian worldview is correct, as I think it is it the God of Christianity is everybody’s God, right? So, so, and the laws that were set, you know, that God created all the laws of this world, right? Sorry, the the natural laws, which say, and I believe he created the economic laws of this world, right? So, and, and there’s good evidence for that. It’s not just a, you know, just a blanket statement, trust me, like we, you know, we told you it was this. So believe us, you know that that, I mean, we’re obviously going to go into a totally different thing. But the world of, you know, Christian apologetics and evidence, which this Christian economics, kind of also kind of overlaps with, it’s not just like these statements that you know we’re right and you’re wrong. Just trust us. You know, there’s a lot of, you know, natural world evidence for this stuff. So, you know, as a Christian, I argue these laws of economics are, you know, the ones that God himself put in place. And he put them in place for a reason, and they’re not in conflict with ethical sort of. The moral laws that he also put in place, and they applied, all of humanity, and all of humanity is welcome. You know, it’s not a case of like, Hey, this is for us, and that’s for you over there. It’s a totally different story, whether you believe it, and you know, whether you’re, you know, saved and all these sorts of things. But you know, and God’s, you know, in the Old Testament is blessed many people that that weren’t Israel as well. So it was never even like only the Jews get the benefits of this. No, it was something that was meant to benefit all of humanity.

Gene Tunny  50:34

Okay, interesting perspective, Darren. I love to come back to that. I mean, I but, yeah, let’s, let’s, let’s leave that there. I want to know what’s your main argument in your article? What’s the main thesis of your of your piece on for in this wire competition volume?

Darren Brady Nelson  50:56

Yeah. I mean, what you know, basic competition is a good thing. Very good. It’s a good thing economically, like efficiency wise, but it’s also good ethically. That’s, that’s, that’s in a nutshell the argument and I, and I draw from, I think, the best of mainstream economic because I’m not in there. In my antitrust article, I was criticizing mainstream economics, and this one, I was just taking some of the good stuff that I thought, you know, it’s still not in conflict with free markets or Christian economics, and just kind of tying it all together to go, yes, competition is a good thing. Yeah,

Gene Tunny  51:28

why were you critical of mainstream economics in that antitrust article?

Darren Brady Nelson  51:34

Well, we can consider a link to it, but you know, even some of the languages that it uses, it kind of presupposes that competitions, you know, either an unattainable thing, and thus government has to intervene, or it’s, you know, using words like power, you know, like, that’s, you know, like, well, free markets aren’t about power, really. They’re about, you know, voluntary exchanges, you know, they’re not the use of power, right? You know, no one’s forcing you to do anything. So, you know, market power. Look, I can understand it, and I there’s some validity to it. I’m not saying there isn’t a beast that’s kind of like that, but to use the word power is almost kind of misleading. And obviously, you know, like using a benchmark, like perfect competition, that they, on the one hand, acknowledge can never really exist, but at the same time using that to judge actual markets, which is what they all do. The a, Triple C does it. The the Department of Justice does it. They all use the same benchmark to go to then intervene. It’s like, Well, you said that this isn’t possible, that you’re using it as a as an excuse to intervene. That’s why I’m getting and you’ll see that in my antitrust article, which is, you know, available, yeah, so

Gene Tunny  52:50

you against all economic regulation, all antitrust action. Is that the position? Um,

Darren Brady Nelson  52:57

yeah, okay, not sure enough. It’s been misused and abused so much that I think it’s not something you know, and it’s usually political, even in Australia, but it’s more so in the US. It’s usually used against people who actually, really, you know, like, even, you know, the people that they supposed like Standard Oil. Well, okay, fine, Standard Oil, at the time, dominated its market. That’s true. But guess what? Prices were going down and quality and quantities were going up. So why were you intervening? Because even under, supposedly under the anti trust laws, you know, even if you are deemed a monopoly, that’s not good enough, you have to be abusing your monopoly power, and if your prices are going down, you’re not really abusing your monopoly power, yeah, yet, yet, they intervene, right?

Gene Tunny  53:48

And I saw in your your article, you had that chart about how all of the the industries that are heavily regulated, their prices have gone up at a faster rate than general prices, than CPI inflation, I think that’s, you know, that’s, that’s certainly something that advocates for regulation need to explain. I mean, the case they’ll make, of course, is that, well, they would have gone up even further if we weren’t regulating. So, you know, what’s the counterfactual? That’s what they’ll that’s what they’ll argue, I suppose, and I

Darren Brady Nelson  54:21

but the thing is, they go up. If you got out of there and you allowed them to go up, and you weren’t getting in the way with all your regulations, they’re good. Someone’s going to come into that market. And I’ll tell you that, you know what? They won’t even do it because, you know, I forgot what that limit. I think it’s limit pricing or something like, you know, we’re monopolists. Are always on the lookout for, oh, if I raise them too much, I’m going to get an entrant, right. So, so, yeah, I don’t know. And the antitrust authorities never go after the regulations that help people monopolize or cartelize their industries. So they basically, they hurt, they make it. They create. It in one hand, not necessarily the antitrust authorities themselves. Government creates these monopolies and cartels and then no pretends to come to the rescue, you know, with the antitrust authority, right?

Gene Tunny  55:10

So you don’t believe in the whole natural monopoly argument, do you? I think we might have chatted about that in

Darren Brady Nelson  55:15

a mainstream economist like Bom will, kind of, you know, kind of heavily question that too, and I believe he’s correct. You know, like, because you know, if you got a natural monopoly, and if you’re you can really produce at a lower cost than two or more others. So what you know, you know, basically the arguments like, so what you know, like, if, but you know, if you can’t, then someone’s going to enter your market unless there’s a, you know, a government created barrier to entry. So even bolmo, you know, mainstream economists recognize that. But even

Gene Tunny  55:50

for water infrastructure or electricity infrastructure, if

Darren Brady Nelson  55:55

you’re a natural monopoly, why do you then, why do you need the regulations that make you a natural monopoly? So you’re not a natural monopoly, you’re a government created monopoly. So monopoly like 99 out of 100 times, right? So, so prove to me that you’re a natural monopoly. Take away the regulations that don’t allow anybody to compete, and then if no one’s competing, then let’s, let’s, you know, then, then the regulator maybe does his thing in that situation. But it never happens that way. They always create the monopoly, or the cartel, and then the regulator comes afterwards. That’s exactly what happened in the US. You know, there was competition in water and sewage, there’s competition in electricity, natural gas, railroads, all the rest. And then some of them couldn’t hack the competition, and they went to get franchise monopolies, and in return for that, you had to have a regulator. Okay, so history is against this concept of net, and they invented the concept decades afterwards, you know. So that’s suspicious in itself, you know. So don’t know. I don’t believe in natural at all, please. Okay,

Gene Tunny  56:55

that’s interesting. That’s good to good to explore these things and and discuss them. One thing I do like about what Lena Khan’s been doing, although she’s getting sacked. I mean, she won’t be appointed. I think Donald Trump will have a different federal trade commission chair. She’s going after the companies that lock you into Subscriptions. Okay? I think that’s a that’s a that’s a really good regulatory action, and Australia is looking at doing that too. The the fact that you sign up to something online, and it’s easy for you to sign up, you give them your and you give them your credit card, but if you want to cancel your subscription, you have to ring someone up. They just make it incredibly difficult to cancel a subscription. And what Lena Khan said is, no, it’s got to be as easy to cancel as it is to sign up. And I think Australia is going to adopt the same thing. I think that is a really good thing to do, because it’s terrible how they do that. And companies which should know better, which should have which should protect their reputation, like the Economist newspaper or magazine in London does that too. I mean, the, you know, the Murdoch papers do it, but okay, probably expect that from them, but for the economists to do it, that’s just disgraceful. So I think that’s actually a good initiative of of the regulatory state, so to speak. If

Darren Brady Nelson  58:23

I wouldn’t be surprised if there was some regulation that made it easy for them to do that in the first place, because that’s usually what happens, usually because, because the regulatory states just constantly building on itself and has all these unintended consequences. You know, just unintended consequences built on unintended consequences, etc, etc, and it’s constantly overriding the common law that would probably would have dealt with that, you know, in a more efficient manner once upon a time, but the common laws been almost just pushed out the door. You know that that would usually not be, you know that would usually break contract law because you didn’t come, you didn’t come to a contract. You know, you can’t just, like, assume I’ve subscribed to your your service, something like that. That’s not how normal contracts work, right? So I would suspect that the, you know, the regulatory states, come to the rescue after it actually created the problem the first place. But I don’t know that for a fact. I’m just those things, having worked around this sort of stuff for 30 years, it’s usually the case, but I can’t say for sure. Well,

Gene Tunny  59:26

I think it’s good to be have that suspicion that you have that as something you certainly want to investigate. I agree there that that’s worth that’s certainly worth considering. Okay, Darren Brodie Nelson, we’ll have to wrap up soon. Any final thoughts, anything you want to come back to to discuss,

Darren Brady Nelson  59:43

oh no, look, you know, appreciate the time, and it’s always fun to kind of, you know, cover, you know, quite different topics. And I imagine, I don’t mean I can’t imagine, there’s too many sort of two economists talking about the kind of variety of stuff that we tend to talk about.

Gene Tunny  1:00:00

Well, I don’t know. I mean, maybe, maybe not, from the angles we talk about them from. I think certainly the the unexpected, the unexpected angles that that we come at things from, I think is, yeah, that that may be that may be unique. Anyway, Darren, it’s always, always a pleasure, and enjoy getting your insights and into what’s happening in the in the US particular. And yeah, well, thanks again for appearing on the show, and look forward to speaking with you in the future. Thank you.

Darren Brady Nelson  1:00:38

Thank you for having me.

Credits

Thanks to the show’s sponsor, Gene’s consultancy business, www.adepteconomics.com.au. Full transcripts are available a few days after the episode is first published at www.economicsexplored.com. Economics Explored is available via Apple Podcasts and other podcasting platforms.

