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Podcast episode

Government vs. Private Sector: Who Generates Wealth? – EP247

In this episode, Gene Tunny explores the relationship between government spending and wealth creation. He talks about President Obama’s memorable expression, “You didn’t build that”, and how economists think about the role of government and wealth creation. Gene discusses the roles of both the government and private sector in generating wealth and their impact on productivity, GDP and living standards. 

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What’s covered in EP247

  • Government role in the economy – private sector vs public sector. (0:00)
  • Government spending and its impact on the economy. (5:52)
  • Keynesian economics and the role of aggregate demand in determining GDP. (11:51)
  • Government spending and its impact on productivity. (18:13)
  • Government intervention in the economy, with a focus on public goods and cost-benefit analysis. (25:11)
  • Government’s role in the economy, potential for crowding out the private sector. (31:32)
  • Government impact on the economy and living standards. (38:20)

Takeaways

  1. Government Spending and GDP: Government expenditures can contribute to GDP, but their efficiency and the type of spending critically determine their economic impact.
  2. Private Sector’s Role: The private sector is essential in wealth creation due to its efficiency incentives, but it also depends on government-provided infrastructure and services.
  3. Crowding-out Effect: Excessive government spending can crowd out private investment, potentially reducing overall economic efficiency and growth.
  4. Cost-Benefit Analysis: It is vital to conduct thorough cost-benefit analyses for government projects to ensure that public funds are used effectively and do not become a drain on the economy.

Links relevant to the conversation

Dan Mitchell’s article on the impact of government spending on economic growth:

https://www.heritage.org/budget-and-spending/report/the-impact-government-spending-economic-growth

Dan’s article “OECD Economic Research Finds that Government Spending Harms Growth”

https://danieljmitchell.wordpress.com/2016/11/28/oecd-economic-research-finds-that-government-spending-harms-growth/

Episode on Alvin Hansen and Evsey Domar:

https://economicsexplored.com/2024/06/19/popularizing-keynes-how-alvin-hansen-and-evsey-domar-shaped-post-war-macroeconomics-ep245/

Episode on Thatcher:

https://economicsexplored.com/2020/12/06/ep64-adam-smith-margaret-thatcher-with-dr-eamonn-butler/

Bacon and Eltis’s 1978 book “Britain’s Economic Problem: Too Few Producers”:https://link.springer.com/book/10.1007/978-1-349-15863-8

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Transcript: Government vs. Private Sector: Who Generates Wealth? – EP247

N.B. This is a lightly edited version of a transcript originally created using the AI application otter.ai. It may not be 100 percent accurate, but should be pretty close. If you’d like to quote from it, please check the quoted segment in the recording.