Categories
Podcast episode

Economic Freedom and Efficiency: Lessons from Australia’s Competition Reforms – EP244

Gene Tunny is joined by Darren Brady Nelson to discuss the evolution of competition policy in Australia over the past few decades. Darren draws on his experience as an economist in the NSW Treasury and the Queensland Competition Authority. Gene and Darren reflect on the successes of the original National Competition Policy reforms and assess the more limited scope of the subsequent competition policy review. Darren analyzes CPI data to understand rising living costs and argues for reducing government interventions. The conversation also covers unintended policy consequences (e.g. fraud in disability services provision), the US Founding Fathers’ vision for limited government, and debates around the appropriate roles and sizes of government in Australia and the US. 

If you have any questions, comments, or suggestions, please email us at contact@economicsexplored.com  or send a voice message via https://www.speakpipe.com/economicsexplored

You can listen to the episode via the embedded player below or via podcasting apps including Google PodcastsApple Podcast and Spotify.

What’s covered in EP244

  • Australian competition policy history and reforms. (0:00)
  • Free market competition and its impact on living standards. (7:56)
  • Economic policy and its impact on individuals, including a tragic story from Karen Chester illustrating the costs of high tariffs. (12:31)
  • Economic policy reforms in Australia during the 1980s and 1990s, including the Hilmer report and National Competition Policy (16:08)
  • The benefits and costs of National Competition Policy in Australia. (23:36)
  • Sequels and the original, with examples from movies and economics. (31:51)
  • Competition policy and its benefits, challenges, and potential reforms in Australia. (35:27)
  • Cost of living and government interventions. (40:12)
  • Government intervention in various sectors, including energy, childcare, and alcohol/tobacco. (44:42)
  • Government policies and their unintended consequences, including fraud in disability support programs. (49:23)
  • The size and role of government in Australia and the US, focusing on the founding fathers’ intentions. (53:43)
  • Competition policy in Australia and the US, focusing on regulation and deregulation. (1:00:10)
  • Economics, regulation, and antitrust law with a focus on Australia and the US. (1:06:07)

Takeaways

  1. National Competition Policy (NCP) significantly improved economic efficiency and consumer benefits in Australia.
  2. Reforms under NCP included corporatization and privatization of government-owned businesses, and opening up markets such as telecommunications and airlines to competition, leading to lower prices and better services in many cases.
  3. Despite being from a traditionally left-wing political party, the Hawke-Keating Government was crucial in initiating market-friendly reforms.
  4. Future competition policy reforms face challenges due to political and lobbying pressures, especially in regulated sectors like pharmacies.
  5. Transparent and rational community service obligations were key to ensuring fair distribution of competition policy benefits. 

Lumo Coffee promotion

10% of Lumo Coffee’s Seriously Healthy Organic Coffee until 30 June 2024.

Website: https://www.lumocoffee.com/10EXPLORED 

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Links relevant to the conversation

Where you can find Darren’s submission to the Productivity Commission’s National Competition Policy analysis inquiry:

https://www.pc.gov.au/inquiries/current/competition-analysis/submissions

AFR article “PC’s Karen Chester’s love of economics born of despair” (pay-walled):

https://www.afr.com/politics/pcs-karen-chesters-love-of-economics-born-of-despair-20161206-gt4poh

Whitlam Era book featuring Gene’s article on Whitlam and the Economy:

https://www.connorcourtpublishing.com.au/THE-WHITLAM-ERA-A-REAPPRAISAL-OF-GOVERNMENT-POLITICS-AND-POLICY_p_511.html

Productivity Commission’s 2005 NCP review:

https://www.pc.gov.au/inquiries/completed/national-competition-policy/report/ncp.pdf

Episode featuring John Nantz, Free Markets & Limited Government: Lessons from the Founding Fathers for Today  – EP218: 

https://economicsexplored.com/2023/12/14/free-markets-limited-government-lessons-from-the-founding-fathers-for-today-ep218/

Transcript: Economic Freedom and Efficiency: Lessons from Australia’s Competition Reforms – EP244

N.B. This is a lightly edited version of a transcript originally created using the AI application otter.ai. It may not be 100 percent accurate, but should be pretty close. If you’d like to quote from it, please check the quoted segment in the recording.

Darren Brady Nelson  00:03

socialism ultimately doesn’t work because it doesn’t create prices, right? It doesn’t have prices give that, you know, and to also jump into high IQ, you know, because prices obviously this mix of information and incentives at the exact same time, right? When government does something, you can pretend to have prices, just like the Soviet Union pretended to have prices, but they weren’t real, you know, they didn’t need to reflect, you know, allocation of resources they didn’t, you know, they certainly didn’t inform entrepreneurs or consumers properly and all that sort of stuff.

Gene Tunny  00:42

Welcome to the economics explored podcast, a frank and fearless exploration of important economic issues. I’m your host, Gene Tunny. I’m a professional economist and former Australian Treasury official. The aim of this show is to help you better understand the big economic issues affecting all our lives. We do this by considering the theory evidence and by hearing a wide range of views. I’m delighted that you can join me for this episode, please check out the show notes for relevant information. Now on to the show. Hello, and thanks for tuning in to the show this episode, we’re going to be talking about national competition policy. But before we get into it, I’ve got to let you know this episode is brought to you by LUMO. Coffee seriously healthy or Ganic. Coffee. There’s a 10% discount for economics explored listeners, you can find the details in the show notes, the promo code is 10. explored, that’s in all caps. So definitely check it out. I couldn’t recommend it. Right. Oh, we’d better get into the show. I’m joined today by Darren Brady Nelson. Darren, good to have you back on the show. It’s been a while.

Darren Brady Nelson  01:51

Yeah. Good to be back. Good to see you. And yeah, I’m pretty excited about the topic. It’s a good one, one, near and dear to my heart.

Gene Tunny  02:01

Yeah. Well, let’s, let’s talk about that. Darren, I mean, you’ve got a background in competition policy, haven’t you from your time in New South Wales, treasury and elsewhere? Can you tell us a bit about that place?

Darren Brady Nelson  02:11

Yeah, essentially, it was my first job at a university at New South Wales treasury, an economist and you know, 1995 when national competition policy kicked off, so, you know, absolutely great time to join something like New South Wales treasury, because at that stage, you know, the Commonwealth wasn’t really doing much on that front. Because, I mean, it was the state who had all sort of the government businesses and a lot of that stuff that needed the reform international competition policy. And, you know, obviously, New South Wales being the biggest state, not I mean, that doesn’t necessarily mean they will lead the way on things, but at the time, they were because, you know, both labour and liberal were kind of, you know, amenable to these types of reforms. And at the time, that was Bob Carr’s Labour government, and in particular, you know, I’d say the late great treasurer, Michael Egan, you know, was was in charge, and he was, you know, very, very instrumental and very interested in these reforms. Gotcha.

Gene Tunny  03:12

Okay. So let’s might be good to just go over some of the history of competition policy. So by competition policy, we mean, measures to promote greater competition, because generally, competition I mean, there’s competition is a good thing in terms of making the serve the economy more efficient, we get cheaper services, cheaper goods, generally better quality, too. So there’s a there’s, there’s a virtue, a competition is a virtue. And it before that we had back in Australia, we had this. I mean, we were very highly regulated. We had a lot of government owned businesses, I suppose. You know, we still have some, but could you paint a picture? Darren, what was what were things like before national competition policy here in Australia? Well, to be fair,

Darren Brady Nelson  04:00

actually, things were already moving in that direction. As you would probably recall to with, you know, the Hawke Keating government’s Minister, you know, I remember people, you know, particularly liberals or whatever he said, kind of say, I can’t remember exact phrase, but basically, they were doing the sort of reforms that the Liberals should have done but they didn’t do under like, Malcolm Fraser. And so, now, how can Keating kicked off a lot of great stuff, you know, typically, I think banking and financial forms, you know, various sort of international trade reforms, currency reforms, labour reforms, and then, you know, sort of the competition policy, you know, kind of came out of that. I think so, it was also perhaps inspired by what was happening with Roger nomics. In New Zealand, and also what was happening, you know, in the UK with under Thatcher and the US under Reagan. You know, as experts As you know, what was happening, you know, in the 70s, and prior to that, but I understand, I think you have a better handle on that. But, you know, just how uncompetitive and protected markets were both domestically and internationally, including, you know, obviously, you know, the the two airline policy, the one big monopoly of what was it called prior to tell strike anywhere? Telecom? Telecom? Yeah. So I think, yeah, the telecom sort of reforms have been right before national competition policy, but then they kind of rolled into competition policy as well. And, um, you know, later on, kind of when competition policy, maybe five years or something after that, things like airports started to kind of roll in as well. So the regional competition policy was very much focused on infrastructure, in particular, government owned infrastructure, at state level in particular, but, you know, maybe to a lesser extent, local government, we can kind of touch on that. But, you know, terms of what Queensland did some interesting stuff that the other states didn’t do, in terms of competition policy, for instance, basically, in a nutshell, they they copied what was happening at the federal level, and, and basically tried to incentivize local governments to do sort of similar reforms, you know, with water and sewerage and various other sorts of local government owned businesses, or least local government heavily regulated businesses. And a key component about national competition policy, maybe, I don’t think this was with the other earlier reforms, and they haven’t really done it since is the Commonwealth made payments available? So they basically had these incentive payments, combination of incentives and, and compensation because, you know, to reform something, it’s not cost free, obviously, you know, to reform these things, you know, cost some money to do it in the first place. And then Queensland replicated that model and had money on offer for local governments. So after New South Wales treasury, I worked for the Queensland competition authority, and they were in charge of that programme, that national competition policy where state interacts and incentivize local government. So and I don’t think any of the other states did that. So definitely, you know, we’ll get to this. But you know, if any, if there’s a national competition policy 3.0, I think you have to have that sort of payment system in place, which was at the national level was run by the national competition Council. And then, you know, the QC just kind of replicated that sort of model. And we can obviously, at some stage, you know, I think we first met around the time the national competition policy 2.0 was happening with the Harper review. Yeah. So, yeah. It just for the audience in the Hilmer review was a thing that first led to the original competition policy. As you obviously recall, yeah.

Gene Tunny  07:56

Hmm. You know, we might talk about that in a minute. I just want to go over some of the background. So you mentioned Hawke and Keating. And that’s right, that was a very Suppose you say reformist government or it. And it was a very brave government because it was a Labour government. And so Labour’s traditionally the left wing party in Australia, but yet it fell upon the Hawke and Keating governments in the 80s and 90s, to adopt reforms that you would think you will do their free mark there in the direction of the free market, which was terrific and cutting tariffs and you’re reforming markets. So ending to airline policy, financial deregulation, and that two airline policy, there’s a great story. Well, it’s a terrible story really, when you think about it, but it’s a story by Karen Chester, who was deputy head of the a triple C poor car and got into a bit of trouble early this year. I’m not sure where that that’s all that there was some controversy, but we’ll just ignore that for the moment. She because she’s a great economist and she’s a former Queenslander, she, she told the story at the 75th anniversary or 70th anniversary of the Economics Department at UQ. Customs House whereby when her grandfather, there was a grandfather died in in Perth in the early 80s. And you know that her mother, they were living out of Salisbury or somewhere there her mother couldn’t afford to fly over to the funeral because of the high cost of airfares in real terms because of the restriction of competition. And I mean, I don’t know if you converted it to today’s dollars that it’d be in the 1000s of editor you know, it’d be very costly to fly to would it be very costly to fly from Brisbane to Perth? I think it was Perth back in those days. So it’s just you know, it was just extraordinarily costly and caused all sorts of social problems that that terrible policy so I think that was something that was worth definitely worth reforming. I think that was Karen Chester I’m sorry if it if it was at Cardiff, I’ve got the story wrong but that’s that’s the That’s what I remember something you know, there was a vivid story I may have the facts a bit distorted but it was out very real, real story that just struck me Oh, that’s a that’s a really good example of just how poor economic policy can cost people. So I think that’s, that’s a good illustration. And then I always remember how we always used to have it I would be told I don’t make have to longer phone call with your, your maid in Brisbane is when I was living in Townsville, because of the cost of the cost of the phone calls. The secret subscriber Trump dial dialling phone calls STD calls, just ridiculous when you think about it now, and we’ve managed to reform and bring all of those costs down?

Darren Brady Nelson  10:49

Well, yeah, just to jump off of that, I mean, you know, free market competition is the greatest, you know, sort of mechanism there is for alleviating poverty, for you know, getting rid of it to for the most part, I mean, I mean, you’re not going to get rid of relative if you like, you know, the relative poverty, like, you know, someone has more stuff than me, but, you know, to actually lower costs and make things that were previously unaffordable, affordable. You know, that’s obviously what happened, you know, with the industrial revolution, you know, sort of in England, and then spreads throughout, you know, sort of the English speaking world and Western Europe. And obviously, that’s the same sort of thing that China allowed to happen to, you know, to a much greater degree, you know, I guess, roughly sort of early 90s, I guess, to about the GFC, roughly, you know, so, obviously, that everybody knows how many people, you know, people know that there’s a lot of people were lifted out of poverty through that process as well. And always works, you know, so, you know, some people have this impression, if you allow markets to kind of operate more with less regulations and less tax, that that somehow just makes the rich richer, and the poor, poor, it’s the exact opposite. You know, it’s usually the cartels and stuff, that’s, you know, sort of, I mean, will create, if you like, more unearned wealth, you know, amongst a smaller batch of people, whereas, you know, sure, there’ll be millionaires and billionaires, if you like, under a free market competition system, but they would have earned it like Steve Jobs learned by just providing a good product at a reasonable price, an innovative product, you know, of a high quality product, all that sort of stuff. Yeah, yeah,

Gene Tunny  12:32

yeah, exactly. Exactly. I’ve just found the story about Karen Chester in the financial review, so I’ll link it in the show notes. It’s a it’s a really, you know, incredible illustration, but it was about her. It was about a mother. So Miss Chester’s mother had squirrelled squirrelled away her savings for two years in hopes of buying a return ticket to Perth from their home in the Daggy Brisbane suburb of Salisbury to visit her own mother for the last time, but the cost of clothing was three times higher in real terms than it is today with tariffs of more than 40%. And domestic air travel was four times more costly. Under the two airline policy, a perfect storm for my mother who ended up riding the squirrel tin to reclaim this no flight to Paris. She never saw her mother again. This Chester’s told the conference. And that’s just the that’s just a tragic, you know, really sad story and just shows the human cost of bad economic policy. So, you know, a lot of people accuse us like they accused me I’m always being accused or you’re a neoliberal or You’re heartless. You’re an economic rationalist. And I just pushed back well, okay, these, actually, the policies you’re advocating for are the Heartless policies, right?

Darren Brady Nelson  13:44

Yeah, well, look, if they’re calling you that, I don’t know what they’re calling me. Even more free market, if you like. There was a piece I wrote for this either came in financial review. One of the editors is our mutual friend, Dr. Dan Mitchell. And yeah, so I wrote this piece that, you know, it’s about more than than competition policy, but certainly competition policy played a big role. But in there, I kind of look back, you know, certainly the 1980s. But also start out with a little bit. I was trying to remember the term but I found it and I wrote about it. You probably heard this term, the Australian settlement. Yeah. Yeah. Which apparently was from the early 1900s to the early 1970s. And to actually be fair, interestingly enough, I think some of that tariff reform that you mentioned, actually started under Whitlam deity. Interestingly enough, yeah. Somewhat, you know, you might even think it counterintuitive, I guess. So, you know, that could be also something you could possibly link to, if I can find if I can find a link to it. Yeah. Well, I can tell you that. Yeah, sorry. Go. I can

Gene Tunny  14:58

tell you about the Australian settled because that was Paul Kelly’s conceptualization of it in the classic book about the reforms in the 80s called the end of certainty. And I mean, his thesis was that what we had from your right from around the, from Federation through to the, essentially the early 80s, although it started to be dismantled in the 70s was the Australian settlement. There were three elements of it. And I think it’s three, they’re basically the tariff protection. And then there was the was a conciliation and arbitration, the, you know, the living wage or the, you know, the heavy regulation in the labour market. And then the third element of it was controversially White Australia Policy.

Darren Brady Nelson  15:43

Oh, okay. That was the third. Okay. I didn’t write about that. I wrote about the, the Labour and the tariffs. 

Gene Tunny  15:50

It was, I think that was the third element. But yeah, and essentially, we had to abolish the White Australia policy, because it’s obviously it’s abhorrent, really. And it’s, it’s against the UN convention or whatever we signed. And, and therefore, after that, we then like the in the 70s. So the Whitlam I mean, for all his faults, I mean, I wrote a chapter on the Whitlam government in Scott Price’s book on the Whitlam era. And, I mean, look, they were irresponsible in in many ways, but they did a lot of good things, too. They actually started the reform of government owned businesses. That was when they broke up the old Postmaster General’s department, we had a big government department that delivered the mail and also took care of telecommunications. So they broke that up and formed Australia Post and telecom, which then pave the way to corporatization and then privatisation of Telstra. And then they also cut they had a 25% tariff cut. And that was recommended by Nicholas Gruen’s father. So Nick’s been on the show before I work with him a lot, really great economist, his brother, David runs ABS, I worked for David to back in the Treasury. And there, you know, Nick and David’s dad, he recommended a 25% tariff cut, but that was lodged from what I can tell. Part of it was for micro economic reasons. But another part of it was for macro economic reasons, because the government was involved in embarked on this huge expansion of the federal government. And if you want to make sure you’ve got the resources to do that, you want to you want to get some of them from input. So you need to take pressure off the domestic economy by allowing greater imports, which is and the way to do that is by cutting tariffs. So it was partly for macro reasons, too.

Darren Brady Nelson  17:28

But there was also the in a fixed exchange rate era. Yeah,

Gene Tunny  17:32

yeah, exactly. Yeah. Yeah. So there’s a I mean, it’s a whole different world, the way they thought about economic policy back then it’s, yeah, it’s a really different era. And then we go into the end of the 80s. And yep, you’re right. We have those, those great reforms from Hawke and Keating are backed by John Howard and the opposition. So credit all around. And then we get to Hilmer. So can you tell us a bit about the Hilmer report? who like it was Fred Hilmer? Wasn’t he was a professor, was he a professor at UNSW? Or I knew or somewhere?

Darren Brady Nelson  18:04

Um, yeah, look, I wasn’t involved, you know, like, I came in afterwards. And obviously, I read the report. And yeah, but you’re right, your, your memory is correct, he’s, he was a professor at UNSW. I don’t know, the whole genesis of that, that’s something I’ve never kind of really looked into. I kind of came in, you know, to make it up, you know, to, to, you know, put it into operation. So, I got in, you know, as like a, you know, brand new, you know, baby economist, and I was helping, you know, sort of implement that from, you know, the state of New South Wales point of view. And in particular, I was involved in kind of all aspects of it, but I in particular, was involved in competitive neutrality, if you remember, remember that there was kind of all these, basically, everything was trying to achieve, I think you alluded to, or maybe even said, it was trying to, you know, move things in the direction of competition, if you like, are allowed to move into the direction of competition. But, you know, it had, you know, you know, Hilmer made recommendations, I’m pretty sure most of it was accepted. And it was turned into these these agreements that were between the Commonwealth and the States. And they came up with things like model legislation that I think they, they wouldn’t run to the state of South Australia, for some reason, I don’t know, the whole reason why South Australia, but then you all the states would have the same, you know, pass the same sort of act. And it also involves, you know, sort of, as you mentioned, these incentive payments, which was, I think, crucial, you know, that I think the agreements were great, obviously, legislation was was important and part of that these various competition policy acts around the around the country, and it had certain aspects competitive neutrality, which was about, you know, you know, government businesses competing on a level playing field. Basically, they had all these different mechanisms for making sure that you know, that they had, for instance, tax equivalence, so they weren’t paying for Commonwealth income tax, so they had to have like an equivalent of it. I think it even got to a point where the ATR was actually the one, you know, processing that, but they were actually just giving the money right back to the relevant state.