Gene Tunny  00:00

Jeanne, welcome to the economics explored podcast, a frank and fearless exploration of important economic issues. I’m your host, Gene Tunny. I’m a professional economist and former Australian Treasury official. The aim of this show is to help you better understand the big economic issues affecting all our lives. We do this by considering the theory evidence and by hearing a wide range of views. I’m delighted that you can join me for this episode. Please check out the show notes for relevant information. Now on to the show. Hello. Thanks for tuning in to the show. Today, I want to cover an economic issue, and it’s also somewhat a philosophical issue that came up in a recent conversation that I had with Darren Brady Nelson on competition policy. To what extent is the government paid for by the activities of the private sector? To what extent is it a drain on the wealth of the community, is it only the private sector that generates wealth. You may remember that in the 2012 election campaign in the United States, President Barack Obama, in a speech in Roanoke, Virginia, famously said that somebody helped to create this unbelievable American system that we have that allowed you to thrive, somebody invested in roads and bridges. If you’ve got a business, you didn’t build that very, very controversial statement, very I mean, just goes to show what an effective speaker Obama was, that that phrase really captured a lot of people’s attention, and there’s an important economic issue there that I think it’s worth having an Episode on. So yes, I thought this would be a great topic to talk about relevant theory and evidence before we get into it. This episode is brought to you by Lumo coffee. So seriously healthy organic coffee with triple the antioxidants of regular coffee, there’s a 10% discount available for economics explored listeners if you use the promo code 10 explored. So that’s all in caps. You can check out the show notes for further details. Now, I should let you know I’m going to take a break soon from the show. I’ll see if I can get one more episode out before I go on the break. So I’ll probably have about four weeks off and then come back in August. I need to spend some time finalising the book I’m working on, and I need to spend a bit of time on that, but I will be excited to get back on to the podcast, and yeah, looking forward to trying to get more great guests and more great topics. I’ll be interested in your ideas on future topics or guests, or how I can improve the show. Let me know if you have any ideas. You can email me at contact, at economics explored.com, right? Oh, we’d better get into it. One reason I thought that this would be a good topic for the show is after this issue came up in the conversation I had with Darren, I found a passage on this issue in Hanson and Perloff book, state and local finance and the national economy, their 1944 book that I did an episode on a few weeks ago. That was the episode on Alvin Hansen and FC Domar. Now this is a very Keynesian book, and Keynesian economics has become controversial. And if you’re a regular listener to this show, you will know that we’ve talked about the debates about activist fiscal policy, having said that there is, there are some important lessons from Keynes that have been very influential in macroeconomics. So I think while Keynes is controversial, he is an important figure in the history of economic thought, and he has influenced the development of economics, and there are still Keynesian concepts that are very influential and widely agreed upon, even if all of the whole. The Keynesian doctrine and the the primitive Keynesian NISM that we saw in the immediate post war period, even if we now reject that, or most, or I’d say mainstream economists, would would reject that. So with that caveat in mind, we might, we might get into it, because I think what Hansen and Perloff wrote in this book, there is a lot of truth to it. Their discussion of this issue is very illuminating, and hence I think it’s worth us just going through it, and then I will provide some further thoughts and talk about views of other economists and what the evidence is telling us on this very important question. Now I’m going to read from Chapter Nine of the Hansen and Perloff book, public expenditures, income creation and costs. And I’m going to I’m going to start on page 184 and they write that the popular view is that government expenditures and activities are entirely sustained and supported out of income derived from private business. This is quite wrong, as a little economic analysis will reveal the public expenditures made in operating a public school are no less income creating and productive than a private business, say, a cosmetics factory. Indeed, the public school is productive, not only in the sense that it supplies a once satisfying service, as does also the cosmetics factory, but also in the respect that it increases the efficiency and productivity of the future labour force of the nation. Okay, so that very you know, that’s a very good point, and you know, that’s where you know that’s consistent with what Obama was saying, in a way. I mean, Obama’s making the point that public services are helping the operations of the business. Now, of course, you do have to think about the efficiency of those public services or public goods that are provided, which we’ll talk about later. But I think what Hansen and Perloff write, what they’ve written there, is, is sound okay. Let’s go on economic activities, whether governmental or private, involve two operations with respect to their income, with sorry, with respect to their impact in the flow of income, which must be entered on opposite sides of the ledger. And quite erroneous conclusions follow by looking at one side and closing one’s eyes to the other side, with respect to the cosmetics factory, the erroneous argument might be advanced that it is a burden on the community, since the sale of its products drain off a part of the money income flow from the community, that the cosmetics factory is dependent upon all other businesses, since they are the ones that create the income stream and purchasing power enabling the factory owner to find a market for his product. This analysis would, however, be quite unfair to the factory owner, since, in fact, at the same time that he taps a stream of purchasing power and selling his product, on the other side, he turns an equivalent amount of purchasing power right back into the income stream through the expenditures involved in operating the factory, he therefore sustains other businesses just as much as they sustain him. Okay? So, yep, fairly important point there, and that goes to show the the interdependence of all of the the businesses in an economy. So businesses, households and also government, as we’ll talk about, they are all connected. They interact. There’s flows of money, flows of goods and services between them. So very, very important point there we shall proceed. Precisely the same is true of government expenditures and activities. The government, in operating the school, taps a part of the income stream in the form of taxes, but it throws this right back into the income stream through the expenditures made in operating the school. It is not true that government is sustained and supported out of private business any more than the prior than that private business is supported and sustained out of government expenditures and activities in. Okay, so what I would say regarding that paragraph is, look, that’s all fair enough. If we think about it from a normative perspective, though, if we think about it from in terms like more philosophically and make value judgments, where I think some people start to wonder about how we measure economic activity. We’ll get onto this soon, and the value of economic activity. You you might think, well, if we’re talking about goods and services sold in the market, and we work out their value, there’s the presumption that, well, because people paid for those goods and services with their money, with their own money, they at least valued the good and service as much as the price of that good and service, whereas, with government, if the government provides goods and services to the public and it’s funding them from taxation, and we don’t really have a say, I mean, maybe at the ballot box we can have some influence on it, but we we basically have to pay the government. We have to pay our taxes. We don’t really have a lot of say in it individually. Then they provide us goods and services, and when we add them up and put them into GDP, they go in at the cost of delivering those services. But who’s to say they’re really of that value, and we might talk about that a bit later too. So that’s the that’s one commentary I’d make on on what Hansen and Perloff are saying so far. I mean from a factual point of view, from the point of view of impacts on GDP, then they are absolutely correct from the point of view of what this means normatively, or what it means philosophically, I suppose, then, well, you could argue that that may be the case in terms of impacts on GDP, but it may be that the government, what the government spending money on, isn’t sensible. It’s not a good use of our tax dollars. And the point I’ll make even further later is that to the extent that government isn’t spending on sensible things, to the extent that it’s not doing the job it’s supposed to, in terms of supporting the generation of or supporting the productive capabilities the economy, or it’s not providing essential goods and services to the people, then it may well be wealth destroying. We may well have, we may well be able to achieve a higher GDP per capita if we, if we cut some of those inefficient government activities, if we if we cut taxes, if we move towards greater provision of the market sector, that’s a that’s a possibility that I wouldn’t want to rule out. So that’s my one commentary on what’s been written so far. I mean generally, factually, in terms of what it all means for GDP, it’s sound that we should also be thinking about whether we could be doing things differently, whether what government is funding is giving us the best value for money. Okay, we will go on. No private business can sustain its sales volume unless the outlays of other businesses and the government continued to feed the income stream. Nor is private business as a whole self sustaining. It was not self sustaining when the national income fell from 80 billion to 40 billion in the early 30s. So that was the Great Depression. Obviously, that was me saying that not Hansen and Perloff, nor indeed in any other period of depression, the sales receipts of private business, no less than the tax receipts of government, depend upon the maintenance of a high national income, and the outlays of government can and do contribute to a sustained national income no less than the outlays of private business. Indeed, when private business outlays decline, the government alone is in a position to go forward and sustain the income through increased expenditures. Okay, so that’s that’s a very Keynesian one. Point there that in the short run, the level of output, the level of activity, the GDP, is determined by aggregate demand, so the sum of what all of the different sectors are wanting to purchase, in terms of goods and services, and in our national income accounts, GDP, that is equal to aggregate demand, which is equal to the sum of the expenditures by the major sectors. So we’re talking about consumption expenditure, Big C, plus investment expenditure by business, big i, plus government expenditures on goods and services, including infrastructure. This does not include transfer payments, so we talk about them a little bit later. Plus exports minus imports. That’s the net exports component. So we typically see aggregate demand written as C plus I plus G plus x minus m equals y, which is income or GDP, because GDP is defined and is constrained in the short term by the level of aggregate demand, because if people don’t want to purchase the goods and services, then they won’t get produced, and income and employment will fall. So output gets constrained by aggregate demand. That’s one of the core messages in Keynesian economics. And I mean this is, this is something that is widely accepted by economists, that the role of aggregate demand in determining short run, GDP, what happens to the economy in, you know, over in the you know, currently, what, what’s, what’s actually driving economic circumstances? It’s, it’s influenced by the level of spending. That’s, that’s something that’s widely agreed, how, what, what ends up being controversial, as we’ve talked about in in other episodes, is to what extent governments should actively intervene to try to get GDP closer to some desirable level. So Should they actively intervene if GDP, they think GDP is too low for in a depression, should they try and stimulate the economy, or should they try and take some of the heat out of the economy by running a budget surplus so that that there’s more of a debate about, well, there’s a big debate about to what extent governments should be pursuing activist policies, beyond what are called the automatic stabilisers, where the budget naturally reacts to the business cycle, where if the economy slumps, you have less tax revenue, more unemployment benefits. So there’s this automatic stability built in, in a way, and I’ve talked about that in other episodes. So we may not, we may not cover it. I won’t cover it in too much detail. Now, the other thing I should talk about here is this point about taxes and transfers. I said that the government expenditure item in the national accounts doesn’t include taxes and transfers, because where that gets picked up, picked up that will get picked up in the in the consumption spending item so any so what will happen is that if governments, to the extent that governments are taxing and then transfer that money to households, those households spend that money on consumption goods and services, And that gets picked up, picked up in the C item that the transfer spending itself doesn’t add to GDP, it’s just redistributing the taxes and transfers are redistributing incomes from some households to others and helping those other households consume goods and services. Okay, so there’s just one more paragraph from Hansen and perlifer I’d like to read before we I had more of my own commentary the view that public investment is unproductive while private investment is productive, will not withstand careful analysis public investment, just as with private investment, may be merely utility creating, or it may be also or it may also be efficiency creating, the development of a public. Park, swimming pool, playground or concert hall, makes possible a flow of real income, no less than the creation of a radio factory. Public invest, investment in the National Forest, by preventing soil erosion and floods or the construction of school buildings, may contribute to raising the efficiency of labour, no less than private investment in improved machinery. Public investment, like private investment, if wisely made, will be utility creating, or both utility and efficiency created. So yes, the that final, that clause there that that final part of the sentence, where they go, if wisely made, will be utility created, or both utility created and efficiency created. So there, Hansen and Perloff do acknowledge the point that, okay, all of this assumes that what the government’s spending money on is sensible. It may add to GDP in a statistical sense, and it may well employ people, but in terms of whether it actually creates what we might call utility, or whether it improves efficiency, that’s that’s another question that depends on the quality of the spending. I mean, sadly, governments can waste, can waste a lot of money. We can have programmes that that are essentially, you know, not contributing a lot to the community, and end up being brought to a bit. Darren and I, when we chatted, we talked about the National Disability Insurance Scheme here in Australia. So a very noble scheme. And perhaps, I mean, it is doing a lot of good. I suppose there are a lot of people who are benefiting of it, from it, but it is very expensive, and there are, there is a lot of Rorty. Now, all of this is to say that we should be thinking about what the expendit, what’s what’s happening, if what government is doing, whether the dollars that we’re taking that might otherwise be employed in the private sector, whether they’re most productively employed in private or public sector, what’s best for productivity? And that brings me to a famous quote from Paul Krugman. I think it was in his book peddling prosperity. But I could be wrong about that. I’ll have to check that where Paul Krugman wrote that productivity isn’t everything, but in the long run, it is almost everything. So while I I think Hansen and burloff, their analysis of what government spending means in an economic sense is is correct, I’m not, and I think they do recognise the qualifications that I’m about to make. Maybe they have a different judgement as to how, as to how big of a an issue. This is the than I do. But it can be the case that if government’s not spending money wisely, then that’s not going to be good for your long run. Living standards, more spending and transfers, they mean higher taxes, particularly on employees and businesses. And that’s going to impact efficiency. It’s going to impact economic efficiency. Taxes create what’s known as a dead weight loss, an excess burden. They can discourage productive activities. They can discourage people from working or opening businesses. They can discourage people from consuming certain goods and services that that would make them better off. So I think the question we have to ask is, what’s the most productive use for our resources, where we’re thinking about what’s going to deliver the best bang for buck, what’s going to give the best ROI, and we think we should think broadly about what that ROI is. It’s not just going to be, it’s not necessarily going to be what it’s not neces it’s not necessarily, it doesn’t necessarily have to mean that it. It generates an ROI in for the business community, it could be an ROI in terms of providing services, goods and services, education or health, government services that are valued by the community, if a government can do an activity more productively than the private sector. Yeah, or do an activity that the people demand, but which gov but which the market will fail to provide, then that’s fine. I mean, government should be doing that. And so we have various public goods, such as national defence. The traditional example is a lighthouse. You often hear that given as an example, but there’s a wide range of public goods out there. There. There would be a free rider problem if we were relying on the private sector to provide them. So there’s there’s scope for government intervention. But generally speaking, and this is the point I will often make when I’m thinking about, well, when I’m talking about these issues, the incentives for efficiency are better in the private sector, and I think there’s a lot of evidence for that that came out of when governments were reforming public enterprises in the 80s and 90s, we learned about significant efficiency gains that can come from that when governments outsource more of activity, outsourced more activities from the public sector. Clearly, there are failures. I’m not going to deny there have been challenges. There I mean, there have been those botched privatisations in the UK, for example, particularly in rail and it looks like water. So I’m not going to be too I’m not going to be unrealistic or just assume, Oh yes, the market is always going to do things better. But I think generally, the evidence is that the private sector is going to be more well, it’s got greater incentives for efficiency, because if you’re not efficient, you go out of business, whereas governments could, you know, governments keep going, and we tend to see that. Well, I mean public sector unions, for example, or construction unions, which where they have a lot of members working on government projects, they can be very, very influential and affect the efficiency, affect the costs and the efficiency of government programmes and spending. I think that is something that is worth thinking about. Here. I should make the standard point that economists always make that it’s important to crunch the numbers. So we always should be doing cost benefit analysis of programmes and projects. In some cases, we want to do a comprehensive cost benefit analysis. In other cases, it’s, maybe it’s a much smaller amount of money, and it’s more of a it’s not the full blown let’s, let’s do a comprehensive economic study where we’re trying to estimate all of the relevant costs and benefits. It might be more of a desktop exercise, a simpler type of analysis, but we should be thinking, whenever we’re spending money on on government goods as government purchases of goods and services, we should be thinking about the costs and benefits, the pros and cons, and to the extent that we’re not getting that those net benefits, to the extent that we’re not getting a benefit to cost ratio above one, a return on investment, we’re effectively burning money, and the government is then detracting from the wealth of the community, in my view, because that money would pro it would have been better if that activity was not done, if it was, if it if some other activity occurred, possibly in the private sector. And I mean, the last governments have funded many poor projects. They continue to do so, whether because of politics or they, they think that there’s some social benefit that mean, or equity benefit that means that the project should go ahead. One, one example that comes to mind, there’s a new Weir on the Fitzroy River in central Queensland. I actually visited it. I visited it just before it opened. I got a tour of the construction site. Thanks to Sun water, the project proponent. It’s the Queensland Government’s irrigation water business. I mean, it’s a very impressive Weir, and it’s certainly going to deliver some benefits to the community, in terms of, well, there’s, you know, it improves the reliability of water supply. There are some local farmers, they’ve built, uh, they’ve constructed pipes that hook them up to the the weir, and they’re going to be getting water from that. And I think they’re planning things like macadamias and and. Other crops that you need to that you need to water. So there will be some, I mean, you need to irrigate, rather than just rely on the the water from the from the sky, for relying on rainfall. So this is certainly going to expand agriculture, irrigated agricultural production. The problem was, it’s a very high cost dam. It was already going to cost 200 or 50 million, I think it was, and it ended up blowing out its costs. And it’s costing 450 to 500 or something like that. So it was a big cost blowout. And the economics of the dam are pretty of the we are a fairly questionable. There was a business case prepared for it that showed that it had a benefit cost ratio. I think it was under point five. It was, it was rather embarrassing, but the government went ahead and built it anyway, I think because there was such political pressure to build it, and you could argue, well, let’s help it sustain those regional communities. So maybe there’s an equity element to it, but yeah, unfortunately, even where governments do cost benefit analyses, even sometimes they ignore them. So having said about having just talked about the importance of cost benefit analysis, I just note that it’s, it’s not always the cure, and often governments go ahead and, do you know, spend money unwisely anyway. But that, of course, is not going to stop me from arguing always in favour of crunching the numbers right. I might, might go on to a few other things I’d like to talk about before we wrap up. I talked earlier about the the issue, the problems you have when you do have a larger government sector, and you can crowd out the private sector, and you can end up in a situation where, by I mean, that can, that’s going, that’ll affect your living standards. Because even though the government may be boosting, you know, it may be adding to GDP, the C plus I plus G plus x minus m, it could be the case that if those resources were better deployed, then GDP were would be higher and and also, in an international comparison, your GDP per capita would be higher through Well, you know better, better use of resources in your economy. Your economy is more productive, and also because the economy is producing more things that you can sell overseas, that people overseas might want to buy, and therefore that helps improve your exchange rate. You’re not sucking resources out of out of the private sector. So this crowding out, I mean crowding out so well, well known phenomenon in economics. But there was a famous book in the late 60s or early 70s, actually might have been 70s, the bacon eltus thesis, 1976 it was, which was a really interesting diagnosis of the economic problems that Britain faced in the 70s. And this is essentially what led to Thatcher taking over? I did a podcast episode on Thatcher a few years ago. I mean, Thatcher is a, I mean, she’s a very controversial figure. And they’ll, I mean, a lot of people really hate Thatcher. And I mean, certainly she, you know, she was, yeah, she’s, she was a very controversial figure. But the what, if you look at where Britain was economically in the 70s, then really Thatcher taking over and, you know, having to, you know, really shake up the economy. That was inevitable, given that the state the economy was in, the stagflation, the excessive industrial action garbage piling up in Leicester Square in London because there was a strike of the the garbos. It’s, it was really awful time. And this book, this was written by Robert bacon and Walter eltus. So eltus was chief economic advisor to Michael Heseltine, or Heseltine in the Department of Trade and Industry from 1992 until 1995 and he also edited Oxford economic papers. So he was an economist, and he ended up going on to be an advisor to a minister in the major government made John Major followed Thatcher in the he was a Conservative Prime Minister after Thatcher. So their book Britain’s economic problem too few producers that argued that it was the rapid expansion of the public sector that was contributing to Britain’s economic difficult. Is during that period because it was taking resources. It was taking labour and capital out of more productive uses of the private sector and into the public sector. And yeah, so that was a rather influential book at the time, and I’ll put a link in the show notes it. It goes to show that. And I think this is a this is a qualification that I think Hansen and Perloff themselves would have accepted, that, you know, while the government can contribute to the wealth of the community, while the government can help the private sector be more productive. And while the government can provide goods and services and it can invest, it can it can provide capital goods. It can produce public capital, public assets that are of great value, unfortunately, it can also produce things services that aren’t, that are inferior, that are that aren’t as good as what could be provided in the private sector, and in those cases, that it’s subtracting from the the wealth of the community, or we could be richer if we had a shift from government to the private sector. So look, it’s a difficult one, because I do recognise that I get a lot of benefit myself out of public services. In particular, what I the one I think about all the time is the Roma street Parklands in Brisbane, which were built by the state government. Here, there’s an amazing park with a beautiful spectacle garden. And there’s a a great walk that I go on every morning. I go up to, up to the parklands, and I walk through the parklands, and there’s a there’s a rain forest, part of it, there’s a bridge, the Fern Gully bridge, I think it’s called that. I that I go on. It’s been, it’s closed for maintenance at the moment, but it’s just amazing. And that’s that’s a public asset, and my life is is better because the government built that, that public asset and and they maintain it. So I’m not going to say, look, government’s terrible. Let’s get rid of government some government services are are valuable. There are at the same time, you’ve got to recognise that there are cases where public provision of services is is subpar and it’s not. Maybe we could be better off if we have a shift to the private sector. And I mean, maybe this isn’t the best example, but we know that there are a lot of failing government school funded schools out there. We have a real problem in Australia with the lowest performing schools. I think they’re letting down the people in those in the areas where they they’re serviced by these subpar schools. And we should be thinking about whether there’s whether there’s an alternative, whether we can rely on greater school choice, charter schools, etc. That is a big issue, and one I should come back to in a future, a future episode. One person who has a really good take on this issue that we’re talking about today is Dan Mitchell, who is a is a guest. He’s been a former guest on this show. Dan’s been on, oh gee, a handful of times at least, we had a conversation recently about US debt. Dan wrote a really good piece on relevant to this question of how government impacts the economy, how it impacts wealth, the impact of government spending on economic growth. This was for the Heritage Foundation. This is, this is about 20 years old. This piece, I’ll put a link in the show notes, it’s very good. Dan writes that economic theory does not automatically generate strong conclusions about the impact of government outlays on economic performance. Indeed, almost every economist would agree that there are circumstances in which lower levels of government spending would enhance economic growth, and other circumstances in which higher levels of government spending would be desirable. If government spending is zero, presumably there will be very little economic growth, because enforcing contracts, protecting property and developing an infrastructure would be very difficult if there were no government at all. In other words, some government spending is necessary for the successful operation of the rule of law. And then he goes on to say that, that said, well, in his view, most government spending has a negative impact. And. And there’s overwhelming evidence that government spending is too high and that America’s economy could grow much faster if the burden of government was reduced. Okay, so that those point, those final points, are probably going to be more controversial. But the I think what the passage I read out before from Dan, I think that’s, I think that’s very non controversial. You know, he’s saying it’s all about getting the right mix, the right balance. And then you can have an argument over whether, you know, we’ve got too much or too little at the moment. I mean, I probably share Dan’s presumption that we’ve got too much government. But then there are others. I mean, folks at The Australia Institute here in in Australia, and they’re arguing, oh, we should actually have more tax, we should have more government spending, and we’ll be better off. Okay, that’s, uh, that’s an interesting perspective. It’s not one I share. But, I mean, they’re entitled to it. Perhaps I’ll, uh, I’ll have, I’ll have Richard Dennis, or one of his colleagues on the show one day to talk through that. Okay, so that was, that was a broad discussion about the theoretical and philosophical issues associated with government involving in the economy, and to what extent it affects, like, how does it affect living standards? How does it affect the wealth of the community? I mean, clearly we just can’t say something like, government doesn’t create wealth, it just subtracts through wealth. That’s not true, but we should be thinking critically about the how our resources are used in the economy. To what extent are they used by government versus the private sector, and whether we can have a better mix, whether we could be have a higher GDP per capita, whether our living standards could be higher if we move resources out of government back to the private sector. I think that’s a that’s a legitimate question, even if the sort of the simplistic point, or the simplistic argument that the government is just dependent on the private sector and it’s it doesn’t create any wealth itself, even if we reject that, we still recognise that government can be too large. And in the view of economists such as Dan Mitchell and myself, I must say, I think it is too large. I think we would be better off with a smaller government. Okay, one point that you know, I’m going to talk a bit about empirical evidence now before we wrap up, because I think it’s important to always look at the data. What does the data tell us? And Dan, Dan always saw talks about these OECD studies, so he always criticises the OECD you says, Oh, well, you know, you’ve got all of these bureaucrats over in Paris and highly paid and but they’re they’re always saying, Oh yeah, let’s just raise taxes on everyone and spend more money. However, he does note that their research departments, the research part of the OECD and also the IMF, often produces research which contradicts the policy views that are being advocated by these international bodies. And Dan wrote a post, OECD Economic Research finds that government spending harms growth. I will link to it in the show notes. This was back in 2016 very good post. And Dan wrote that a new working paper by two economists at the OECD contain some remarkable findings about the negative impact of government spending on economic performance. And what it found is that, yeah, there certainly is an impact that when they did the cross country data analysis, they did some econometrics, if I remember correctly, they found that larger governments are associated with lower long term growth, and larger governments also slow down the catch up to the productivity frontier. Okay, so the larger the government sector, that’s going to constrain the productivity of your economy. It’s going to adversely affect it, which is in line with what I was saying before. Okay, so there’s some good evidence there. I’m going to link to that in the show notes. That’s, that’s worth that’s worth checking out. Okay, so I hope you found that episode informative. I think it’s an important question, and it it is worth us thinking carefully and critically about how government does impact the economy and our living standards. I’ve given an introduction to this topic and have provided some of my own views. Now, of course, they’re my views, and your views may differ. You may have. Different experiences. I mean, you will have different experiences from me. You may be aware of of different evidence that’s out there. So I yeah, I’d really love to hear from you if you have any thoughts on what I’ve said this episode. If you think there’s there’s evidence, or there are points that I should be considering, then please get in touch. Let me know what you think. You can email me at contact@economicsexplored.com I’d love to hear from you, and I hope that you tune into a future episode. So I’ll be taking a break soon, but should be back strongly in August 2024 I may have one more episode before then I’ll see how I go. But thanks for joining me. I think this is these are important issues to talk about, and I really hope you got something out of it. Thank you. Bye.

Credits

Thanks to the show’s sponsor, Gene’s consultancy business, www.adepteconomics.com.au. Full transcripts are available a few days after the episode is first published at www.economicsexplored.com. Economics Explored is available via Apple Podcasts and other podcasting platforms.

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Podcast episode

Nature Tech and the Future of Business w/ Handprint Tech founder Simon Schillebeeckx – EP223

In this episode, host Gene Tunny sits down with Simon Schillebeeckx, co-founder of Handprint, a nature tech startup. Handprint aims to help companies profitably and seamlessly integrate planet-positive actions into business activities. Simon shares examples of companies that have gone above and beyond regulatory requirements to positively contribute to the environment. Among other questions, Gene asks Simon about the scalability of Handprint’s approach and the role of consumers in driving profit-maximizing businesses to make positive contributions. 

Please contact us with any questions, comments and suggestions by emailing us at contact@economicsexplored.com or sending a voice message via https://www.speakpipe.com/economicsexplored.

You can listen to the episode via the embedded player below or via podcasting apps including Google PodcastsApple Podcast and Spotify.

About this episode’s guest, Dr Simon Schillebeeckx

Simon is co-founder and Chief Strategy Officer of Handprint Tech. Published author, former sustainability consultant, TEDx speaker. Strategic Management Professor at Singapore Management University (SMU), specialising in Digital Sustainability. He holds a PhD in Innovation Management from Imperial College London.