Gene Tunny  20:15

You mean, the Australian Taxation Office?

Darren Brady Nelson  20:18

Ato, you’re right. Yeah. Yeah. HR that’s in the United States called the Americans for tax reform, not the same place. Yeah.

Gene Tunny  20:27

Just for clarity, the reason that they didn’t have like, they technically didn’t have to pay income tax, but all the corporate company tax because these businesses were owned by state governments, and state governments under the Constitution. I think there was a famous high court case, that rule that the Commonwealth can impose taxes on state governments or state owned entities, is that the case? And so they had to effectively pretend to pay tax? Correct?

Darren Brady Nelson  20:53

Great. Yeah. And they were also a few, like, pretending to pay dividends and stuff to shareholders. So you know, they corporatize them, and the shareholders were, like, you know, often the New South Wales treasurer and some other Minister, that type of thing. So that, you know, I mean, keep that, in reality wasn’t the really big thing. You know, it was like, you know, particularly when they, but it was all part of the process of, you know, like, Victoria kind of went down further path of privatising some of the other states didn’t do that they kind of corporatized and tried to make it so that, you know, they were no longer kind of a monopoly in their market, or, or if they were in there that, you know, they weren’t just dominated with a whole bunch of government advantages of various sorts. So, so can we better tune it neutrality was kind of my thing, in particular, at first, and then even when I went to the TCA, that was kind of the first thing I was starting to do there was to be involved in, you know, there sort of opera operationalizing competitive neutrality in Queensland, and then then kind of moved into more of the trying to get the local governments to do their sort of, if you like, their fair share of reforms, you know, because they had government owned businesses of various sorts, particularly water and sewage in particular, but it wasn’t, there was other ones as well, there was, you know, various waste management and all sorts of other stuff, too. So, you know, and I think they also had things like a more formalised, look, if you’re going to keep these things, and you’re going to designate these things as monopolies, well, then you need to have like a proper regulatory system, you know, proper regulator goes through a process that doesn’t just rubber stamp you, you know, gold plating your networks, and that’s, you know, charging people high prices. So, you know, wasn’t a perfect system, but, you know, considering what, you know, what, you know, what it was prior to that it was a huge improvement. And unfortunately, you know, we can cover, you know, when the Harper review camera, I’ll have a review, really, it was very unheroic. And it was like, mainly tweaking, if you like, Australia’s version of antitrust laws, you know, basically, you know, a triple C related, you know, competitive conduct related laws. Although another thing that happened, the first NCP was they opened up, they allowed I believe government businesses could they were subject to the a triple C’s, anti competitive conduct laws. So, you know, government, unless it was literally, you know, Crown activities, you know, actual government activities and not actually business activities. The actual business activities, whether they corporatize it or not, could be subject to a triple C’s jurisdiction.

Gene Tunny  23:36

Okay. And now in terms of the businesses that were affected, we had and you talked about corporatization and so that’s when effectively the government, it takes the the operations out of a government agency or a board. So been in Queensland oil in Queensland and other parts of Australia. We had electricity delivered by boards. We had the southeast Queensland electricity board the North Queensland electricity board, Norquist, that’s the one I remember growing up. And, you know, it’s effectively a gap

Darren Brady Nelson  24:06

veterans Pacific power in New South Wales. Yeah.

Gene Tunny  24:09

And then and they, their government agencies delivering these, you know, these utility services. And, and, you know, I mean, I think, you know, I mean, the power would certainly had power. I mean, I think we used to have more blackouts back then or brownouts and things, partly because of industrial action at times that the theory is or and I think there is evidence that supports this, that generally in businesses where there’s that heavy government involvement or overlay or control, they’re less efficient, there’s more tendency to overstaffing. And the quality of service is lower now, you know, and so I’m very sympathetic to that. And so, you know, I guess businesses that were corporatized electricity, businesses, ports and railways, et cetera, and then private As a nation, something else and privatisation can be controversial. Maybe we can talk about that later. But what do you see? What do you think that whole period that national competition policy period was a success? How do you how do you rate it? Darren?

Darren Brady Nelson  25:15

Yeah, look, I think overall, you know, kind of using it, like, I’ve seen a lot of economists like to kind of think in terms of cost benefit analysis, I think it was clearly, you know, quite a big death benefit. I mean, the Productivity Commission, you know, did did a number of studies over the years, I think they did one kind of originally 9095 kind of predicting what it might look like, and then they did, they did a kind of an impact analysis in 99, and then did another one. And 2005. And, but I remember, I believe I was looking at the one 2005. And, and, you know, they were they kind of looked at them, they factored in, you know, the, the incentive payments, for instance, because, you know, that should be a part of the costs, obviously, but, you know, they came to some conclusion that it was basically the, the net benefits were essentially about 100 times the costs, you know, so we’re talking kind of, you know, biblical proportions of net benefits, we’re not talking about like, just slightly of net benefit, which you still might do anyway, you know, if it’s, if it’s somewhat a net benefit, you know, because obviously, cost benefit analysis doesn’t make the decision for you necessarily, but it might suggest, hey, look, it’s it’s got a net benefit may not be a big one, you know, then maybe do it, but this ended up being, you know, just amazing, you know, even though that it still had plenty of flaws and could have been done better. But yeah, it was, you know, just the GDP return through, you know, a lot of price reductions, basically, you know, particularly in these infra infrastructure related entities, which, you know, we’re electricity, gas, rail, all sorts of ports, I there was even airports came into it eventually. Just it was amazing, you know, you know, it was ran for about a 10 year period and, and the returns, you know, to the Australian economy, and particularly, you know, going back to your point about you know, just like sort of middle class and lower and lower income people just got amazing benefits out of it because of the low prices and you know, not just a low prices, but the better quality and the better service and all that that came with it, more quantities of things, etc.

Gene Tunny  27:24

Yeah. So what I’ll do is I’ll put a link in the show notes to the Productivity Commission’s 2005 review of NCP where they go over a lot of the empirical evidence and they conclude that benefits from NCP from national competition policy have flowed to both low and high income earners, and to country as well as city, Australia, though some households have been adversely affected by how higher prices for particular services and some smaller regional communities have experienced employment reductions. So I guess what they’re getting at there is that I mean, to it, to an extent some of these efficiency reforms meant that some consumers who were being cross subsidised in the past had to pay more for services such as electricity or water or whatever, or rail services actually. And rail services is a good illustration, I mean, bad illustration for these communities that were affected. But I mean, one of the things the Labour government here in Queensland had to do and they copped out and to their credit, they copped a lot. They copped a lot of criticism for this, because this was against their, you know, their voting base in a way. They ended up having to rationalise the railway services in the 90s. This was the GaAs Labour government, which is completely you know, it was a it was very rational, economic, it was, you know, it had a really good framework. It’s different from the current, you know, previous subsequent Labour governments that that we’ve had here in Queensland, very different flavour. But it basically rationalised a lot of those passenger rail services to far flung places in Queensland where there’s just no one, you know, there might be one or two people cashing the train or maybe no one on some services. So they cut a lot of those services that was hugely controversial. And also they scaled down railway workshops in different parts of the state where there wasn’t really the work to be done. And again, very controversial. And so I guess what I’m trying to say is that these measures, while we think, you know, they’re generally for the whole community, they’re a good thing, they will have some impacts, there could be some people who are adversely affected when we don’t want to be to, you know, just see the world through rose coloured glasses. So that’s just one point I’d make there. Do you have any thoughts on that? Darren?

Darren Brady Nelson  29:39

Well, the Productivity Commission is you kind of, you know, mentioned or certainly alluded to, I mean, they did distributional sort of analysis as well. So it wasn’t it like a straight up to Australia getting that benefit, you know, you have to obviously go a little bit more disaggregated than that and they did, but also part of the competition policy. A key part of it was community service obligations. So basically to take a more a more transparent and rational approach to subsidising stuff. So, you know, at the end of the day governments could make, you know, could like justify with sensible, you know, like they go look at it and go look, there’s, there’s, there’s these externalities, there’s these public good aspects, but at least it made it more transparent and you kind of could, and then you could see it on the books, okay, this is what we’re spending on it, and you can make a better decision. If you’re, you know, fine, we’re going to keep this going. But here’s, here’s the costs and benefits associated with it. So, you know, cost benefit analysis and community service obligations. were, you know, a thread is well, throughout NCP. So, I think, you know, I think, you know, that should make it also, again, if they bring it back, if you use that sort of stuff again, yeah, it should make it more attractive to, you know, abroad, sort of basic constituents. So, yeah, you know, that that’s certainly hopefully something that if they do go ahead with an NCP, three 3.0, which obviously, we don’t know if they will or not, because Productivity Commission is currently just doing kind of analysis, sort of like they did in 1995. Except that 95 Everybody agreed to do it. But so they said, Okay, everybody’s agreed to do was kind of like project what this might look like, was now, it’s not a done deal that they’re actually going to do it. But the Productivity Commission has been given a tough task to kind of like, a very tough task, because they knew exactly what NCP was was going to entail. And then they tried it and it’s still not an easy job, then forecast what that will look like over the next 10 years. But now they got a harder task, like, well, what is NCP might entail? And let’s try to forecast what that’s going to look like in terms of, you know, the benefits and costs and distributions of that. Yeah, yeah, we

Gene Tunny  31:51

might talk about that in just a bit lighter because I want to talk about NCP two first, but you do make a good point. And I think what the PC is hoping and they sort of this is suggested in the terms of reference for that NCP three inquiry that the government or the the Council for federal financial relations or whatever it is, there’s some body that represents the states and the Commonwealth is going to give it a programme for reform, but based on you know, my, I guess we can talk about this later, but I’m not hopeful it’ll be very comprehensive. I think it’ll be pretty high level and it’ll be it’ll be challenging for them. So we’re gonna talk about that a bit later. But I want to ask you about what like, we talked about NCP one, and then there’s NCP two so is this a? Is this the traditional case where the original is better than the sequel? It’s not like Empire Strikes Back or Godfather Part Two, like, this is a case where the original is actually better than the sequel? Yeah.

Darren Brady Nelson  32:48

I’m not sure if nothing jumped in my head. Where is it? What’s a good move example where the original is like, far, far, far, far better than the sequel? Because that’s what the case was NCP to

Gene Tunny  32:59

Georgia thinks the classic example Halloween. You’re

Darren Brady Nelson  33:01

right. Actually, jaws would be a good one.

Gene Tunny  33:05

Friday the 13th Yeah, I would definitely

Darren Brady Nelson  33:07

not Alien and Aliens. Because those two were like, really awesome. And just different from each other. Yeah. And so it’s not casting aspersions on on Harper, which, but I think, you know, the terms of reference was just very heroic and very narrow and very, like, it was more for like, competition lawyers, you know, it’s like, you know, great, I guess the here’s some fiddling around the edges. I guess it’s improved things. I don’t know. But yeah, it’s nothing like the first NCP and it’s kind of sad that it kind of is the 2.0. But that’s all that’s all right. Sometimes. 3.0 is or, you know, can can can ever have a really big comeback. Even if the second one wasn’t that great. So, I’m sure I’m pretty sure there’s been a movie to where, you know, I can jump in my head later, but there was there was one more like the first move. Maybe it looks the back to the future ones. Yeah, that’s it. The first one was obviously great. The second one was like, the third one was like, hey, that might be great. Again, you might remember that. Yeah. Okay. I had a different interior ones. One went back in time, and they had the cowboys and Yeah, you like that one guy? Yeah, I think I think most not everybody, but I think most people recognise that. Even if it wasn’t quite on par with the first one was, you know, vastly better than the second one anyone?

Gene Tunny  34:25

Yeah, that’s probably right. The second one’s the one that gave us the hoverboard though, wasn’t it? That’s where he has the he’s on the whole give us the hoverboard. Yeah, yeah, yeah. Now, yeah. Okay, that’s a nice, great films from the 80s 70s and 80s. We were talking about takes you back. Okay, we’ll take a short break here for a word from our sponsor.

Female speaker  34:49

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Gene Tunny  35:18

Now back to the show. Okay, so we’re talking about NCP 2.0. And well, let

Darren Brady Nelson  35:27

me get something that you said earlier, you said like competition is a virtue. I mean, one thing one statement that I remember you on the first NCP doing it, and they kept on being repeated. I think it was written down somewhere as well, basically, I think it might have been in the agreements, actually, the the NCP agreements, the various inter governmental agreement, but you know, there was basically a phrase along the lines of, you know, competition is not an end in itself, but a means to an end. And then you know, that that end being obviously, really, ultimately, consumer welfare if you like, you know, sort of like lower product prices, greater productivity, greater innovation, all these sorts of things. So, hey, look, I largely agree that I think I think competition itself has some aspects that, you know, if you like, are good in themselves, you know, just like working, even though like people, even economists tend to overstate that working is all about ultimately having more leisure or being able to buy more stuff, while actually working in itself is a good thing, too. I think competition, although, yes, it is really more about, you know, obviously, providing that discipline to the market that governments just can’t do. They can’t replicate it with price controls, again, they certainly can’t replicate it through taxing more stuff or even owning things. But you know, but But yeah, it’s largely a means to an end, but it does have some virtue qualities in themselves, I think.

Gene Tunny  36:52

Yeah, yeah, exactly. I guess that’s what I was trying to get at, in part. Because, you know, just to me that I don’t know whether it was Adam Smith, or Frederick Hyack. Essentially, or maybe it was Milton Friedman making the moral case for, for competition for free markets. And don’t just look at it as a as a means to an end see value in the process itself in the in the freedom and the Liberty. So that’s the one of the points I was trying to make. Yeah, it

Darren Brady Nelson  37:19

certainly would have been, you know, a point, you know, for sure made by iron Rand or something, you know, even more so.

Gene Tunny  37:25

Hmm. Yeah, yeah. Yeah, for sure, for sure. Now, just on the hopper review, just, it just got me thinking. One of the problems I think we’ve we’ve had in Australia is that we’ve done the things that were obvious to do, let’s reform all of these really inefficient government businesses, and let’s improve competition in telecommunications, and airlines, and we’ll deliver big gains to consumers, which we have. Part of the problem is that once you do the big things, you get into a lot of these more difficult things. And then you got politics involved in the lobbyists. And I mean, for years have been talking about the need to reform things like pharmacies and get rid of rules which prevent new pharmacies from opening up there all sorts of rules to control how many pharmacies you’re gonna have in an area, and you come up, you come against the industry groups as they are, this is terrible. This is bad for regional areas or whatever. So, I mean, that’s what I see is one of the problems and that’s where I think this latest, NCP 3.0 will come to grief because the particularly this government, which is, I mean, it’s a Labour Government, and it’s, you know, because of its political constituency, it has to do things that are favourable for the union movement and demand that you know, it’s nothing wrong with unions. The thing is, though, that some of the measures that they will adopt will not necessarily be good for economic efficiency. So that’s, I think that’s one of the challenges that we’ve we’ve got with current NCP before we get into well, we might talk about that later. But a bit ask you’ve, you’ve made a submission to this NCP analysis inquiry that the Productivity Commission is, is conducting at the moment, so I’ll just read out the terms of reference. Just to SET set this up. The Commission will undertake a study to assess reform options proposed by a Commonwealth state and territories as part of the revitalised national competition policy, to understand the economic and other benefits to the Australian community as well as the government revenue impacts, while the reform options are yet to be agreed by CFR and that’s that Commonwealth Federal Financial relations body. It is important that they tackle shared priorities such as addressing cost of living pressures, that’s great. And adapting to the netzero transition, digitalization expansion of the care and support economy and creating a more dynamic business environment. So that’s what we’re going to get out of this inquiry and you You decided to make a submission to this inquiry? You’re one of the 14 or so submissions on the website. Why did you want to make a submission to the inquiry? Darren? And what are your main points in that submission? Please?

Darren Brady Nelson  40:14

Well, as I mentioned in the beginning, it’s kind of something that’s near and dear to my heart. And, and also, obviously, cost of living, you know, that’s a particular have been a problem for quite some time. You know, I worked for a senator Malcolm Roberts, in his first term in the Senate. And, you know, kind of one of the big focuses, you know, that I had when I was working for him was cost of living, and, you know, sort of used to do a lot of sort of, you know, speech notes and help with media releases, and also kind of, you know, kind of sort of looking at the statistics that kind of show what’s going on on that front. It also helps with, you know, setting up we did a well, you will you will remember this because you spoke at it. We did we did, I think it’s the first ever Australian cost of living summit, I have never found one that they’ve done before. I know they’ve done some kind of more recently, or since if you like. So, you know, we obviously had a great cast of speakers, including, you know, the late great, Tony makin sort of mutual friend of ours. And yeah, I mean, Dan Mitchell came out for that. It was yeah, it had like a lot of great speakers. And obviously, you know, a bit of entertainment at the end with Ross Cameron, and, and, oh, yeah. Mark Latham. Yeah, Mark. So, and I think Liberty Fest was actually the next day, I think you were probably at that, too. I mentioned, I’m not sure if he spoke at it or not. But

Gene Tunny  41:41

I didn’t go to that. I haven’t had a lot of involvement in or maybe I dropped in to say hello to someone. But maybe I said a lie to you. But I didn’t. I tend not to. I liked your cost of living Summit. Because there was a real there was a lot of economic content there. I I mean, I don’t have any problem with Liberty fest. I think it’s an interesting concept. It’s just, it’s a bit more political than I say, there’s a lot more politics and economics, I’ve found with some of those events, so I tend not to go to them a lot.