What’s covered in EP223

  • [00:01:18] Regenerative economy and business activities.
  • [00:04:33] The concept of Handprint.
  • [00:11:28] Capturing value through sustainability.
  • [00:16:02] A-B testing to determine how consumers respond to sustainability measure.
  • [00:18:30] Linking ads to social impact.
  • [00:23:06] Gamifying sustainability initiatives.
  • [00:26:31] The potential for Handprint.
  • [00:32:45] Plastic pollution and its impact.
  • [00:36:03] Regenerative practices in agriculture.
  • [00:41:28] Trust in carbon crediting.
  • [00:48:49] Large-scale mangrove conservation and afforestation.

Takeaways

  1. According to Simon, companies are increasingly looking to go beyond just reducing their negative environmental impacts and instead create positive impacts through initiatives like planting trees or restoring coral reefs.
  2. Done right, these types of regenerative initiatives have the potential to improve business metrics like sales, click-through rates, and employee engagement. 
  3. Handprint is working to make it easier for companies of all sizes to integrate positive impact actions into their business activities in a profitable way
  4. Handprint offers a marketplace for companies to invest in credible positive impact projects, such as mangrove restoration and carbon sequestration, and provides tools for companies to visualize and capture value from their positive impact initiatives.

Links relevant to the conversation

Handprint Tech website:

https://handprint.tech/

Companies/organisations mentioned by Simon:

https://www.sevencleanseas.com/

https://plasticbank.com/

https://oxcarbon.org/

https://globalmangrove.org/

Transcript: Nature Tech and the Future of Business w/ Handprint Tech founder Simon Schillebeeckx – EP223

N.B. This is a lightly edited version of a transcript originally created using the AI application otter.ai. It may not be 100 percent accurate, but should be pretty close. If you’d like to quote from it, please check the quoted segment in the recording.

Simon Schillebeeckx  00:03

You could do something in what we define as the regenerative economy by saying, for every 10,000 downloads, so for every 10,000 listeners, I’m going to do something good in the world. And that’s going to be part of how I attract new listeners how I attract new baby customers or attract sponsors. that’s accessible to everyone.

Gene Tunny  00:34

Welcome to the Economics explored podcast, a frank and fearless exploration of important economic issues. I’m your host Gene Tunny. I’m a professional economist and former Australian Treasury official. The aim of this show is to help you better understand the big economic issues affecting all our lives. We do this by considering the theory evidence and by hearing a wide range of views. I’m delighted that you can join me for this episode, please check out the show notes for relevant information. Now on to the show. Hello, thanks for tuning into the show. My guest this episode is Simon syllabics. Founder and Chief vision Officer of handprint a nature tech startup headquartered in Singapore. handprint describes its vision as enabling companies to become part of the new regenerative economy by integrating planet positive actions into business activities in a profitable and seamless why? In our conversation Simon provides some good examples of our companies have gone beyond regulatory requirements and have made a positive contribution to the environment. But How scalable is this approach? To what extent do we need consumers to drive profit maximising businesses to make positive contributions? These are questions I’ve been pondering since my conversation with Simon. And I expect this conversation will get you thinking to. I’ll be very interested in your thoughts on this episode. So please send me a note or a voice message. You can find my contact details in the show notes. Before we get into it, I’d like to note that this episode is brought to you by Lumo coffee, which is a new coffee line from my occasional co host Tim Hughes. This grade one organic specialty coffee from the highlands of Peru is jam packed full of healthy antioxidants. Tim has tweaked the roasting process and lab tests to confirm that his beans have tripled the antioxidants of regular coffee. And I can confirm that Lumo coffee tastes really good too. Until the end of March 2020. For economics, explore listeners can get a one time 20% discount on Luma coffee, go to Lumo coffee.com. And at the checkout use the code explored 2019 explored is all in capital letters and followed by to zero. Check out the show notes for details. So again, Lumo Liu, mo, coffee.com. Friday, we’d better get into the episode. I hope you enjoy my conversation with Simon syllabics. Tom and syllabics Welcome to the programme. Hi,

Simon Schillebeeckx  03:19

Gene. Thanks very much for having me. Oh, excellent.

Gene Tunny  03:22

Simon, good to have you. On. You’ve been involved in, you know, a number of issues that, you know, I have great interest in as an economist and one of the things that I’ve come to appreciate, as an economist, over the last, you know, few decades since I started studying economics is just the growing interest in environmental and ecological issues and, and just thinking about, you know, how do we manage the environment? What are the trade offs? What does it mean for economic growth, etc. So I’m really interested in in all of these issues, you founded an organisation, or you’ve co founded an organisation called handprint? Could you tell us, please what is handprint? And what was the path that led you to handprint? Please, Simon? Sure.

Simon Schillebeeckx  04:11

So I think first and foremost, handprint is a scientific concept. That was originally, I think, in 2011, or something proposed by some MIT researchers to quantify and qualify the opposite of a footprint. So footprint is something that most people will be very familiar with. It’s the sum of environmental damage that an organisation or individual does to the wider world, by virtue of its existence, right? That’s kind of a broad definition of footprint. Now handprint as its opposite is the sum of quantified positive of impacts that an individual organisation seeks to create in the world. And so we founded a handprint tech to the full name of the company in in 2019, with a vision to enable companies to create positive impact in the world in a more convenient and accessible way, but also to capture value to capture business value from the creation of this positive impact. And I think, in the past 2030 years of rapidly accelerating interest in sustainability, this ability to capture value from doing good is really where organisations have largely failed. And so this is the gap in the market, I’d say that we are seeking to address.

Gene Tunny  05:59

Gotcha. Okay. So a few questions that come out of that, first, how are companies thinking about this? Because I mean, companies have to, you know, they have to be sustainable financially. And so they, I mean, are they wanting to go beyond they’re wanting to meet certain regulatory requirements? Or are they trying to go beyond the regulatory requirements? How do they think about that? I mean, and also make sure they’re financially sustainable? And then where do you come in? And what sort of like, how do you helped them with that? I’d be interested in, in that Simon, if you.

Simon Schillebeeckx  06:33

So I mean, I would almost think about this in a slightly different way, right? So I don’t see handprint as the opposite of footprint. It’s and when we think about the legacy sustainability approach, which still permeates most companies right now, the focus is really on, how do we reduce our negative impact in the world? Yes. And typically, that comes down to the sustainability paradigm of reduce, reuse, recycle, and the kind of Lansing clatter in sustainability. And so this is the, the framework of under the mindset of most companies, and also the regulatory framework, right? If we see what’s happening in Europe, around the EU taxonomy, if you see GRI reporting or issb, all of these things within the sustainability space, largely the focus is on can we force with norms? Are we going to soft regulation? Can we force companies to better delineate how damaging they are for the world. And I include kind of social in that, although I’m generally more interested in more focused on the environmental, but the focus is really on this kind of delineation of guilt. This is the this is the approach, right. And as a consequence, what comes out of that is a compliance mentality, especially nowadays, where more and more governments are making governments are making these kind of CSR or ESG, regulations mandatory. I will see this in Singapore, we see this in Australia, the European Union, do us all of the publicly listed companies right now almost have a regulatory requirements to report on their sustainability, which really means to report on your negative impact, and then convince us that over time, your negative impact is shrinking. This is the essence of sustainability reporting. So and then if you do this, then we applaud you. And you’re a very good corporate citizen, which is I always like to say the equivalent of applauding your kid for coming home, when when he says, like I only punch the teacher twice today is that that is really the essence of kind of sustainability reporting, how it’s been approached over the last decades. And what comes from that is that the focus because of compliance and because of this, we have to do less bad mentality is that turning that into a strategy for value capture is very difficult. Because it’s not really aligned with a capitalist Grossman’s mentality, it’s always do less, do less, do less rather than do more of something which is much more aligned with kind of capitalism and growth. And so on the one side, that entire ecosystem of sustainability exists and has an incredibly important role to play as we need to move towards a more decarbonized economy. And as we need to reduce waste, and especially reduced poorly treated waste and all of those kinds of things. But on the other hand, on the sides, if companies really want to do something that is going to speak directly to their customers to their employees, enable them to differentiate themselves in the market from their competitors, then doing what The regulator is mandating is not helping. So the entire paradigm of sustainability as it’s been approached over the last 30 years, doesn’t lead to differentiation anymore. Which is also reason why it’s the driver of costs. And what we are advocating is that it is new and emerging paradigm around regeneration, and enabling and asking companies don’t just focus on reducing your negative impact, also really think about creating a positive impact this paradigm is where a lot of differentiation is possible. And so the entire question of how does it align with kind of financial sustainability and so actually resolves itself, because there is evidence that if companies do this, and they do it in the right way, this can actually support the bottom line purely financially, very quickly, because it changes customer behaviour, because it changes employee behaviour, then because it changes, like in the b2b context, the opportunity to engage with new business partners. What

Gene Tunny  11:09

evidence is there, Simon? I mean, have you seen this? I mean, are you able to give any examples of where you’ve had this, they’ve been able to capture this value, or they’ve been able to actually go beyond just this compliance framework, and actually add value or improve things? Sure.

Simon Schillebeeckx  11:28

So the I think the most famous example of the success of this strategy actually comes out of China. And we are not involved in this. But we did write a case study on it. And so very quickly, so what it’s done by Ali pay, and so the one of the Chinese payment ecosystems, and so back in 2016, they started with what is known as and forest, which is a loyalty programme, that gives people points known as energy points, for engaging in specific behaviours, such as taking the bus to work, walking to walking to work, paying your bills with Alipay, rather than getting a paper bill buying vegetarian food, like all of these kinds of nudging behaviours that consumers might want to engage in, they are rewarded with energy points, they can keep those energy points. And if they collect enough of those points, they can convert those points in a virtual tree. And if they keep that tree alive for a long enough period, Alipay will plant an actual tree in various locations in China. Now, this is quite a simple programme. But there are two things that make it really incredible. One is that they’ve, they’ve gamified this point system in such a way that your friends can steal your points, if you don’t claim them early in the morning. Okay, so. And that’s just a really ingenious way of thinking about a loyalty system and adding some kind of social dimension to it. So that makes it so that all of my Chinese students tell me that oh, yeah, I’ve been using this for years. And the first thing I do in the morning, every morning for the last five years is open my payments app and claim my points. And that costs elevate that level of loyalty and kind of stickiness costs Ali pay less than one tree per year, because that is the average number of trees that is planted per user. And, and that means it costs less than $2 to create the most sticky loyalty point system in the world. That also creates an incredible positive reputation for this brand. And has created many followers we have now in the Philippines, you have G cash in Vietnam, there is Momo. They’ve seen this. And they are kind of copying that improving on it. But they’ve seen that this is a way of creating really strong engagement with our users and stickiness. And so that’s kind of retail banking. And we’ve seen similar things coming out of the US you have aspiration, which is a bank card that plants trees, you have tree carts in Germany from exposure, another bank card that plants trees, very simple piece of technology. You’ve got bonsai app in Belgium. And these are really fast growing organisations like aspiration raised at a $320 million valuation before they even had a product, which is insane. So but it demonstrates that, that kind of connection between doing something good and making it really easy, for instance, by integrating it in payments, is really powerful. So that’s, I think, one series of examples coming up similarly from the payments industry, but we have seen and kind of proven in our own work with the different clients that you can actually actually have similar benefits in advertising in E commerce, in peer to peer. remittances. And in, yeah, employee engagement as well. Okay,

Gene Tunny  15:21

so. So you’re talking about e commerce, ad advertising, remittances, and employee engagement? Just want to make sure I understand what you’re talking about here. Are you talking about? Some of your clients have been in those industries?

Simon Schillebeeckx  15:40

And so, so we worked with a large Australian sports brands, and they were interested in figuring out, do people really care about this? And so yes, we plan trees in Australia, with every sale, but isn’t something that actually is going to move the needle for us. And so what we did was together with Google, we did a B testing on their store said, Send 50% of your customers to the original store, send 50% randomly to the store, where we integrate two things. One is a plug in in the checkout that says, if you buy this product, we plant a tree in Australia. And one is a tree counter on the landing page, where it says this is how many trees have been planted so far. So we did this for two weeks, then in Google the analysis via Google optimise of okay, what is the effect actually on sales, and the effect was a 16% increase in revenue, and a 16% increase in cart conversion. Now, of course, increasing revenue is great. But increasing cart conversion in E commerce is a massive business advantage. Because globally, the average cart abandonment rate in E commerce is at 4%. Yeah, which means that all of this kind of product has basically been put in limbo and creates inventory and storage issues. So if you can reduce this, you can reduce overhead costs and inventory costs and management costs substantially. At the same time, you’re reducing this, you’re increasing revenue, because you’re selling more product. So everybody happy. So you solve a critical problem in the E commerce world around product, this that kind of abandoned in the cart and stuck in limbo, while increasing sales. That’s a massive business argument. So even if you don’t care at all about anything that relates to sustainability, or that relates to tree planting, or coral restoration in the Great Barrier Reef, if you don’t care, but you only care about we want to sell more actually doing this might work for you as a business. So that’s the E commerce example. In advertising, what we did is we partnered with T IDs, which is an ad tech company, to enable companies so advertisers to link their ad that they’re putting on phones and on websites, typically on the big publishers like the big newspapers, and so it will have ads in between articles, and that will be put there by teats. So that’s one company that kind of dominated that market globally. And so what they’ve enabled is to link a visual an ad to creative whether it’s a video or a static image, underneath, they put this little message that says, for instance, this ad plans trees, or this ad provides to elderly people. And so we did this with Uber Eats in Japan. And they were supporting access to food for elderly people that aligned with what Uber Eats, of course, stands for it makes sense. And then after that campaign, we did a comparison teams did the work to kind of see what has been the effects of this campaign, on how people perceive the brand. And we saw a 9% increase in brand recognition and positive brand recall, which is substantial effect. We also saw, I think it’s a 32% increase in click through rate on the ad. That’s massive. Yeah, it’s about 50%. Higher than industry average, we also saw higher app completion rates when it was video. So people actually spend time watching the full AD rather than scrolling through it. So these are the target outcomes for any advertising campaign. And if you can enhance those by saying for every 1000 clicks, or for every 10,000 impressions, we’re going to do this good thing. And credibly communicate that within the ad unit itself. You can actually improve your ad performance. So that’s, again, the this is an example of how do we link the business performance to the the sustainability or the impact impact performance in a seamless way. And if you can do this, then the only thing you have to kind of tweak is, what is the financial amount of money that you’re actually linked? Getting to your KPI, whether it’s your number of impressions or your number of sales are so in such a way that there’s a net benefit for the company, because the benefit for the for nature is going to happen anyway when there is a sufficient engagement. So that’s yet another example, from one of our clients with like, how we’ve been able to show that there is real business value in doing this.