Darren Brady Nelson  42:09

Yeah, so So the cost of living Summit, so it’s so obviously, something that I’ve been, you know, as I suppose a lot of economists would be, depending on what you focus on, you know, I’ve had a great interest in that. I just wanted to get on the record, you know, look, you know, I didn’t want to sort of spin too many wheels wasting time. So basically, to be fair to the audience, I did, I spent most of that submission, just quoting myself, you know, I wrote a whole bunch of stuff on cost of living and kind of related matters. And that’s okay, because academics do that all the time, where they sit there and quote themselves, so I’m not an academic. So, but look, I caught myself and I, you know, kind of, you know, went through in kind of a logic, so I didn’t, you know, one thing I did do is I want original thing if you like, and it’s like, completely original, but I thought I’d focus on kind of CPI, you know, like putting aside, it’s, you know, it has its foibles as a statistic, you know, you know, really kind of represents 40% or 50% of the prices that are out there, but that’s fine. Look, you know, so I focus on CPI, I’ve just got the ABS data, and I wanted to kind of go as far back as I could, and go up to obviously, as update as I could and just kind of look at, you know, what are the what, and I looked at it on an industry by industry basis, obviously, you can look at it different ways, capital cities, and all sorts of different ways. But I like to look at stuff on an industry basis or a policy basis, if that’s an option. So that but you know, it kind of intuitively was the sort of stuff I expected, you know, the suffered, government is heavily involved in one way or another, either heavily regulating it, maybe even providing those services, or in the case of, for instance, alcohol and tobacco. It’s taxing it whether you think it should or should not, obviously, people have kind of, you know, health and externality reasons that they justify that. But anyway, I didn’t want to go there. First, I just wanted to see what you know, what’s the landscape look like? So, you know, I was able to provide a lot of that. So I think I looked at it, kind of three sections was kind of you kind of what’s the economics of this, particularly the cost of living was my focus? What’s the data that would be in the CPI stuff? And then then, you know, kind of what’s looking at, you know, what’s driving it? Because my thesis, obviously, is government interventions, for the most part, are driving that. Now. Look, you can say some of these government interventions are justified, well, okay. But still, it’s going to drive up the cost of living, you may think, you know, climate change is the most urgent thing we need to do. Well, if you bet it’s still gonna jack up electricity prices, right? You may want them to be jacked up, but they’re gonna be jacked up. So I don’t think too many economists can disagree that, you know, that’s a factor, right? You may say, Oh, it’s a justifiable factor, I will say differently, but, you know, so I wanted to get there and get that just kind of all on the record, you know, just kind of my my thoughts on it. And you know, As someone who knows something about competition policy, I, you know, obviously as I started out in that world, and I’ve kind of done a lot of similar work, you know, over the years in that, you know, basically in that space either in Australia with utilities and utility regulators, and you know, some of the industry associations, etc. And then kind of more recently, over the past decade more think tanks, both Australian and American. So I just kind of, you know, look, you know, I guess I was a little bit more optimistic, perhaps, that I should have been, yeah, that’s gonna happen. But the point was still, like, look, I want to get on the record, you know, hey, you know, and it’s, you know, in fiscal policy, regulatory policy brings your policy of Reno’s that’s a factor, but I also want to get on the record that fiscal policy is a factor, obviously, they mentioned the terms of reference, you know, I want to go on the record that there’s such a thing as the Laffer curve. So, you know, you government, you know, can get some benefits out of, if you like pro competition reforms, you know, you can, you can get more revenue through the door than just trying to tax people at higher rates, and then monetary policy, which I know, no one’s really going to touch. But it’s a factor, you know, like housing, for instance, is a classic, you know, where you print a lot of money jacks up the demand for housing, then you do stuff, like have heavy environmental regulations inspired by climate change, and you restrict the supply of land use and all that sort of stuff, and then throw in another factor that don’t make much, you know, sort of have been, you know, having, you know, mass immigration, you know, brings in that a lot of just demand for housing as well. So you’ve got a lot of stuff going on. And look, things need you looked at, amongst Even today, there will still be low hanging fruit as you sort of, you know, you didn’t use that term, but you were alluding to low hanging fruit. And that’s fine, you know, prioritise the, the, the, you know, find where there’s kind of a big economic bang, and low political resistance. And obviously, those are the places you can tackle first, and you leave the, you know, the stuff that’s got less economic bang, and high political resistance. And, you know, obviously, there’ll be stuff in between. So, you know, look, I’m, you know, I’m pragmatic, you know, I don’t expect, you know, like, either bring in an entirely free market tomorrow, or don’t do anything. So, you know, the sort of practicals that we can do. Yeah.

Gene Tunny  47:23

And so what you did was did you replicate? There’s a famous chart, I think, that was prepared for the UK by someone, I think it was that Institute of Economic Affairs, or Adam Smith Institute, I can’t remember the exact Institute where they show for the UK, that those heavily regulated sectors are the ones with the highest increase in CPI, that with the highest inflation rates, and I’ll try and track that down. You’ve effectively done that for Australia. Have you said things like, what is it its energy, its childcare, etc? And you mentioned alcohol and tobacco? I’ve got something to say about that in a moment. But as I was

Darren Brady Nelson  47:56

saying, Yeah, well, no, it was the IPA, they did it for Australia, but the report was from, like, 2018, or something. So it certainly lines up with I think they wanted to even greater detail, you know, like really highlighting, you know, what are the areas of high intervention? You know, that’s kind of the analysis that I kind of alluded to, but I wanted to get, you know, there’s data going up to 2023. And I also want to go further back in time. So yeah, the IPA thing was for Australia, and it’s a great diagram. You know, things haven’t changed, you know, like, the logic still, you know, sort of stands at test time. I don’t think they touched monetary policy in there, but they certainly did fiscal and regulatory policy, if you like, I like to think of, you know, in terms of a big three government policies, because, you know, really, government’s instruments are those three things. So if you talking about industry policy or competition policy, they’re still using those three, you know, potentially they cut across those three big areas of policy. Obviously, within fiscal policy, there’s, there’s, you know, spending and, and tax and that sort of thing, but I kind of like to think of it in those three kind of big levers, if you like that, that government has, basically, basically getting out of the ways is ultimately what I’m suggesting in my submission is reducing government’s interventions. As much as possible.

Gene Tunny  49:23

Yeah. So the big three, just for clarity, fiscal policy, monetary policy, regulation, or regulatory regulatory, very good regulatory

Darren Brady Nelson  49:30

policy. Regulatory is basically laws. It’s command and control, right? Yeah. No, do this. Don’t do that. You know, that’s basically and obviously, that’s what most laws are about are regulations. Yeah.

Gene Tunny  49:40

I liked how you mentioned tobacco because one of the Not that I’m advocating for tobacco. But one of the things I’ve noticed, and this is a big story in Australia at the moment because we’ve jacked up the excise on tobacco, just a massively high levels. And you know, it’s $40 Whatever it is for a packet of cigarettes, I don’t know I don’t buy cigarettes, but it’s a lot like 30 to $40 Depending on how many cigarettes you get. And what’s happening is it’s actually encouraged a black market and organised crime is in tobacco. And so we’ve had there all these gangland incidents there are you know, tobacco stores that haven’t paid the I don’t know the protection money that are getting firebomb dried. And, and I don’t know, I don’t know if this is organised crime. But around the corner from me on Wickham terrace, there was a tobacco and vape store that was that caught fire toward the end of last year. Right. So this is happening across Australia. And it’s a consequence of excessive excise on tobacco. But yeah, I covered that in my one of my recent episodes on taxation. So just so you might be interested in that. I don’t know if you’ve been following that at all. Uh,

Darren Brady Nelson  50:52

no, I wasn’t aware of that. I mean, like, I mean, I guess I shouldn’t be surprised as an economist, but it’s still kind of shocking, anyway. Yeah, I guess another thing we should mention, you know, whether you link to it or not, but, you know, Frederic Bastiat, you know, sort of, or his essay, I believe, you know, where he talks about, you know, unintended consequences from these government policies. That would be the classic. And the unintended consequences are almost always bad. They’re not usually good ones. Right. So I should even mention that, you know, that that can even segue into you know, people remembering that there’s such thing as public choice economics, which, which ultimately talks about the economics of government, and also government failure, that would be an example of government failure. Now think the public choice people use this language. But you know, what, externalities today, don’t just exist in markets exist with governments as well, they have externalities, they have a lot of negative externalities to like this policies.

Gene Tunny  51:52

Yeah. I mean, we’ve got multiple examples here in Australia at the moment, I mean, I’d love to bring Frederic Bastiat back, like Jurassic Park style, or wherever you do it. Australia. And, you know, he could write, write, write about all of the, just the insanity? I mean, what are the there’ll be the NDIS is the big problem we’ve got at the moment. And

Darren Brady Nelson  52:18

classic unintended consequences. Yeah, and

Gene Tunny  52:21

I don’t know if the latest story is that you’ve got all of these dodgy operators, because they see, oh, there’s this huge pot of money, let’s open up a disability support business, and then they find someone who’s disabled or they go, you know, they have a condition that gets them out of the NDIS. And then their money pot right there, you know, this is a Yeah, it’s there on the gravy train this, this Disability Support Agency, that’s essentially, you know, getting a share of the package. And the worst case, and they’re saying that there are some providers, they will go to the NDIS recipient, they will go to the ATM the automatic teller machine, and they went, they’ll get, they’ll pull the money out, and then they’ll sell on drugs they’ll sell they’re the person they’re supposed to be helping drugs. So there’s at least one or two cases of that, it’s just yeah, and there are these reports of very high percentages of, of NDIS providers. So the, the businesses that are looking after the disabled people managing their packages, they’re, you know, very large number a huge amount of fraud, at least $2 billion worth of fraud is just extraordinary. And

Darren Brady Nelson  53:33

it’s just gonna balloon anyway, without all that sort of stuff. Because, remember, originally just looking at the definition of disability and legislation, it’s so ridiculously broad. You know, it’s, I think, that Mitchell’s had these good cartoons about like, you know, you know, like when you have like, kind of mainly a market and it’s kind of pulling a small cart of the welfare state, you know, can it can handle it, but then when, you know, then when it gets reversed when like, most everybody’s on welfare, that doesn’t work, you know, that doesn’t work, you know, because money has to be generated, you know, the wealth has to be generated in the marketplace, because government doesn’t create any wealth raw.

Gene Tunny  54:09

I mean, I guess, yeah, I mean, government activity does contribute to GDP and governments can invento so well, no, I mean, yeah, I guess this is this is an interesting philosophical question because governments can actually create productive investment or productive capital stock carded or it can you know, it can help provide the capital stock the public capital the the roads and the infrastructure to to help enable business so

Darren Brady Nelson  54:39

well, okay. Yeah, yeah. But even that is Yeah, look, yeah, that’s a little bit you know, at least a more debatable topic then then then some things that government gets involved in obviously. But, but if not getting back to NCP Yeah, they, you know, the see then was like, okay, whether they can or cannot do it, which I So they did. They certainly don’t do it very well. And you know, it’s very expensive. So, and they do it in a very bureaucratic fashion. As you know, Ludwig von Mises wrote about in his his great little pamphlet on bureaucracy. You know, I think that’s a that’s a timeless sort of pamphlets, you know. And even that links back to his original work on socialism, which was the point basically, that socialism ultimately doesn’t work because it doesn’t create prices, right? It doesn’t have Yeah, price. Yeah, to give that input, you know, and to also jump into Hayek, you know, because price is obviously this mix of information and incentives at the exact same time, right. And when government does something, it can pretend to have prices, just like the Soviet Union pretended to have prices, but they weren’t real, you know, they didn’t, yeah, it really didn’t reflect, you know, allocation of resources. They didn’t, you know, they they certainly didn’t inform entrepreneurs or consumers properly, and all that sort of stuff. So, let you know, there’s obviously grey areas, if you like, I personally think, you know, as someone who studied economic history at university that really, you know, something that becomes more like the nightwatchman is more what government should be doing. And that also gels with, you know, not just the, you know, what was clearly written down in the US Constitution. But the the Australian isn’t as clear about that. But that’s was largely the philosophy to have Australia, the 19 century. And at least going into the 20th century, and then obviously, things changed with the, as you mentioned, the the Australian settlement, etc.

Gene Tunny  56:38

Yeah, well, I guess, you know, as well as I do that the Constitution or the the federal government and the state governments we had at the time of Federation are much more limited than what was government it was, would have been 10, or maybe 15% of GDP at the most. And now it’s 35 to 40%. Right. So like, we had a much smaller government. And I don’t think the founders wouldn’t have come, they would not have realised just the massive expansion of government power that we’ve had, particularly at the federal level. And that came through the 20th century, that the company that was associated with high court decisions in a way or, you know, the federal government taking over income PAC taxpayer over the war, and then keeping that power due to a high court decision, various other decisions related to the external affairs power, which means that the federal government has very, it’s got authority over environmental matters. And then we’ve got the health and welfare Amendment to the Constitution, and after the Second World War, that that facilitates the increase the rise of the welfare state. So the whole bunch of things that happened through referenda, and through high court interpretation that has expanded the role of government. And I guess that happened all around the world. It wasn’t just in Australia, it happened in the US and UK. And partly that was in response to the depression, there was the New Deal in the States, as you know. So yeah, I mean, the founders had no, they would not have conceived the scale of government that we have today. In my view, we’ll look

Darren Brady Nelson  58:13

at it in the US it happened even much earlier, it happened, you know, particular 1913 or Woodrow Wilson, when three things in particular happen, which was the the Federal Reserve Act, the income tax amendment. Previously, the federal government didn’t have any income tax powers. And the other thing, which is getting probably a little bit more esoteric, but prior to 1913, the states appointed senators, they weren’t elected. That changed. Yeah, the Founding Fathers had had, you know, went in great detail, obviously to the Federalist Papers, why they had that as well as why they had a whole bunch of stuff, because they wanted us was set up as a constitutional republic, not a open slathered democracy. Right. So the only thing that was at the federal level that could be Democrat directly elected was the House of Representatives, because even today, the President’s not technically directly elected. The electoral college. So anyways, all it was all with the aim of keeping the federal government small. Yeah,

Gene Tunny  59:20

yeah, exactly.

Darren Brady Nelson  59:22

And you’re basically like, you know, local government was supposed to be the most important than the states, then the feds, so that was kind of an you know, surely didn’t completely copy that. But it’s somewhat did in philosophy, because it certainly looked at that and combined that kind of with, you know, with the Westminster system, obviously, the UK sort of thing. So yeah. Yeah, yeah.

Gene Tunny  59:44

You just reminded me I’ve actually had a guest on John Nance. I think it was. He wrote a book about the vision of the founding fathers and I had him on the show and we talked exactly about that what you were saying about the vision of the founders, the limited government, more state or more local particularly local a favoured local solution. So I’ll put a link in the show notes. I thought that was a great episode. Right. Oh, Darren, we better start wrapping up. This has been a great conversation as usual. We it becomes very expensive and wide ranging. So yeah, again, thanks for thanks for that. We it’s good to good to kick these ideas around. And NCP. 3.0. What sort of things? Do you think it will? Well, it could involve or ideally could involve now, as background, I think all the federal government at the moment has in mind, because of all the political constraints that are faced, I mean, they’ve had to pass the very restrictive industrial relations regulations, or they brought in this closing loopholes bill. Last year, I wrote a paper for CIS about it. It’s introducing all these regulations for the gig economy for labour hire for casuals, and I think it’s the wrong direction. But that’s, you know, we can talk about that another time. The current federal government because they’re constrained so much by their the Polit. The politics, I think what they’ll do is focus on very narrow things like non compete agreements, they’re very, they’re they’ve come out strong against agreements in con in employment agreements, which mean okay, if you work your you work for my law firm for so many years, you, you can’t then go and work for one of my rivals for three years or whatever. They’re, and they’re claiming that these agreements are becoming very commonplace, and even in employment agreements for hairdressers, etc. So I think they’ll come out against that. They might, I don’t know, they might try and get a divestiture power, I think it’s cool the power to like, give the honourable see more power to break up. Companies that are that are that they think are exerting market power. So there might be some things around that. But it’s all still clear. Maybe there’s some things about harmonisation of licences for different occupations, that sort of thing. More work on that, we’ll we’ll have to wait and see. But it doesn’t look like it’ll be a huge deal to me. What are your thoughts on where competition policy in Australia and also in America? If you if you’ve got thoughts on that as well? What do you think are the most important directions to go in for the benefit of, of the economy in the community? Darren?

Darren Brady Nelson  1:02:22

I think just in a general sense, they’ve they’ve allowed kind of almost, you know, I mean, technically, they’ve never, no one’s ever really deregulated, if you like, but you know, to extent they did, they’ve, they’ve just reregulated over time. They’ve re subsidised over time, and often not in any sort of transparent or logical way or anything backed by cost benefit analysis, of course, you know, that that never really took off the way it should have, you know, like to have these proper routes, look at this properly. And if nothing else, just have a transparent process, you know, like, why we’re doing this and all that, and what’s the cost so that people can, you know, at least go vote on that if you’d like, at some stage. So let you know, you know, I wanted to point out just to look at all the CPIs look at look at all the stuff that’s going up. And guess what, it’s the stuff just like IPA pointed out, you know, a number of years back, it’s all the stuff that you have heaps of, you know, interventions in a various sorts. So obviously, you know, I think, yeah, I’m guessing, I think you’re right, it’s probably going to be rather than, say, a Hilmer 2.0, it’s gonna be a Harper 2.0, which is like, nothing special, you know, playing around on the edges, and all that stuff, which is, you know, narrow competition law. So, you know, so but I put it in summation, you know, that, you know, maybe someday, because I always remember, you know, working in policy, you guys might have talked about this, too, when you were with the Commonwealth treasury, you kind of put up like, really what you’d like to do, okay, you can’t get it through at the moment, but you haven’t in that shelf, you remember talking about the drawer, the shelf and like, then you’re always ready to pull it out, you know? Sure, you might have to dust it off, and all that sort of stuff. So that’s what I did. I just put that in there, you know, that? I guess, you know, maybe I was a little too optimistic, you know, but, but it’s there, and maybe some other people put in some really good ideas as well. I’m not saying obviously, I have all the ideas or whatever. But, you know, the the methodology that I was suggesting, was certainly, you know, obviously, what’s tackle the stuff where the prices are going outrageous, let’s at least look at it. And okay, what do you have a justification for it? Or even if you do have a justification, you know, you can always do things better, you know, like, do you really need this aspect of this regulation to achieve what you’re trying to achieve? And you know, that sort of stuff. So and then, you know, and I wrote a 2020 paper on kind of competition policy is something that could be applied in the US as well, because obviously, we’re both federal Federalist systems and all that sort of stuff. And I certainly recommended, you know, going down I’m using the sort of competition payments type of approach, rather than, strangely enough the US often, even though it has a reputation for being more free market oriented, yes, some stuff, but a lot of stuff. They’re very kind of socialistic, you know, particularly infrastructure, airports, they’re all local government owned, and no one’s ever seriously thought about doing something different, you know, for instance, or they have all these kinds of government on port authorities around around the country. So, you know, I sort of wrote that 2020 paper, you know, hey, but, you know, this is, the US could copy this fairly easily. So, yeah. So, but, you know, heavily like in Australia, it really depends on obviously, who wins elections. So, you know, it depends on who who wins in 2024. You know, at the federal level, you know, what sort of reforms may or may not happen? And, you know, and obviously, you know, Trump, for instance, you know, is a mix of things, you know, he’s not like a strange guy, like, he’s not like, he’s just Ronald Reagan coming back into power or something like that. So, you know, he does have some pro market orientation on some stuff and other stuff, not as much. Yeah,

Gene Tunny  1:06:07

I think that’s, that’s a fair assessment just on. I mean, I don’t know whether the if there was a change of government, Australia, whether that would make much difference for competition, because, you know, the LIBS the Liberal Party, it has its own political. There’s constraints on it. I mean, you know, industry like the pharmacy lobbies probably, you know, the Liberal Party is probably got pharmacists, a lot of pharmacists, as members and all those type of constraints, they’re constrained as well, and what they could do, so I wouldn’t necessarily say they’re, they would do much better than the current governor, although they wouldn’t have introduced those terrible industrial relations laws. I could say that I think that’s pretty clear. But yeah,

Darren Brady Nelson  1:06:51

yeah, but I mean, just like, you know, like, you know, just like treasurer, Paul Keating is out walking in the door for labour and neither is treasurer, or Peter Costello walking in the door for the libs, it seems at this stage. A