Gene Tunny  20:23

Yeah, absolutely. Okay. That’s those are those are really good examples. Just a clarification on that example, for e commerce, you mentioned there was an A and, and B, C, did some A B testing. I’m trying to remember was one of them. You had the counter on the homepage, and then elsewhere, it was it was when they were checking out? Is that what it was? Is there? No,

Simon Schillebeeckx  20:49

the eighth the eighth site was just the original website without any spring integration, the B site was the counter on the landing page and plugin in the checkout. Oh,

Gene Tunny  21:00

yeah. And so that boosted the sales that Yep. Okay. Great. Yeah. Just wanted to make sure I understood that. That’s terrific. And what about one of the things you mentioned was employee engagement, are you finding that these types of initiatives improve the employee engagement, morale, productivity, even,

Simon Schillebeeckx  21:20

we can’t really say much about productivity. This is this requires much longer measurement. But what we’ve seen with companies that have used one of our systems, which is in a voucher redemption system, it’s very simple. Again, if you can get lots of employee engagement software, has some kind of points system behind it. And then after a while, you collect points, and then you can use those points to buy vouchers. And that could be a voucher for your local supermarket or for a sports brand, or it can be an impact voucher. And so we are providing these impact vouchers. And so what we see in many of the partnerships we have with large scale employee engagement software, is that firstly, people actually buy these vouchers. So there is something that some people not everyone, of course, say like, Okay, this is interesting, I find this a better way of spending my points my voucher money than whenever a discount voucher for the local supermarket. But what we also see is that some of our clients come to us directly and say, We want to use these vouchers, let’s say for Christmas. So we’re gonna give our employees this, this thing we even had, this is a bit left field, but it’s a funny thing. We even are in the discussion, I can’t name the company. And this company is known for throwing big parties where the staff there’s to drink more than a little bit. And so they were thinking like it, so we want to do something around impact. They want to do something on coral restoration. But they want to see like, how do we make it part of our corporate culture. And I propose the idea about next time you do a party, why not say we plant we’re going to restore a coral for every bottle of champagne that’s been drunk. And they’re like, this is great. Like, everyone’s gonna love that. And it resonates with what they’re doing. And it makes it fun. It makes it gamified. And then it kind of lets drink for nature, whatever you want to turn that into a story. But it isn’t something that speaks to people and it gets people involved in this. And I think this is really what’s missing. For a lot of the especially large multinationals where you have dedicated teams working on sustainability, building all these strategies, trying to make all of these things happen at a very large scale. But it stays very far away from the lived experience of the vast majority of employees. Right? So in reality, there are very few employees. Even in a large company, let’s say like, like an Amazon or an apple, there’s very few people that are actively involved with a sustainability strategy. And what this impact vouchers, for instance, can accomplish is If a company wants to find out who are the people that actually care about this in the company, because they’ve got 30,000 employees. And not only the people in the sustainability team really care about this, there might be people in marketing and operations in whatever like in any other department, but it’s not easy for the company to really find out, like who are the people that really care. And so by giving them vouchers in this way for a year, like every month, you get a new voucher, and then you’ll see some people will never redeemed the vouchers because they don’t necessarily care. But some people will and will ask questions. And so and what we’ve seen with some of our clients is that the reason why they’re doing this is because it helps them identify potential change makers across departments. And that is where they see a little value. Because then they say the next time we have to roll out a bigger sustainability initiative that might actually face some internal opposition. We know the people that are going to be champions. We can bring them in early on across departments. We can say this is To plan we can engage them, we can educate them. And then we can hopefully in the future, if there is resistance, lower this kind of resistance. So there’s a lot of ways in which these tools can be used creatively, to achieve specific employee goals. And get, that’s what we’re trying to facilitate.

Gene Tunny  25:20

Okay, we’ll take a short break here for a word from our sponsor.

Female speaker  25:25

If you need to crunch the numbers, then get in touch with Adept Economics. We offer you Frank and fearless economic analysis and advice, we can help you with funding submissions, cost benefit analysis, studies, and economic modelling of all sorts. Our head office is in Brisbane, Australia, but we work all over the world. You can get in touch via our website, http://www.adepteconomics.com.au. We’d love to hear from you.

Gene Tunny  25:55

Now back to the show. And Simon, how wide an application? Do you see your this philosophy, the philosophy of handprint what you can do for companies? How wide an application Do you see it as having? Is it just for some companies? Or some sectors? Or do I how wide a scope Do you think this? What what’s the potential here,

Simon Schillebeeckx  26:20

I still believe the potential is, is massive. Because on the one side, there is an genuine need. Right? So we are facing climate change that we just had. I don’t know if you’ve seen the recent report coming out that 2023, what was the hottest year on record, we ended December on 1.78 degrees. That’s bad news, we are experiencing a significant decline in biodiversity and regulator regulators have put a lot of policy in place to start addressing these things. And so companies will have to jump on board. But I think the real potential for this is not interestingly maybe is not with the big oil companies, or the big steel companies or even the big transportation companies, because they have more important things to do. The reality is that if you’re in the business of making things, moving things or mining things, your focus should be on doing so while creating significantly less environmental damage. This is the key thing you need to decarbonize, you need to reduce your water consumption, all of those things, but for the vast majority of people in the developed world, and so think about this, like Singapore, Hong Kong, Europe, US, Australia as well, although Australia has more mining industry, of course. But for the vast majority of people, we don’t work for companies that make things move things are mining things. That’s about 70% of global GDP, is in the service sector is in digital is in NGOs. And the reality is that the classic approach to sustainability has almost nothing to do with those businesses. Because if you don’t have a big footprint, big negative impact, you’re kind of left out of the entire sustainability movement. And I think the potential for handprints and our approach is really winning those companies that want to do something more that want to turn this into a competitive advantage and a differentiating factor. And that realise that if all we’re going to do is reduce our negative impact, it’s basically too easy. And so we’re going to do something else that’s going to create more value for us, but also more value for the planet. And so I think that potential is massive. And with a bit of luck, and a lot of hard work. This could be a multi billion dollar business easily. Hmm,

Gene Tunny  28:59

yeah. Yeah. It sounds like to an extent you’re being led by consumers, are you the consumer preferences are important? And to what extent are there differences between older and younger consumers? Have you? Are you looking at that sort of thing?

Simon Schillebeeckx  29:16

Yeah, we’re looking at this. I mean, we’re looking mainly at research that others are doing about this. We haven’t really done much of our own research specifically on this. But the main trends that we’re seeing is that one, there is an assumption that the younger generation, the Gen Z, and millennials care more about this than the boomers and, and so, and, actually, most of the recent research doesn’t support that. Right. Secondly, there’s an assumption that most of the awareness about these issues is especially prevalent in markets such as Australia and Europe, with the US kind of trailing and In Asia and the rest of the world far behind. And this is also really incorrect. Now, Australia is very advanced. But the best research we’ve seen on this shows that China, and that awareness in China is higher than anywhere else. So it’s a massive thing in China, it’s not yet a massive thing in say, Indonesia or India, or other kinds of Asian countries, Japan is also rapidly rising Europe, you have very strong awareness. And in the US, it’s it’s kind of split according to political affiliation, as we may expect, but in most of these regions, we see a growing consumer awareness across all levels. I think there was a recent was in BCG, I think it was BCG report that kind of found that, on average, based on all the research they did globally, consumers are willing to pay 11 to 12%, more for more kind of sustainable, positive, responsible products. But companies charge like 26 to 35% more for these kinds of products. And that’s really where the big problem is. So if we companies can reduce that, identify the additional margin they’re trying to make, or reduce the cost base for these most more sustainable, sustainably produced products and services, then I think we can really quickly hit that pivot, where suddenly, it makes a lot of sense for many people to adopt these other products. And then we can see very radical shifts, and handprints for many small companies, even if you’re in let’s say, you’re an eco small ecommerce store, you don’t really have the opportunity to say we’re going to fix our supply chains. And we’re going to force our suppliers to only use organic cotton. I mean, you can try but you don’t have the market power. But you can do something simple at the end of the funnel. Namely, we’re going to plant a tree, restore coral, do X remove plastic from the ocean for every transaction, and turn that into a story. And I think the fact that every company no matter how small and what they are doing, can do this makes it potentially very appealing, and hopefully very scalable.

Gene Tunny  32:24

Yeah, you just reminded me when you said remove plastic from the ocean. One of the issues that my producer Joshi suggested I have a cover on the show is the Great Pacific Garbage, plastic garbage patch, or whatever it is. So yeah, just just reminded that is a that is a big issue. And yeah, no,

Simon Schillebeeckx  32:45

and I think we underestimate that issue. Because it’s, I mean, it’s not as much in our face, especially living in Singapore or in Australia. We don’t see plastic pollution that much. But if you go to India, you go to Indonesia, you go to Vietnam, you go to Thailand, it’s everywhere. And it’s a massive issue. And this the Great Pacific vortex, or it’s been described as a giant toilet that doesn’t flush, is is a massive threat to ecosystems, right? So we did, we did, researchers in the UK, in 2021, did a piece of research on plastic pollution, and found microplastics in the blood band, between the baby and a mother and unborn baby. So it is what is the word,

Gene Tunny  33:37

the umbilical cord in

Simon Schillebeeckx  33:39

the umbilical cord. So we have plastics in the umbilical cord. That is the extent of our pollution that our kids right now, even in a country like the UK, where you have very good waste management, but our kids are born already intoxicated with the pollution we bring to this world. And that is shocking. Right? So there are people who argued as a consequence of that study that this is a new species. Because fundamentally, This species has is born with plastic as part of its constitution. And so that is very scary. And so I think this problem which companies like seven clean seas here in Singapore, plastic bank, from from Canada, are addressing at massive scale is really worth solving. And it shouldn’t only be the companies like Coca Cola and Swire group and Pepsi that are largely responsible for much of that plastic pollution. They shouldn’t be the only ones that have to take responsibility. It is a collective responsibility. And so governments need to take they need to put the policy frameworks in place, but everyone can contribute to this by supporting cleanups and this kind of work.

Gene Tunny  34:53

I’ll have to look those companies up. Was it seven clean seas in Singapore and then plastic bank in Canada. You Got a good one? Okay. We’re getting. Yeah, that’s been fascinating. Simon, we’ll get getting getting closer. Just got a couple more questions. Sure. You mentioned this regeneration and enabling No, you’ve got this idea of Is it a regenerative economy? How does that compare with a what people are calling a circular economy? Yeah,

Simon Schillebeeckx  35:20

that’s a good question. So there’s a lot of debates and and on some of our LinkedIn profiles with my CEO, Matias and I, there are many discussions with, let’s say, I’d say regeneration purists that fundamentally don’t believe that you can have regeneration within a growth oriented capitalist system. So we don’t kind of follow that belief system or that narrative. But so the idea of regeneration is really about can we create an economy that is not extractive where we don’t extract natural resources from the planet and pollutes as a consequence, but where the production processes themselves and business models around them, fundamentally lead to a positive net impact on the world. And so it aligns very closely with circular economy. When we think about the application of kind of regenerative practices to manufacturing and agriculture, right, so you have regenerative agriculture, which is kind of the big thing, you have circular economy, which is fundamentally an approach to how do we reconceptualize the supply chains of more or less complex products. But again, that is a very small part of the global economy. So if you want to get everyone involved, if you want to get your local accounting firm informed, or your local podcast host, you cannot do anything about circular economy, because this is not your business. But you could do something in what we define as the regenerative economy by saying, for every 10,000 downloads, so for every 10,000 listeners, I’m going to do something good in the world. And that’s going to be part of how I attract new listeners, how I attract new, maybe customers or attract sponsors, that’s accessible to everyone. And so I think this is really why I prefer the idea of a regenerative economy, because it’s not as exclusive as a circular economy, where only really manufacturing companies can play a big part in. Okay,

Gene Tunny  37:38

that’s a, I like that as a, as a concept is an idea. But how would I go about it? So say, there were, you know, I’m the accounting firm, and I say, I look for every extra, you know, for every extra 10 clients, I’ll I’ll plant a tree or I don’t know, whatever the metric is, or what makes sense or I’ll, or role invest in regeneration of a forest? How would I actually go about that? Are there are there marketplaces or portals that you trust to be able to identify offsets or projects that regeneration projects that I can invest in?

38:20

Yeah, handprint. Okay,

Gene Tunny  38:22

that’s what you do.

Simon Schillebeeckx  38:23

We exactly have such a marketplace for credible, positive impact in the world where you can buy units of impacts across a wide variety of types, whether it’s trees, or ocean, plastic cleanup, like seven clean seas and plastic bank are both accessible through the handprint marketplace. You can plant trees, you can restore corals in the Great Barrier Reef, you can, you can support cleanup projects in Australia, for instance, as well. So we work with all these nonprofits, we bring them into our digital ecosystem. And we facilitate funding flows from companies to them, that is the essence of what we do. And then we create a tools for companies to demonstrate visualise and capture value from doing this. So that is our business. So if you’re looking for a place to do this, then you can comprehend print, there’s others as well, of course, but I’d recommend out print. Yeah,

Gene Tunny  39:17

I don’t want you to give names of any of your competitors have necessarily I’ll look them up and, and check it out just occurred to me that because I know that those sort of things are out there, but I wasn’t sure what the what the names of them of them are, but I’ll definitely check out handprint and put a link in the GBR the Great Barrier Reef, of course, is something that that’s, I mean, I’m in Brisbane and Australia and I mean, the reef is north of us, but it’s not that far north. And you know, I used to live in in Townsville, which is you know, the reef was reasonably accessible. So yep. That’s, that’s terrific. And what validation is there Simon how Do you know that these are worthwhile projects like, because there’s a lot of concern about some of these offsets, and just how robust they are that I think there are a lot of concerns about, you know, a bit of dodgy behaviour there? How do you make sure that you’re looking at, you know, legitimate, legitimate projects?

Simon Schillebeeckx  40:21

Sure. I mean, this is probably the most complex part of our work and handprint is in the onboarding, the sourcing the identification of the right partners. And then the, the system that we’ve developed is one in which we collect a lot of data. And from the all of our impact partners, we have a strong economic alignment model, where we basically allow new projects to come on on the handprint platform after they go through the necessary KYC, which is a pretty lengthy and rigorous process. And then they can launch a small projects, like maybe five to $20,000. If that gets funded, then we’ll see how they report on their progress and what kind of data they provide. And if they do a good job, they can get a bigger, bigger project, and so on. So we built this kind of trust by design. So which is a very different system than the let’s say, the system of what you’re referring to with offsets like the carbon crediting system. So the carbon crediting system is a system where you have trust by centralised authority, right, so you have got a group like like Vera, or gold standards, these are the most famous ones that sets the standards for how you can quantify and earn carbon credits. And then you have a variety of authorities auditors that go and verify that this all has been well done. And this should create more trust, because you have this third party verification, and you have this centralised authorities that are doing this. Now the reality is what we’ve seen is that many of these standards become outdated as more digital technology becomes available. And that’s been the issue with Vera. And then the centralised authorities that do this validation have a very perverse incentive system. And the reason why they have a perverse incentive system is because they’re validating that, yes, this is indeed a real project, but they’re also the ones selling it. Which means in most cases that their interest is in justifying that the that let’s say the carbon sequestration is real, and then maximising the price difference. And this creates this issue where then this was a finding of this UN commission report, we wrote in 2019, that up to 80% of the price that somebody or company pays for a carbon credit doesn’t reach the local communities. So it’s typically between 60 and 80% of the of the money that goes to intermediaries. So the question is, do we want to pay, let’s say, on a $20, or carbon credits, do we really want to pay $16, to the intermediaries to guarantee that it’s trustworthy? And in some cases, you might say, yes, that’s fair. In many cases, I think that’s not fair. Now, the specific reason within the carbon crediting system, in particular, why it’s so important that you have all of these layers of trust, is because companies buy carbon credits to compensate for pollution. It’s basically it’s a pollution rights. They say, like we’re polluting this much, we want to be able to make claims that we’re carbon neutral, or that we’re on track. And as a consequence, we buy these carbon credits as offsets. And I guess my perspective on this and handprints perspective isn’t and this is that this is required because we’ve invented this really complex concept of an organisational carbon footprint. And we are attributing responsibility, based on blame and based on guiltiness. In the environmental space, we make the big guilty parties in charge of solving the problem, rather than saying no, this is a universal problem, and everybody should be kind of contributing to this. And we should put everyone in charge of this. And so yeah, we’re advocating for a real kind of radical mindset shift there where the idea that should be that companies should contribute to, let’s say, nature restoration and not based on how much damage they’re doing to the planet, but on how valuable they are on or on how much profit they make, or how much revenue they make, we need a different distribution mechanism. And if you have a different distribution mechanism, then the whole problem that we currently have on carbon credits, and offsetting just doesn’t matter anymore. Because you still need to invest in nature restoration and doing good things for the world. But it’s not about oh, we are going to calculate our carbon emissions, and then just buy just enough so that we can make claims about this. There is so much money going into this space, that is, I think, not very well spent. Because that money could be much better spent on actually doing something in 2022, we spent $154 billion on sustainability reporting. And there is no evidence that sustainability reporting leads to improve sustainability performance. This is one of the sensible one of the few sensible arguments of many of the ESG haters that they have, like there is there’s just no evidence, right? We see that. I mean, some of the most polluting companies on Earth score very high on ESG metrics, because they’re very good at reporting, but it doesn’t mean they’re actually doing something good for the world. So yeah, we’re revving this quite radical perspective. And we are actually working on a on a thought piece on this called Nature integrity, which we will hopefully published in the next two months, where we’re delineated kind of expanding on this perspective, and, yeah, hopefully, we’ll happy to send it to you when it’s when it’s done. Yeah,

Gene Tunny  46:41

absolutely. Yeah, absolutely. I’ll be keen to have a look at that. Right. Assam has been, there’s been great. I’m learning a lot, particularly about the oil, you know, what, what companies are doing what you know, what the different players are, and who’s doing interesting things. So, so that’s, that’s really good. Right. Before we finish up, I’m keen to learn about global mangrove trust. So yeah, we’ve got quite a lot of mangroves here in, in Australia, in Queensland in particular. So what is the global mangrove trust and what’s been your involvement in it?

Simon Schillebeeckx  47:18

So global mangrove trust was a nonprofit, Ryan and I, so Ryan’s also one of my co founders at handprint, which is a nonprofit, we founded about a year and a half before we set up handprint to initially specifically work with a Myanmar based Norwegian nonprofit that was restoring mangroves in the Bay of Bengal. And over the last five years, it’s evolved into a ecosystem coordinator for mangrove restoration and mangrove conservation worldwide. And so our mission is to put a conservation easements on every mangrove in the world and restore mangroves to their maybe, like 1980s 1970s level of occurrence across across the world, which would be very valuable for carbon sequestration, ecosystem protection, flood protection and fish in the ocean, like mangroves offer so many benefits that they’re one of the most important ecosystems on the planet. And so but we are a small NGO, my involvement now is I’m a non Executive Director. We’ve got a very talented team of people in Europe and and, and Asia, that are kind of leading this work. And our main kind of concrete projects are in Indonesia at the moment. So where we work on large scale mangrove conservation and afforestation. Together with local reforestation partners, and then we’ve developed together with Oxford University, a new carbon accrediting agency that certifies the creation or the issuance of carbon credits, based on state of the art, digital MRV as a monitoring, reporting and validation, using satellite based intelligence and machine learning, and yet, the key vision of ox carbon, which is the certification agency out of Oxford, is to certify high quality projects but have a certification approach that’s much more scalable, and much more cost effective and can be deployed much more rapidly than the existing kind of incumbent certifiers like a Vera and, and gold and gold standard. Because these are fundamentally analogue organised as Asians in a digital age, and so they struggle with the adoption of the what we consider to be the much more scientifically rigorous approaches to measure carbon sequestration and, and state changing forests at scale. And so we are yet we’re working on those kinds of things.

Gene Tunny  50:24

Gotcha. Okay. I’ll put links in the show notes regarding that, and ox carbon and global mangrove trust. And okay, Simon, where can we find more about what you’re doing at handprint?

Simon Schillebeeckx  50:40

So most of the information you’ll find on handprint dot tech, that’s our website, also on my LinkedIn profile, so And on our CEOs LinkedIn profile, Matias was Oh, no. So we are pretty active on LinkedIn. And so that’s where a lot of our conversations are taking place. And otherwise, we have a YouTube channel, and Prindle tech, which is not super active, but there are now and then there’s some videos being posted of talks we do in podcasts that are also appearing on YouTube. And then yeah, I’ve done a few other podcasts as well. So if people want to learn a bit more, they can google my name, if they figure out how to spell it. And just put it into in Spotify or wherever you listen to your podcasts and probably be able to find quite a few more terrific. Okay,

Gene Tunny  51:33

Simon, anything else before we wrap up any, anything you think we missed? Or that that’s an important point that we should go over?

Simon Schillebeeckx  51:41

The final point might be that we are launching a public fundraising campaign on we funder in the US. So if you’re in the US, or you’re have a US bank account, and you want to put a couple of dollars into the next or the first nature tech unicorn, let’s come to the US, then I recommend you go to WWE founder.com/and. Bring the tech and yeah, make a reservation to contribute to the to the project. Okay,

Gene Tunny  52:13

well, good luck with that. Yeah, that’d be terrific. If we had an interview with a founder of a of a unicorn. Before they were a unicorn, that’d be that’d be terrific. Nature Tech, I was wondering what the term was, you know, because we’ve got med tech and fintech and all that. So it’s nature tech. So that’s, that answers that question for me. Yeah. Okay. Simon zorbax. That’s been terrific. I’ve really enjoyed the conversation. Thanks so much for your time.

Simon Schillebeeckx  52:43

Thanks so much for having me gene. It was a pleasure

Gene Tunny  52:47

rato thanks for listening to this episode of economics explored. If you have any questions, comments or suggestions, please get in touch. I’d love to hear from you. You can send me an email via contact at economics explore.com Or a voicemail via SpeakPipe. You can find the link in the show notes. If you’ve enjoyed the show, I’d be grateful if you could tell anyone you think would be interested about it. Word of mouth is one of the main ways that people learn about the show. Finally, if your podcasting app lets you then please write a review and leave a rating. Thanks for listening. I hope you can join me again next week.

53:34

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Credits

Thanks to Obsidian Productions for mixing the episode and to the show’s sponsor, Gene’s consultancy business www.adepteconomics.com.au. Full transcripts are available a few days after the episode is first published at www.economicsexplored.com. Economics Explored is available via Apple PodcastsGoogle Podcast, and other podcasting platforms.

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Podcast episode

John Cochrane on Free Markets & Economic Growth and the Fiscal Theory of the Price Level – EP214

Professor John Cochrane of the Hoover Institution discusses the importance of free markets for economic growth and highlights stagnating growth as the biggest economic issue of our time. John talks about what may be his next book, “Free to Grow,” which aims to update Milton and Rose Friedman’s “Free to Choose” for today’s world. After John speaks, show host Gene Tunny interviews him about his views on growth and his controversial Fiscal Theory of the Price Level. This is a recording of a live event at the Centre for Independent Studies in Sydney on 26 September 2023. 

Please get in touch with any questions, comments and suggestions by emailing us at contact@economicsexplored.com or sending a voice message via https://www.speakpipe.com/economicsexplored.

You can listen to the episode via the embedded player below or via podcasting apps including Google PodcastsApple Podcasts and Spotify.

About Professor John Cochrane

John H. Cochrane is the Rose-Marie and Jack Anderson Senior Fellow at the Hoover Institution. He is also a research associate of the National Bureau of Economic Research and an adjunct scholar of the CATO Institute. 

Before joining Hoover, Cochrane was a Professor of Finance at the University of Chicago’s Booth School of Business, and earlier at its Economics Department. Cochrane earned a bachelor’s degree in physics at MIT and his PhD in economics at the University of California at Berkeley. He was a junior staff economist on the Council of Economic Advisers (1982–83).

For more on John, check out his bio here:

https://www.hoover.org/profiles/john-h-cochrane

What’s covered in EP214

  • 00:03:36 Importance of economic growth.
  • 00:16:06 Incentives drive productivity and growth.
  • 00:17:12 Regulation hinders economic growth.
  • 00:22:59 Fixing problems requires better solutions.
  • 00:28:53 Fixing social programs by embracing free markets.
  • 00:39:28 Regulatory state causing innovation slowdown.
  • 00:46:24 Free market healthcare benefits the poor in John’s view.
  • 00:48:47 Fiscal Theory of the Price Level: Inflation caused by government debt.
  • 00:53:56 Avoid old left-right division.
  • 01:05:21 Government debt may lead to a sovereign debt crisis.

Links relevant to the conversation

Video of the Free to Grow event on YouTube:

CIS web post about the Free to Grow event:

https://www.cis.org.au/event/free-to-grow-unlocking-economic-prosperity/

Transcript: John Cochrane on Free Markets & Economic Growth and the Fiscal Theory of the Price Level – EP214

N.B. This is a lightly edited version of a transcript originally created using the AI application otter.ai. It was then looked at by a human, Tim Hughes from Adept Economics, who did his best to decipher some tricky dialogue that otters understandably missed. It may not be 100 percent accurate, but should be pretty close. If you’d like to quote from it, please check the quoted segment in the recording.

Gene Tunny  00:03

Yeah, John has written this immense book. It’s fascinating. I’ve picked it up but then I discovered I had to buy three more books to be able to, to interpret it. But it’s it is it’s, it’s terrific.

John Cochrane  00:17

Get past, past, just ignore the chapters to the equations and get to the fun stuff…

Gene Tunny  00:26

I’m getting through it!

Welcome to the Economics Explored podcast, a frank and fearless exploration of important economic issues. I’m your host Gene Tunny. I’m a professional economist and former Australian Treasury official. The aim of this show is to help you better understand the big economic issues affecting all our lives. We do this by considering the theory, evidence and by hearing a wide range of views. I’m delighted that you can join me for this episode, please check out the show notes for relevant information. Now on to the show.

Hello, thanks for tuning in to the show. In late September, renowned US economist Professor John Cochrane spoke at the Centre for Independent Studies in Sydney. I’m an adjunct Fellow at CIS and I was lucky enough to interview John after his talk, and I also moderated the Q&A session. John is usually based at the Hoover Institution at Stanford, but he was visiting Australia and New Zealand to attend conferences held by the central banks of both countries. The theme of the event that CIS held was “Free to Grow”. John emphasised the importance of free markets for economic growth, and how stagnating growth is the big issue of our time in his view. After his talk, which I’m replaying entirely because it’s so good, I asked John about his views on economic growth and about his controversial fiscal theory of the price level. So stay listening to hear what he says about that. If you’d like to watch the video version of the CIS event, it’s available on YouTube. And I’ll put a link to it in the show notes. I’ve edited the audio so it’s a bit shorter. But if you’d like to hear the whole thing, including a great introduction of John by the CEO of CIS Tom Switzer, then check out the video, I’d be interested in what you think about what either John or I have to say in this episode. So please get in touch. Contact details are in the show notes. Okay, let’s get into the episode. I hope you enjoy it.