Gene Tunny  1:07:03

couple other things I want to pick up on. You mentioned the, like the fact that these, you’re hoping your submission has a long shelf life. That’s what that’s what the people of the PC, they often think maybe this report is not going to get read now, or the government will pay attention, but it will have a long shelf life. And the classic example of that was the Campbell Inquiry Report, in 1981. Under the Fraser government, you’re talking about Malcolm Fraser government, which lasted what was it eight years after Whitlam? And it’s widely seen as a missed opportunity for to undertake the types of reforms that Hawke and Keating ended up undertaking. They had the inquiry. So there was that financial systems inquiry by Campbell in 1981. Yeah, and then apparently, that just went into Treasurer John Howard’s office and sat on the shelf. So, you know, this is something that later gets picked up by treasurer, Paul Keating, okay, and then they deregulate the financial system. And then we have, you know, bring in foreign banks, and we have a lot of the restrictions taken away, and then we have, you know, much greater provision of credit for consumers and businesses and, you know, in a way that there were positives with that there also, it also meant, arguably, it may have led to that 1980s, boom, in a way and then the crash. But anyway, that’s another issue. We could talk about another time. But I think generally, we think that those type of measures were favourable and economically beneficial. I think that’s a good example of something that was that had a long shelf life and the government didn’t the initial government that received the inquiry, didn’t know what to do with it. But then later, the subsequent federal government was able to do something with it, which I thought was so that illustrates that point. Just finally on the US, have you been following what Lena Khan has been up to FTC, Federal Trade Commission, she’s the Biden appointee. She said a lot of things about Amazon. She’s She’s an advocate for aggressive anti Trump policy. She is currently investigating the merger between Kroger and Albertsons. Have you looked at it? Do you have any views on what she’s up to?

Darren Brady Nelson  1:09:02

I haven’t No, I have not been following her. I mean, I guess, you know, in a more general sense, nothing to do with with her particular. Again, you can if you want to, you can link to it. You know, I’ve written for that. That antitrust Lawyer magazine. concurrences. Yeah. Which is, has an audience in North America and Europe mainly. And I wrote sort of a kind of an economics of free market economics approach, if you’d like to that. So you know, you can kind of see what I’ve, where I lay out, not just kind of the theory of what I think I mean, so kind of, here’s kind of what the mainstream economics, if you like, says about this sort of thing. Yeah. And then I can’t use it, mainly within Austrian school approach, but not just an Austrian theoretical approach. Yes. But there’s also, you know, one of the Austrian economists is like all over the detail of antitrust, you know, in terms of like the, you know, in terms of what’s actually happening And then the cases, and then what the legislation look like since it first came in. And basically just going through also the data as well, like. So basically, I have a fairly dim view of antitrust law tends to be very political, it basically they tend to go after their political enemies of the current administration, or at least they want to make, or even if it’s not their enemies, they they use it to for political, you know, voting purposes, like, you know, to look good. And some upcoming election, right, we went after these people that our voters don’t like, for whatever reason. And they largely don’t go after you even, you know, I’m no fan of Bill Gates today. But, you know, like Microsoft, when they were going after them, they were not abusing their monopoly power, you know, they’re offering a product that was, you know, at a reasonable price. And often, the price was going down over time, which was exactly the case of Standard Oil, when they first went, you know, when the anti trust laws first came in, you know, they weren’t actually, you know, they were dominating a market, but they were actually reducing their prices, and increasing their quantity. And some say the quality was going up as well over time. So, I think, you know, the evidence really doesn’t support, you know, the antitrust laws make much of a difference, and often actually, sometimes have the opposite effect. So it doesn’t sound like I would really necessarily supporter, I would say, usually need to go back to the as we discussed, I think once upon a time that was it, that section 230 or whatever, that that, under a different piece of legislation gives, you know, a bit of, you know, sort of monopoly power to big tech, and social media in particular. That they, they’re off revisiting that that sort of regulation that actually helps give them a bit of that sort of monopoly power, or that ability to feel like at least having an informal cartel,

Gene Tunny  1:11:59

rah, rah. Yeah, and I think your point, this is the point you’re making your submission, look at what underlying regulations are driving these phenomena that we see before you think that I have the solution is, is more government intervention? So I think that’s, that’s a fair point. And it’s just, it just occurred to me, I mean, childcare. That’s an example where we’ve got all of these regulations about the quality of childcare, the educational qualifications of childcare workers, and that’s something that just drives up the cost. And then, you know, it ends up being subsidised by the federal government. And so then that, you know, increases the burden on on taxpayers. Yeah, there’s a little uh,

Darren Brady Nelson  1:12:33

basically, I think, David Friedman, I think it’s David Freeman, or I got it right. But Milton Friedman son, who’s also quite a good economist, he goes through some good evidence on like, tax season, whatever. The analogy of like, what’s, what’s forced everybody to have a Cadillac, right? Instead of allowing some people to buy a Cadillac, some people will buy, you know, a small Toyota or whatever, you know, so, you know, the just basically just in that just basically squeezes people out of the marketplace. Yeah,

Gene Tunny  1:13:01

yeah, exactly. Okay. Darren, there’s been a comprehensive conversation. Any final thoughts before we close?

Darren Brady Nelson  1:13:09

No, look, you know, yeah, we just gotta keep on, you know, you’re doing your great part of, if you like, you know, getting these reports that are sometimes just going to be, you know, in the drawer for rater later use as well. So, you know, we just keep you have to keep on fighting for, you know, sort of truth and freedom, I suppose.

Gene Tunny  1:13:29

Very good. Darren Bradley Nelson. Thanks so much for your time. I really enjoyed the conversation. And I think we’ll have to have a couple more rounds. There are a couple of juicy philosophical issues and historical issues I’d like to come back to and talk about with you. So again, thanks so much for your time. Thank you rato thanks for listening to this episode of economics explored. If you have any questions, comments or suggestions, please get in touch. I’d love to hear from you. You can send me an email via contact at economics explore.com Or a voicemail via SpeakPipe. You can find the link in the show notes. If you’ve enjoyed the show, I’d be grateful if you could tell anyone you think would be interested about it. Word of mouth is one of the main ways that people learn about the show. Finally, if your podcasting outlets you then please write a review and leave a rating. Thanks for listening. I hope you can join me again next week.

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Credits

Thanks to Obsidian Productions for mixing the episode and to the show’s sponsor, Gene’s consultancy business, www.adepteconomics.com.au. Full transcripts are available a few days after the episode is first published at www.economicsexplored.com. Economics Explored is available via Apple PodcastsGoogle Podcast, and other podcasting platforms.

Categories
Podcast episode

EP97 – BS jobs critique + CBDC thoughts from Dr Nicholas Gruen

David Graeber’s BS jobs thesis (previously covered in EP95) lacks microeconomic foundations, according to Dr Nicholas Gruen. In EP97, Economics Explored host Gene Tunny speaks with Nicholas about BS jobs and also about Central Bank Digital Currency (CBDC). Nicholas is a big believer in the potential of CBDC, which he has written about in the Financial Times.

About Dr Nicholas Gruen

Dr Nicholas Gruen is a policy economist, entrepreneur and commentator on our economy, society and innovation. He is CEO of Lateral Economics, Visiting Professor at Kings College London Policy Institute and Adjunct Professor at UTS Business School.

He was a Chairman of the Open Knowledge Foundation (Australia) (ending 2020), Chairman of international aged care management software provider Health Metrics (ending 2019), Council Member of the National Library of Australia (ending 2016), chaired the Federal Government’s Innovation Australia (ending 2014) and chaired the Australian Centre for Social Innovation (TACSI) (ending 2016). He was the founding chair of Kaggle which was sold to Google and is an investor in numerous other Australian and international start-ups. He was also founding chair of HealthKit (now Halaxy). He has advised Cabinet Ministers, sat on Australia’s Productivity Commission and founded Lateral Economics and Peach Financial in 2000.

Links relevant to the conversation

Re. BS jobs:

https://queenslandeconomywatch.com/2021/07/10/people-escaping-bs-jobs-covered-in-my-latest-podcast-episode-and-going-into-business-for-themselves/#comments

https://www.griffithreview.com/articles/trust-competition-delusion-gruen/

Re: CBDCs:

https://clubtroppo.com.au/2021/05/19/central-banks-get-serious-on-digital-currencies-2/

https://www.investopedia.com/terms/c/central-bank-digital-currency-cbdc.asp

https://www.bankofengland.co.uk/quarterly-bulletin/2014/q1/money-creation-in-the-modern-economy

Please get in touch with any questions, comments and suggestions by emailing us at contact@economicsexplored.com. Economics Explored is available via Apple PodcastsGoogle Podcast, and other podcasting platforms.

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Podcast episode

EP67 – Regulating Big Tech

It’s been a challenging year 2020, but one positive development is that regulators in the US and Australia have started challenging the Big Tech companies Google and Facebook over alleged misuses of market power. The US Department of Justice is taking on Google over its search dominance and the Federal Trade Commission is taking on Facebook over allegedly restricting competition by buying up potential competitors such as Instagram and WhatsApp. In Australia, the Media Bargaining Code designed to assist traditional media companies negotiate for a share of ad revenue with Big Tech is currently being considered by a Senate committee. In my latest Economics Explored podcast episode Regulating Big Tech, I provide an update on moves by governments and regulators, and I discuss the relevant economic concepts and policy issues.

Links relevant to the conversation include:

Joseph Stiglitz on Regulating Big Tech

Don’t Be Evil: The case against big tech by Rana Foroohar

Australian Treasury Laws Amendment (News Media and Digital Platforms Mandatory Bargaining Code) Bill 2020

Economics Explored EP58: Tech Giants challenged by the Media and Governments

Economics Explored EP22: Antitrust with Danielle Wood from the Grattan Institute

Economics Explored EP21: Surveillance Capitalism with Darren Brady Nelson

Economics Explored EP16: Big Economic issues for the 2020s

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