John Cochrane  02:24

Thank you. Thanks, it truly is a pleasure to be here. You may ask why, why do I visit central banks rather than just coming to talk to you? The answer is because central banks pay business class, you know, you know who pay, who prints the money. So I want to tell you a little bit about a project that I’m on. I call it Free To Grow. I hope it’s the next book, you’ll notice the allusion to Free To Choose. But Free to Choose was nearly 50 years ago. And it’s time to update it for today’s world and today’s problems. And it really amounts to I’ve been blogging and writing op eds, and so forth for about 15 years now. It’s time to put all that together in one place, which I discovered is not as simple as copy paste. Because you copy paste and you get immense amounts, it means copy, paste and boil down. And that’s much much harder than I thought. So part of that process is to come to talk to people like you where I have to boil it down, because after half an hour, you’re gonna fall asleep. And we can’t go on and on too far. So thank you for coming. What is the most important economic issue of, you know, facing us or the globe or anyone else? Is it climate change, inequality, unemployment, recession? The answer is none of the above, long term growth, the one that nobody talks about now, to get you to think about growth, why it’s a problem and why we need to do something about it. Let me ask you another quiz question. When was the best economy ever? Now a lot of my left wing friends, they’ll point ah the 1950s were just wonderful because, you know, the economy was growing and middle class jobs and so forth. 1950 the average American income was $15,000 in real terms, today it is $60,000. 15 versus 60. Which do you want? It’s not even close. The absolute best economy ever, in all of human history is right now. by a long shot, unless you want 15 versus 60. Now gee, this is GDP per capita and it evokes yawns, but I want to get you excited about it. GDP per capita is not just about more stuff. It’s about first of all better stuff. That household in the 1950 at a tiny house badly insulated, terrible cars that rusted immediately. One maybe black and white TV, health care. You know, they they all smoke. But you know most things you know if you got cancer in 1950 well, they you know, it’s cheap and then they’ll send in the priest. GDP per capita is health, environment, education, culture, defence, social programmes or any hope of repaying government debt, GDP per capita, that people look down on it, but it correlates with everything else. I’m trying to appeal to the progressives in the audience, which might be a few, but we nonetheless, we have to listen. You want to eliminate extreme, you know, extreme poverty, health, child mortality, clean water, all of those things are just collapsing the number of people who live in extreme poverty around the globe is is fallen dramatically. Child mortality what our ancestors even 100 150 years ago, many of their children died. And as a father and grandfather, I cannot imagine that heartbreak that’s just practically unknown, that comes from GDP that comes from economic growth that comes from it’s all part of it. Even you know, things like parks and a clean environment that that all cool, you have to be able to avoid that stuff. One of the things I find most shocking is the new degrowth movement. A lot of the climate movement will admit that it’s really not about the climate, it’s about an excuse to stop growth, and go back to some idea of the farm. These people have never been on an actual farm, say in India, and had to go get the water by hand first thing every morning. It’s just and it’s also annoys me because how much how much does the world economy have to grow before everyone can enjoy the standard of living of say, a social justice activist who likes to fly private jets to Davos we got along great growth before that, for that can happen. GDP is actually a vast undercount. People say, Oh, it doesn’t include, you know, parks and so forth. But it’s a vast undercount of how much better off we are now than than in the past. Among other things, it’s you know, it’s at market prices, it doesn’t count willingness to pay. If you remember, your your economics, the willingness to pay is always much greater than the market price, we get Google Maps for free, that’s worth a lot GDP counts it as nothing, and no medicines, medicines may be expensive. But if you’re about to die, you’d be willing to pay a whole lot more than that $10,000 it costs. A lot of our progressive friends worry about, oh, you know, we’ll run we can’t keep growing forever. That’s wrong. GDP is not just more stuff. First of all, we keep forecasting the end of resources, and it keeps not happening. But where we’re going GDP is the value of things, it’s producing valuable things for your fellow citizens. You know, it’s it’s funny, they say, oh, it’s immoral to go make a profit, you should go do social justice, the most moral thing you can do is to get up in the morning work hard for your fellow citizens. And and and they pay you for it, which shows you how valuable it is to them. But what we are doing, you know, where we’re going is the services economy, the economy of the future, the GDP of the future, will be for example, health, it will be the ability to to live longer and to conquer diseases and to live happier that that doesn’t take a lot of materials. Now I emphasised across time 15,000 in … from like 1,000 in the 1800s 15,0oo in the 1950s, 60,000 today, this is just an enormous increase in prosperity. Let’s look across countries. What’s the economic problem for India? Should they worry about recession? Should they worry about inequality? Well, their income is 2000. Our income is 60,000. The number one question for India is how to be more like us. That’s just orders of magnitude more important. Even China’s only only 20,000. This swamps these kinds of numbers 15 to 60, 2,000 to 60,000, that swamps every other economic issue. A recession is maybe a fall of 2 to 5%. We’re talking orders of magnitude. Climate is as you know, in the news, let’s just take the IPCC reports that say this will cost us 5% of GDP in 100 years, 5% of GDP versus, you know, doubling tripling, quadrupling, the process of growth. India $2,000 plus or minus 5%, or $2,000 to $60,000. And this is just the swamps, that that kind of issue. Now the question is, will this continue? As long as we’re thinking climate change and the economy of 100 years from now, instead of 5%? better off, will growth continue at say 2% a year? Well, then it’s 200% better in 100 years or three times better than today? If it was 4%, we would be five times better than today. That’s Those are big numbers two times better than today four times better than today or just like today that the the end of growth. So the question I see for Western society is will that continue? And the danger is the creeping stagnation, but it may not continue. The US from 1950 to 2000 grew per capita three and a half percent a year. Since 2000. It’s been 2%. We’re cutting the growth rate nearly in half. And the US as much as I will bemoan it is doing better than everywhere else, except maybe Australia, you guys are catching up. But Italy, my favourite country to go visit stopped growing in in 20, in 2010, just a disaster, Europe, Europe is falling behind, the UK, mother country to us both the UK is half as well off as the US in GDP per capita. And it’s just it’s stagnating and going nowhere, you know, half again, I’m going to I’m going to pick on climate, not because climate isn’t important, but just to get a sense of proportionality of what’s important relative to other things, the crisis of climate change 5% of GDP in 100 years, relative to doubling the UK GDP per capita, if they could just be like the US, you know, so climate change is, you know, that UK versus us is 10 times worse than the damage of climate change, we should be paying attention to long term growth and that and that convergence. So for us, the issue is is stagnating growth, and if it keeps going whether our children and grandchildren will experience what we did relative to our grandparents, of course, for for India, for China, for Africa, the ability to live lives like we do in 100 years, rather than be stuck in grinding poverty forever. That is the most important issue. So where does growth come from? Productivity. In the end, it’s all about what can each person produce per hour. It’s about supply. It’s about efficiency. It’s not about stimulus demand, central banks sending money out. It’s not about it’s not about unions. So why are why are we all wealthy? Because our grant, say your grandfather likely worked in a mine. And it’s 1890 and kaboom with a pick? Did Did we get richer because unions made the profits of the mine go to the worker, and now he gets, you know, 50 cents an hour rather than 25 cents an hour at the pick? No, it’s because now the mine is run with some enormous machine. And everybody else moved to the city and got nice jobs like we have. It’s about productivity. In turn, it’s actually, something is really stuck in our in our policy discussion. It’s always 1933. It’s jobs. It’s stimulus. No, Keynes is dead. We’re stuck with the long run. And the long run is about growth and supply. Where does productivity come from? In the end ideas, ideas, not just products and inventions, the you know, the iPhone, we all we all understand that’s an idea. But the little ideas of how to run businesses better. My my favourites is I spent a lot of time Southwest Airlines if you ever travel in the US, they figured out how to board an aeroplane in 10 minutes, United still takes us 30 minutes because we’re all going there fighting for the overhead bins then you swim upstream to check your bags. That is productivity growth. 10 minutes to board a plane versus 30 minutes to board a plane. Every little thing, you know old fashioned businesses like steel, steel I just found out in the US is is cut by at least in half how many man hours it takes to make us a tonne of steel, the yields on boring things like wheat, are just boom, boom, boom up every year. That’s the slow improvements in how do we do things. So it’s ideas. And ideas are very tricky, economically the crucial event and I’m gonna say something that you probably won’t like. The crucial thing about an idea is that it’s what we call non rival, its intellectual property. iPhone property, real property if you use, take my iPhone, I can’t use it anymore. If you take my wonderful recipe for spaghetti alla Puttanesca I can still use it. It doesn’t hurt me at all for you as you use it. Now, why are we all upset about intellectual property? Intellectual property, Once created, should be used by everybody immediately and then we’re all more productively. Why are we so upset about intellectual property? Well, you do need the incentive to create it. But you only need the incentive to create it. It’s it’s tricky that way. Universities you know, my business is creating intellectual property and giving it away for free. That is the good thing. Now that leads you to say, well, we should subsidise research. We should subsidise new ideas. No, no, no, don’t jump to that fact many of my growth theory economist jumped to you know, subsidised research. That’s the answer to producing new ideas. The problem is and let me tell you for sure because I work in a university. It is very easy to subsidise terrible ideas. You know in In the past, there used to be theology departments, whatever, I don’t know what you think religiously, but that doesn’t improve productivity. Now, it’s called departments of intersectional studies, which is the same thing. But it does not lead to productivity gains is what what matters with us whether you want, it is easy to fill academic journals with BS. So we need ideas. And for us, we need new ideas and better ideas. It’s much easier for China, India and Africa, because the ideas are there, they just need to copy. The only reason, the only reason India is not as productive as the US is they don’t do things the way the US does. Their technology, their productivity is not as high, which is a whole bunch of things, education, legal system, management, all the rest of it, but they don’t have to invent anything new. They just have to copy ideas, and it’s not going to hurt us, for them them to copy them. Ideas need to be embodied. So ideas, not just ideas, lots of inventions that are that they need to be embodied, usually a new products, new businesses, new ways of doing things. So they need incentives. And that is, I don’t really call it free market economy, economics, I call it incentive economics. That is the one thing we have to offer. Nobody else pays attention to incentives. Our job is to pay you need the incentives to take those ideas and implement them in new products, new businesses, and every step is hard. We think of growth as 2%. For years just gonna happen. No, every one of those 2% is is is is hard work to do things a little better, and to upset the established order. The problem is, every step is disruptive. So think about Uber and taxis. Easy example, Uber comes in, obviously better, right? We get cheaper rides, cars get used, people get employment opportunities, part time work, and who hates it? The taxi companies. Now I don’t know what happened here. But what happened in the US is just an unholy mess. The taxi companies had been protected forever. They, they they don’t like it. Nobody, don’t count on businesses to be for free markets, businesses hate free markets. Businesses want protection from competition and an easy life. And that’s the problem. This process of productivity enhancement has to be embodied in new businesses that disrupt the existing order. So all of regulation is designed to stop growth. Think of economic regulation, what does economic regulation do? By and large, it says I protect you from competition from him in order to keep the existing way of things going. A lot of it is about transfers, I’m going to take money from you and give to him but we’re going to do it very inefficiently by making you charge by forcing you to charge a higher prices. This regulation is designed to stop growth, not to get it going to preserve jobs, businesses always of doing things. Why? Because we live in democracies. Democracies are responsive to the needs of their citizens. And when the citizens come come screaming to stop competition and preserve my way of life. Democracies give them what they want good and hard as HL Mencken used to say, My ancestor I have an ancestor who came from Germany to the US and he came to the US. They hated Germans at the time, he went to New York, didn’t speak English. He wrote back come to America, the streets are paved with gold. Why? They were in a business they they made furniture and they wanted to move into pianos. But the guilds in Germany didn’t like this. There’s no damn guilds here stopping us from doing what we want to do. That’s what it needs. So why how do we how do we get around that? Well, we have property rights. We have rule of law, the institutions that protect our ability to innovate and and to and to cause problems for the existing people. So why are we stagnating? In my view, the answer is simple. We got people we got ideas, we’ve got entrepreneurial spirit, we have abundant investment capital, we just can’t get the permits. Now my notes say US regulatory nightmare insert horror stories. And you can we have all heard horror stories of regulation gumming up the works of doing things. Good ideas include public institutions. Now I’m I’m a good libertarian with lots of adjectives in front and one is a rule of law in libertarian. Property lights a rule of law and efficient legal system, that the the prep protections against depredation against the ability of your neighbours to go and demand competition that’s really important. And we see that good institutions are one of the most important things to get into growth, that’s why. So how can we get going growth again? Well, let’s we gotta fix the all the sand in the gears that’s getting in the wing. Can this help? There is a strain of thought and economics that says we have just run out of ideas. That’s the end of that, you know, growth is bound to end. I don’t think that’s true. But let’s let’s fix what we can, we can look and see lots of sand in the gears and we can certainly improve the level and, and I think we can do an enormous amount. When you look across countries, the GDP per capita from the Central African Republic, which is about 200, to India, 2000, China, about 20,000. UK about 40,000 US 60,000. There’s a very strong correlation between our incomes and ease of doing business index rule of law index, those kinds of institutional indices, so we know what’s good. What’s amazing is is how big the effect is, from 200 to 60,000, is really just institutions that my favourite is the my colleague, Chad Jones has a textbook on growth theory. And the cover is is a picture of Korea from a satellite, North Korea dark South Korea light. Now, now the good Lord has given us a controlled experiment, I’m sorry for the people of North Korea, but you want same background, same culture, same language, same everything. In fact, North Korea was the wealthier part in before the for the war, you want a controlled experiment on what government can do, it’s just amazing that it can do so much damage. But But there it is, for you, well, continue that regression line, the ease of doing business index puts the US at 82, 100 is possible. 100 just means the best observable everywhere, as I run that regression line out that puts the US 400% higher than it is today. Well, that seems possible that that is I think, a struggle. So how do we do? Erm fixed regulation sounds, you know, like pie in the sky. And the bulk of what I have to offer is, you know, concrete ideas of how we do it. The problem is, here’s there’s a political problem, stimulus is so attractive, stimulus is, ah, I the great politician will give you money and this will float all around, say yay give me, write me a check. Fixing things is a reform effort. And every market is screwed up in its own way with a bunch of vested interests, I call it what we need is the Marie Kondo approach to our public life. You can’t just stimulus, you can’t just go down and buy a lot of containers. You got to fix the sock drawer, and then the underwear drawer and my god the garage is waiting for us the tax code?.Well, that’s the way it is, you know, you have to know where you’re going and and, and start that reform effort. So I want to give you some examples. You’re not going to get in the next 10 minutes programme for everything, but it is the Marie Kondo approach. How can we get out though of the debate, you can see there’s sort of stuck. And I, what I’ve been thinking about mostly is I don’t want to call it out of the box, because that’s so trite, but a way beyond sort of the standard left right dilemma. And I think that’s right, I think there is an answer to air, to most of our problems, that is not just one or the other side more of this. What do you have to do first? Many regulations actually have some reason to them. So understand why, but then do a better job of what they’re doing. One important exercise is what’s the question? As you look at policies, most are answers in search of a question. My favourite being like tax the rich, it’s always tax the rich, but why keeps changing over the time? Well, let’s get the question. And then we can find a better answer. Regulation, regulation is not more versus less. Regulation is better, worse versus worse, well crafted versus not well crafted, full of unintended consequences and bad incentives or not. The the game is to fix, not just more or less, that’s harder. Another important principle, think of the overall incentives, the overall system, not just parts in isolation. And above all, think about the incentives. No one else is thinking about the incentives. It’s politics is just about taking from you giving to him. Nobody’s thinking about the incentives. If you think about the incentives, you’re away from the political wrangling about about who gets what. So for example, let’s think about let me start with an easy one, taxes. What should we do about taxes? Well, what’s the question? If the question is raise revenue for the government with minimal damage to the economy? I said the question once you say the question, the answer is very simple. That the answer to that question is eliminate income taxes, corporate taxes, state taxes, taxes on rates of return, basically just a flat sales tax on absolutely everything. That raises the most revenue for the government with with least cost and and now the objection what’s what’s wrong with that? First objection is, wait a minute, that’s gonna be like a 50% tax rate. Yeah. If GDP if if The government spending 50% of GDP, the tax rate average tax rate is going to be 50%. And if you don’t like that, you need to spend less. The it’s the same tax rate now it’s just raised in a different way. What we do now is we, we put it in lots of different places, so people don’t know. But the idea is simple. What about inequality? Well, number one, get the rich at the Porsche dealer. If you have a flat sales tax, you’re gonna get them you’re just gonna get them at the Porsche dealer, not when when they make the money, and it’s vastly simple. But what about inequality? Oh, you mean that wasn’t the question? The problem with our tax code is it’s trying to do and this is the US, by the way, I should say, I don’t know anything about Australia, and I hate Americans who wander around the world telling other people what they should do. So but I’m gonna seem parochial as a result, because all my stories about America, we’re trying to do 15 things. We’re trying to raise revenue, we’re trying to transfer income, we’re trying to subsidise all sorts of stuff, like my neighbour in Palo Alto lives in a $5 million house got 7500 bucks from the government for his new Tesla. That’s nice. We’re trying to and we’re trying to subsidise all sorts of things off budget without actually, you know, we’re taxing and spending without taxing spending? Well, you’re trying to do too many things. No wonder you get a mess. Let’s separate these. So the way I’d like to do it is let’s put all of that stuff on budget as expenditures. The flat taxes said, Oh, it’s not progressive. But what is the taxes don’t matter. What matters is the whole system. If we raise money efficiently with a flat tax, and then spend checks to whoever you want to spend, the whole system can be as progressive as you want. And as progressive as the voters will like, or as less progressive as you want. But it doesn’t matter. There’s this focus on each one individually, no, look at the whole system. And that can be as progressive as you want. And that you know, but if you put it on budget, then it’s up to the voters. I’m gonna follow principle, I got nothing to say about transfers, all I got to say about is incentives. And I want the lowest possible marginal rates, with the highest possible revenue for the government, that fixes the incentives, how high those rates are? up to you how much you want to spend, how much gets transferred up to the voters? how much they’re happy to do. Let me talk about social programmes. We are in the US at least, we’re running 5 to 7% of GDP structural deficits. And here come the retirement of the baby boomers. That’s our that’s our debt problem. Well, here’s a classic of left versus right. Right, oh, we gotta cut social programmes, we’re gonna go bankrupt. Left, you heartless whatever, you’re gonna throw grandma from the back of the train, how can you do that? How can we break out of this one? Let’s look at incentives. What’s the real problem with American social programmes. The real problem is not how much money we spend. The real problem is the disastrous incentives and it’s incentives that the programmes all put together. You take the average American between zero and $60,000. They if they earn an extra dollar in legal income, they lose $1 of benefits. And that’s on average, there’s many cliffs where you earn $1 And you lose all your health insurance. Make sure not to earn that extra dollar. If you have, if you have affordable housing with an income limit, earn an extra dollar, you lose your house, people are very smart, they respond to incentives. The other problem we have is that low income Americans basically don’t work. The labour force participation is just catastrophically low. Well, duh, why don’t they work? Because if they earn extra, do you want to cheer after me? If you earn an extra dollar, you lose $1 of benefits. So why don’t we work on fixing the disincentives of social programmes? What will happen then, what will happen is more people work, so they won’t need so much social programmes just save money, you’ll help people who actually need help much more effectively. And you reduce the cycle of poverty and dysfunction in a lot of our neighbourhoods. How can we do that? Well, one of the most important ways is that the problem comes from all programmes together. It’s the the food stamps you it’s only like a 50% implicit tax rate. But if you add the food stamps, the Social Security, the low the earned income tax credit, the the low income bus pass, that actually exists, I mean, all the things that are income limited, you put those together, so why don’t we put those all together instead of having 15, 150 actually different different programmes, remove the cliffs. One of the most crazy things in the US if you get another dollar of income, we lower your benefits. If you go get out and get another programme that gives you another dollar of transfers. We don’t lower your benefits. Well we can fix these things. Control the disincentives. Banking, oh boy. banking regulations. This is a classic one of disincentives. And there’s we have we’re in we’ve just done this again. We’re in this cycle of, the crisis comes, bail everybody out, promised to fix it. It doesn’t work. Great. Run comes again, bail everybody out. Again, this is a ne.., this is an important one because there’s remember the little old lady who swallowed the fly, just swallowed the spider to catch the fly and so on and so forth. This is when you think about how things got bad is not just dumb people. It’s smart people patching up a dumb system. And that’s what happened a run happens. What do you do? You got to bail out the creditors to stop the runs. Now you have moral hazard. A bailout deposit insurance is like giving your uncle Luigi your credit card on his way to Las Vegas. That’s what we economists call moral hazard. So we write rules, okay, no double down on 16. No spinning double black or whatever. Luigi figures out, I have an Italian family so I get to use this. Luigi figures out and goes to the craps table and next thing you know you got another crisis. We have the answer. It’s it’s a sensible thing. But now it’s it’s it’s falling apart we have the answer, which is was put in place 1992 but it requires tearing the whole system down and starting from scratch. And that’s the hard part, the answer, by the way is banks should get their money by issuing stock. And then deposits should just flow into flow into trade. It’s called narrow banking. It’s been around since the 1930s. There’s a lot of money people making money in the current system. Housing, you have a housing problem, we have a housing problem, let them build. And I’m only beginning, health, oh boy, healthcare. This one always causes me problems. But I got to tell you so healthcare in the US is one of the most dysfunctional things around. It’s actually possibly worse than socialised health care. Fully private health care can work. Now here and in 30 seconds, I’m not gonna give you the programme. But health is a complex personal service. It’s like lawyering, accounting, architecture, construction, aeroplane pilots, car repair. It’s a complex personal service, all of those we leave to the free market, there is no reason that healthcare can’t be left to the free market as well. And then a brutally competitive market can give us better service and lower prices. Oh my goodness, I haven’t even gotten to horrible publication, public education, labour laws, occupational licencing laws, immigration restrictions, regulatory barriers, lawsuits, prevailing wage, domestic content rolls, the sand in the productivity gears. What are we gonna do? Well, that’s it, those are all out there. But you can see the general principle can, can be used to fix all those if we want to, you know, free, free markets is still a vital way to fix today’s problems. And that’s just today’s economy. Well, you know, new ideas are also the the sand in the gears is there too. You know, there’s a possibility of factory built mini nuclear power plants. Why don’t we have those in the US? Because the Nuclear Regulatory Commission has not licenced a single new plant since 1975. AI, we live in a moment of a spectacular technological advance. It’s like Gutenberg. It’s potentially like like Gutenberg’s movable press. And immediately what do people want to do? Run to Washington to regulate it. And where’s this, it’s not just coming from fear the robots will take over. There’s a strong demand to regulate it because this is information. We are we’re living at the outbreak of the technical censor the censorship state, and boy, oh boy who has control over ChatGPT3, has control over politics, especially biology I see great advances in biology, better health, longevity, that what we’re learning about about the fundamentals of life is fantastic. But good luck getting FDA approval, or increasingly politicised research funding. So let me summarise here we can’t just bemoan, there’s a tendency among us free marketers to have a beer and just say, Oh, how dumb Why are their zoning zoning laws are so dumb, they’re stopping that. But if you understand where they came from, and what the disincentives are, I think you have a better chance of fixing you have to understand where they came from. That patchwork the old lady and the fly, how to how to ask the right questions, to get the answer. You have to examine the whole system, you have to examine the incentives. And you have to make your opponents state the question. And then often there’s a very simple answer. And then they go duh, that wasn’t the question I asked. It’s okay, now we’ll have a better conversation. There’s a way to do this. Economists are quite a bit at fault, my fellow economists. What you’re taught in economics school, is how to look at every problem, diagnose some failure of the hypothetical totally free market, and then advocate new rules that the benevolent omniscient planner will do to fix the problem. But we don’t live in a free market. When you see a problem. Look first, not at a hypothetical failure of some free market look for the regulation that caused the problem, as you can see with zoning and housing, it’s not a failure of the market, it’s regulatory. Now I have to close on a optimistic note. You know, people often tell me, Oh, if only we could get leaders who will listen, They all believe in democracy. How does this happen? Things things will get better when the average person understands how it works and votes for sensible policy. I know a lot of politicians, they, by and large, understand perfectly well how things work. And they understand they won’t get voted in office for it. So when the average person sees, you know, when the average person sees too high house prices, and says, Well, why don’t we let people build more houses, you’ll get politicians who understand that. So really, the way things work is there’s leaders, there’s the chattering classes around them, and there’s the vast amount of sensible voters around that. If you operate in the world of ideas, then the politics will follow. And that’s why institutions like this one exist, we exist to help the ideas that then will make their way into policy. The idea that you can just whisper into the into the great emperors ear, that’s not how a democracy works. And thank goodness, that’s the way our society works. Okay, thank you.

Gene Tunny  36:19

Okay, we’ll take a short break here for a word from our sponsor.

Female speaker  36:24

If you need to crunch the numbers, then get in touch with Adept Economics. We offer you frank and fearless economic analysis and advice. We can help you with funding submissions, cost benefit analysis studies and economic modelling of all sorts. Our head office is in Brisbane, Australia, but we work all over the world. You can get in touch via our website, http://www.adepteconomics.com.au. We’d love to hear from you.

Gene Tunny  36:54

Now back to the show.

36:59

John, thank you. And now it’s time for our Q&A session with our friend and colleague leading proceedings, Gene Tunny is director of Adept Economics in Brisbane. And he’s the author of a recent CIS publication that I’d encourage you to read, Debunking Degrowth. Gene Tunny, over to you Gene.

Gene Tunny  37:17

Thanks, Tom. And thank you, John, for that excellent lecture. That was terrific. John, I’d like to start with this idea of the age of stagnation or the risk of stagnation. And it seems like you’re attributing that to government, I’d like to understand what evidence there is behind that. So we’ve, if you believe the people on the left, we’ve had an age of neoliberalism, we had the reforms of Thatcher and Reagan and in this country, we had Hawke and Keating and then Howard. And there’s an argument that we’ve deregulated too much. But you would push back on that, could you tell us a bit more about why you’re so confident, it’s it’s government regulation that is driving that slowdown?

John Cochrane  37:55

You got an alternative for me? I mean, just look out the window, and you know, try to run a business and and see how hard it is to get anything done. So Reagan and Thatcher were great, but they just scratched the surface. They sort of talked about deregulation, but you know, how many federal agencies did Reagan actually get rid of? You know? So there was a little bit of a pause. But the regulatory state just kept adding more and more. And I see it’s a larger issue, not just of the size of regulation, but the nature of it, our public institutions in the US are fraying. I actually am a free marketer, I look back with nostalgia at the era of regulation. And by which I mean, when our regulatory agencies had rules and cost benefit analysis and public comment and proper procedures. Now, it’s just an executive order and a Dear Colleague letter, you know, and so that that’s in many ways worse as an example. Also, it’s getting more and more politicised. I was shocked. So you may or may not know what’s going on. There was a case, Missouri v Biden that revealed what was happening the censorship of the internet during the COVID era, and went unremarked. The Biden administration was simply threatening businesses like Twitter, we’ll close you down. We’ll send the EEOC, the NLRB, the EPA, you know, this alphabet soup of agents, we’ll send them after you. But by saying that, you know, you see right there, it’s taken for granted. This isn’t rules. This isn’t law. This is just we arbitrary power to close things down. So I see the regulatory state getting bigger, the the legal system in the US, you know, you can’t get anything built because you’re gonna get years of environmental suits. And it’s part of sort of the scorched earth politics. That may not be the answer to the question you wanted, but that’s what I see.

Gene Tunny  39:45

No that’s okay, I just wanted to ask because the the alternative view is that there has been that slowdown in the rate of innovation that you mentioned the the Robert Gordon thesis of the rise and fall of American growth. I think it’s, yeah to me, it seems like a difficult thing to be able to prove one way or another,

John Cochrane  40:02

It is no, what you’re asking me is not just my view but what I think of those views. Yeah. So these views, we got to take this seriously. Gordon basically said, our growth was an SJ thing, it was a one time thing, we learned to use fossil fuels. And that’s over, just, you know, that the possibilities are over. And there is evidence, you know, it’s taking more and more in resource, find an invention. But in part, that’s always been the case. So there’s a great study of the steam engine, steam engines invented, it wasn’t, you know, 18, if you’ve been to the museum’s, it wasn’t like the final steam engines 100 years of making it better and better, and it gets harder and harder to harder to make it better. And we’re kind of running out of ways to make steam engines better. And then someone invents the diesel engine, and then someone invents the aeroplane. So I think we’ve been in a period of sort of, there was a new invention, we kind of work and all that, and you’re waiting for the next new thing to come, which I think is potentially biology or AI. So just wait. But who knows, you know that that’s a possibility. We but we also know, the regulatory state is causing tremendous problems. So you know, maybe we can only raise GDP by a factor of four, before we run in, run out of ideas, factor four will be pretty good. And to let India and Africa have our way, know how to do things the way that will be pretty good, too. And if 200 years from now, that’s where we plateau. Okay, we’re done.

Gene Tunny  41:20

What do you think the risks are with? With AI? I mean, there’s a lot of potential there with biotech is that is the risk that we’re going to be too timid, that we’re going to over regulate, because of the precautionary principle, for example, how do you see that? And what alternative would you offer? What, would you have a principle that you could apply for there?

John Cochrane  41:38

The last big thing on the internet was was, you know, social media sorts of things and Google, and then they’ve been kind of looking for what, I live in Silicon Valley, they’ve been looking for what to do for 10 years. And I talked, everybody wanted crypto for a while that was kind of going nowhere. Not that kind of hard. But the old tech companies have turned into regulatory regulated utilities with remarkable speed. And I worry that this, this is really a demand for the new stuff to do that I don’t, the idea of the robots will take over. They’ve been worrying about that since 1850. I think just technically, that’s silly is just complete sentences, it completes your sentences. Don’t worry about that taking over. I think the demand for regulation is the demand to control the flow of information that we get, and we’re worried about tech is there’s no monopoly that doesn’t get enforced by the government that lasts very long. People say tech’s a monopoly? Oh, yeah, Netscape, AOL, Yahoo, they got that one wrapped up, don’t they? And the same thing is happening to the big tech tech companies now. So the demand I think, really is the danger is the danger of the surveillance state. And, and so, you know, there’s you can see the political demand for regulation, and people like to keep their profits up. So that’s the demand for regulation. Not that the robots are gonna come get us.

Gene Tunny  42:57

Okay. I’d like to ask, again about, well about government. And you mentioned the, the Marie Kondo approach to fixing government and if I remember Marie Kondo correctly, it’s you pick up an item and if it doesn’t bring you joy, you toss it out. Are there parts of the government that don’t bring you joy, that you would toss out?

John Cochrane  43:16

I think the converse of that question is going to be harder or easier to answer. Yes. What what do I like about the government? I think the US is vastly underfunded the legal system, that it takes years to get to get something through the courts is just a shame. That’s part of public infrastructure. You know, where roads, bridges and efficient courts. So that’s why as much as I hate lawyers, and environmental suits and all the rest of it, nonetheless, that’s, you know, that’s a part of the work that we can have some public infrastructure there. Is there anything else that we actually like? What do we like in the government?

Gene Tunny  43:54

That’s okay.

John Cochrane  43:56

Sorry? Yeah, National Defence. That’s a big inefficiency that we put up with. Thank you. It is remarkable. I’m a good libertarian and free marketer, that the military is so efficient at what it does. I mean, it’s a big inefficient waste, but that it actually wins wars is pretty amazing. You know, given given the structure that they’re really amazing people.

Gene Tunny  44:17

Okay. John I’d like to ask about health care, for example, and you’re a proponent of free market, in health care. A lot of the other advanced economies or most of them would have large public health care systems. And the concern is that if you have the free market in health care, there’d be some people that would miss out, they’d be left behind, there’d be people who couldn’t afford it, people who wouldn’t be insured. How do you deal with that objection given, if you look at the US system, US life expectancy is significantly lower than other advanced economies. How would you cope with that objection? How do you, I know it’s difficult to unscramble from where we are and you do have regulation intervention already, but how would you deal with that, that objection?

John Cochrane  45:01

Yeah the US already has a public health system that’s just a remarkably inefficient one. So most of the population is on some sort of government thing, whether it’s Obamacare or federal employees, and the US, you know, in other countries they say, You’re we’re paying taxes, you’re gonna pay some taxes to pay for his health care. In the US, the government says, well, we don’t want to tax and spend instead you business are going to provide her health care, and is that any different than taxing and spending? But then we have this horrible system of cross subsidies, which is what kills the competition? You know what, so government doesn’t want to pay that much. So we say, well, you hospital, you have to provide free health care, and the hospital says fine where are we making up the difference? Well, we’ll let you overcharge everybody else. Okay, but now you can’t have any competition. That’s where the whole homeless comes from. Now, now the left behind issue. So US life expectancy is lower. That’s because we shoot each other. And we and we do a lot of bad drugs. But US life expectancy, if you have cancer, it’s a whole lot better than anywhere else in the world. So it’s horrendously expensive, but but not that bad. You know, the poor people have cars and houses and lots of things, they don’t get great health care, by the way, anywhere in the world. Everywhere in the world, rich people have ways of getting really good quality health care, and we sort of have a fig leaf that that everybody else is, is getting great stuff. So I don’t see that free market health care, because it’s going to be so much more competitive, so much more cost effective. I think it’s gonna serve poor people, poor people, you know, have money just like anybody else. They’ll they’ll buy health insurance and it’ll be cost effective. And, and I don’t mind subsidising it. So you want a subsidy, so we can have transfers, I said, do you know all the transfers you want? I just I’m gonna give you a voucher, you can have a voucher for 5000 bucks, 10,000 bucks here, I don’t care what it is. Go buy your health care on a brutally competitive insurance and healthcare market. You’re going to come great because you got a $10,000 voucher.

Gene Tunny  47:00

Okay, okay. Might be good to ask, go to the audience soon. ButI’ve got one more question…

John Cochrane  47:04

I’ll try to shorten up my answers. Stop asking such good questions.

Gene Tunny  47:08

No, I’ve got one more question about your fiscal theory the price level, which is, yeah John’s written this immense book. It’s fascinating. I’ve picked it up. But then I discovered I had to buy three more books to be able to, to interpret it. But it’s it is it’s, it’s it’s terrific…

John Cochrane  47:27

Get past the, past, just ignore the chapters of the equations and get to the fun stuff…

Gene Tunny  47:31

I’m getting through it. But John, how do you distinguish this from, say, the Milton Friedman view that inflation is always and everywhere a monetary phenomenon, you’ve got a fiscal theory of the price level. We look at what happened during the pandemic, when we had this massive monetary expansion in the Western world and in Australia and the United States, UK. And then we see the inflation following that. And we think, Well, this is what Milton Friedman was telling us. But you’ve got a theory of inflation that is different. You’re saying it’s to do with fiscal policy with government debt? What do you say about Friedman’s theory and how is yours different how does yours add to it or reject Friedman?

John Cochrane  48:08

That’s not a question that’s gonna get you a short answer. 600 page book in 30 seconds, here we come! The fiscal theory of the price level says that where does inflation come from fundamentally? It comes from more government debt than people think can be repaid by future taxes. Government debts and assets just like stocks and bonds. If you think the stock doesn’t have is not doesn’t have any dividends coming, what do you do you try to sell the stock the price goes down. If you hold government debt, and you think, you know, these guys are never gonna pay this off. What do you do? You try to get rid of the government debt? How do you do that? You try to buy stuff to try to sell the government debt, but we can’t all sell it. The only the you know, what is if we try to sell the government debt, we buy stuff, prices go up. That’s where inflation comes from. Now, what about Milton Friedman? I love Milton Friedman. Milton Friedman was 99% right. Wrong about one little thing. So Friedman, he said money causes inflation, not total government debt. Now, how do we agree and disagree? Suppose you take $5 trillion of money and hand it out from helicopters, as Milton said, that’s gonna cause inflation. I agree, because money is one form of government debt. And when you drop money from helicopters, you’re telling people here’s debt, we have no intention of paying this off with future taxes. So we agree that is, it’s an expansion of government debt is money that finances a deficit. But suppose the government drops $5 trillion of money from helicopters. And simultaneously the government burglars come and take $5 trillion of treasury bills out of your safe, you have no more wealth, you have lots more money, but we took away your treasury bills. Now monetarism would say that causes exactly the same inflation as just giving you the debt. And I say ah ah ah, what counts is overall amount of government liabilities and as proof, yes, in the pandemic, the government did drop a lot of money and debt on everyone and got inflation. It was financing huge deficits. That was a fiscal expansion. The government also did $5 trillion of giving you money and taking back debt. That was called quantitative easing. And what did that do? Nothing. So 5 trillion in quantitative easing designed to increase inflation, absolutely no effect whatsoever. 5 trillion of deficits, which could have been money could have been debt, 5 trillion deficits, we got inflation. That’s actually Episode One for the fiscal theory.

Gene Tunny  50:27

Okay. Thanks, John. That explains it better to me for sure.

John Cochrane  50:31

And Milton was great. Now many not that many episodes of money causing inflation, and they were almost all governments printing money to, to cover deficits. So we agree on all those episodes.

Gene Tunny  50:43

Very good. Okay, Tom, should we open up to the floor for questions? And question I’m going to enforce the questions must be questions rule. Gigi Foster?

John Cochrane  50:54

I welcome speeches. Short speeches.

Gigi Foster  50:56

I’m Gigi Foster. I’m a professor of economics at UNSW, one of our local universities. And thank you so much for your lovely talk, which I will be trying to get somehow for my students, hopefully CIS will make that possible. So I really agree with you know, 99%, of what you said. But towards the end, I thought maybe your optimism about being able to fix this through democratic processes may be a little bit overstated. And my worry is that what we have now is this sclerotic mess in not just in government, but in organisations as well, including universities. And it is sustained by poor incentives on the part of the people in the state and the bureaucracies that are not accountable, and the politicians themselves who are career incentives. And what we face is a situation similar to what Kafka saw, similar to what we had in the USSR before it fell. And we know that how those bureaucracies end is they they either have wars that defeat them, or they come crashing down under the weight of their own inefficiency. And right now, our democratic mechanisms are not very strong. A few elections, sometimes, to me, it’s just not a strong enough force. So I’ve been advocating for a lot of direct democratic revival in the resistance and restoration movement here in Australia. And I wanted to know what you thought about the need for that. And if we don’t think it’s necessary, how is this going to come to pass?

John Cochrane  52:08

In the past, democracies, especially actually, small countries, who seem better able to do it than the US are capable of reform. Even the US we’ve had a social security reform, we had a tax reform there, you know, historically, we’ve been able to fix things. I worry as you do, that the institutions are fraying that we are we are in the US having, the government is so powerful, that it’s worth scorched earth tactics, to destroy the institutions to grab power for the next round, because then you get control of the Justice Department, the surveillance state, the taxes and all the rest of it. There is a limited government allows you to lose elections and go lick your wounds and try again. So and I, I’ll be a little political here. I think our big, one of our biggest challenges is we face a political religious movement on the far progressive left, that is understood the march through the institutions. It’s a small fraction of popular opinion, but they know they grabbed the educational institutions, they grabbed the bureaucracies they grabbed the philanthropies, they have the universities, they have the institutions of civil society in their grasp. And they are profoundly undemocratic. They they are, they call themselves save our democracy, but they are Maoist in their in their policies and that and with the fraying of institutions, and the rise of a technical surveillance state, that, you know, that is a genuine threat to democracy and growth. So I was trying to close optimistically, I’m making your point. I am, you know, very worried about that, and our freedom to have events like this.

Gene Tunny  53:47

Righto, Peter Tulip, at the back and then over here… Thank you, Chief Economist at CIS, yes.

Peter Tulip  53:54

Thank you. I’d like to ask about you’re talking about avoiding the left right division, that a lot of the regulations you want to get rid of have a strong constituency within the economics profession. But that’s not true of all of them. There are some views and in particular, free trade, or housing policy, you mentioned where left wing economists, like Jason Furman or Paul Krugman, have almost exactly the same agenda, as you do. But the general public is on a different planet. And part of that is that the public just doesn’t trust market forces. I was wondering if you have views, how do we prosecute those other issues where economists across the spectrum agree, and we’re against the general public?

John Cochrane  54:43

Boy, that’s a hard one, by the way, Econ profession is in many cases very interested also. You know, how do you get consult like health economists, you know, they live to consult for the for the big health either, they’re not gonna say free market. They live to provide advice and benevolent dictators, they tend to be pro regulation as well. How do we get, boy, basic education on basic things that support the institute? I get to think about that one and come back after another question, but because those are fairly straightforward, and of course, the far left doesn’t believe in the far right doesn’t either. You know, Trump has 25% tariffs on everybody. In fact, I was so disappointed in California. There’s a there’s now a yimby movement where progressive lefties they’re saying, You know what, I get it. The only way to bring down housing prices is let people build housing and market rate housing, not just government subsidised housing. And instantly the Republican Party said, no, no, no, no, we must have zoning control and local local. Don’t Don’t count on the right to be free market either.

Gene Tunny  55:56

Over here, and then we’ll go over here. Yes, if you could just…

Michael Potter 55:59

Yes, Michael Potter. So I just wanted to ask about you mentioned I think a when you were talking about health care that the US system is actually worse than a socialised system was just wondering if you could expand or develop on that idea. Why is the system which is sort of partly free market and partly regulated or socialised, why is that actually worse than a fully socialised system?

John Cochrane  56:23

Well in part I was making a joke. But you know, what, there’s a couple of original sins in US healthcare, and one of them is this idea that we’re going to do, we’re not going to tax and spend, we’re going to do it by forced cross subsidies. Because if you tax and spend, you can still have a competitive system. When you do it by forced cross subsidies, you you have to stop competition, and then just the price just explodes. So, you know, we have better health care than most places, but we pay we have twice as good health care at five times the price. And actually, you know, there is this issue, what do you do about poor people? And I said, vouchers is one way to do it another way is, let’s just, if you want it, you know, deal with the homeless people shouldn’t die in the gutter, why don’t we pass some taxes and give them whatever health care you think is a compassionate society deserves the least fortunate. And then the rest of us can be left to the mercies of the free market. And one of the crazy things is that my health care insurance has to be so screwed up, just because to provide health care to the bottom 5% of the homeless person in the gutter, that’s silly. You know, we, we need, you know, I can still go to a private hotel. And we don’t, you know, we don’t we don’t try to socialise that in order to solve the homeless problem. So there is, you know, I assume a government provided system all one in is pretty horrendously inefficient. But a system a crony capitalist system can be as efficient as a, as a well run, government provided system. And I’ll say it I would be for taxing and spending, you know, one way to, you know, tax and provide a a community hospital for the poor, and then we get the free market.

Gene Tunny  58:07

Okay, with some questions over here. And then we’ll go to you, we’ll go to this gentleman. Thank you. Thank you. Thanks.

David Tregenza 58:14

Hello, my name is David Tregenza. I was just wondering, when you talked about development economics. I’ve read arguments from maybe more progressive that the reason America has such all those ideas booming is from their large spend on military, which then leaks to entrepreneurs. And that’s where computers, internet, rockets, satellites, and all that come from? What do you say to that?

John Cochrane  58:38

Well like, China seems pretty good at taking our military ideas and implementing them. You know, those ideas are available for anyone. Now, to what extent was, you know, to what extent the idea is that the most efficient way to produce new ideas, you know, Apollo programme was 1% of GDP, we got Tang and Teflon, you know, maybe we could have gotten that cheaper from from other ways. So some of the basic ideas did come from the military. But the hard work is not the basic idea. The hard work is the implementing it and starting the new company, you know, famously, Xerox, created the mouse and didn’t know what to do with it. Steve Jobs saw the mouse and boom, that, you know, he knew what to do with it. So I’m not sure that we have a dearth of basic ideas. We have as the dearth of is the ability to take new ideas and implement them in new companies, which then challenge the profits and ways of doing things of the old companies.

Gene Tunny  59:36

Nicholas Moore is it? Has the microphone.

Nicholas Moore 59:37

Thanks, thanks for the presentation. It’s been terrific. I’m, of course a subscriber to to, as you say, 99% of these views, using a natural experiment US versus the UK I think is a good test. But I always used to get confused when I looked at France and the UK because the French obviously wouldn’t embrace the sort of ideas we’re talking about, whereas the UK, typically would have, and again, looking at the US, you know, the contrast between California who arguably embrace all the wrong ideas. And when we talk about AI, you know, Where’s that coming from? So, so there does, you know, the natural experiments throw up a bit of challenge don’t they in terms of where GDP per capita ends up where ideas come from?

John Cochrane  1:00:23

I don’t know are France, France and the UK that different in terms of overall level of so…

Nicholas Moore 1:00:28

That’s a point so their GDP is per capita is the same, one’s more open and one’s more closed

John Cochrane 1:00:33

France spends 55% of GDP the UK spends 50% of GDP on on government stuff. There’s sort of this de industrialised, the UK is a financial centre and then tourist de industrialised wasteland, France has a certain efficient technocracy. So they they may be socialist, but they kind of they send people to the Ecole Polytechnique, and then they build nuclear power plants and we don’t kind of let you I don’t know what it’s like in the US. There’s kind of anything we want to build in the US there’s just this chaos of regulatory nightmare. And, you know, can you get stuff built in the in the UK the way it can, you know, you get the technocrats in France to build something they build something you know, they can build a high speed train, the US can’t build a high speed train. SNC, I don’t know if I told this story SNCF bailed out of the contract to build the California High Speed Trains. They said you guys are crazy. Not even socialist France works like this. I don’t see a great. I wish the UK had taken Brexit and become Singapore on Thames. But they don’t seem heading that direction.

Gene Tunny  1:01:44

Very good. Michael Brennan is it Michael?

Michael Brennan 1:01:46

Thanks yeah, Michael Brennan, used to be the chair of the Productivity Commission in Australia up until a couple of weeks ago, I wanted to ask about the economics profession, and where you see the role that it has played. I mean, I hate to indulge in nostalgia, but it does feel as though in your country and ours the economics profession had and played a much stronger role in the economic policy debate but had a much stronger feel for markets, institutions, the broad sweep. We feel it feels to me as though a lot of economists have gone down different rabbit holes, either very abstract, or ultra empirical, but involved in very narrow questions rather than the sorts of big questions that that you’re posing and answering.

John Cochrane  1:02:31

You know, to the extent that economists want to waste their time on technical stuff, they’re not harming anybody. So enjoy it. The economics profession has actually always been quite left wing and statist and, and serve and view their job as sort of advancing progressive goals. The American Economic Association was was founded that way, there’s kind of a, you’re thinking Milton Friedman, University of Chicago, but that was a very small number of people for a very short window of time. And now mostly, they’re in their advancing progressive agendas. You know, you can’t even you can’t publish a paper that says raising raising minimum wages, lowers employment anymore, so it’s kind of going a way of the other sciences as well. So we’re really the danger I see is that it is becoming part of the ideology production machine for the progressive narrative, and becoming less open to critical empirical work that challenges that that narrative, and you know, well, when you work for the government’s guess what you tend to say that the government’s good things?

Gene Tunny  1:03:36

Okay. There’s one question over here.

David Murray 1:03:39

Yeah. David Murray. How do you help people understand these concepts of corporate social responsibility and social licence?

John Cochrane  1:03:47

Do I want them to understand those concepts? With Friedman, your job is to to make profits for your shareholders. Unfortunately, right now, the way you make profits for your shareholders is to keep the regulator’s out of your hair. And the way you do that is to echo whatever political blather is in the regulator’s minds these days. So never count on big businesses to challenge the regulatory state or argue for free markets. They’re in business to get good regulatory treatment, and maybe you can protect us from your markets, and that means they go along with whatever nonsense is coming out of Washington.

Gene Tunny  1:04:21

Okay John, I might ask one more question. I’ve had a gentleman on my podcast who produces these things called Goldbacks. So there, there are a lot of people maybe, still, maybe, I don’t know, it’s under 10% of the population. But there are a significant number of people who are worried about the future of the US and the future of the global economy. And, you know, worry about fiat money. Is fiat money a problem? Do we need to go back to something like a gold standard or goldback currency? What’s your view on that before we wrap up?

John Cochrane  1:04:51

Fiat money is now a share in federal government. It is not, fiat money means money that’s backed by nothing but our money is backed our money is backed by the willingness of our government to raise taxes to soak up the money if necessary, I’m giving you fiscal theory the price level. So it’s a great system, so long as our governments maintain the fiscal space to always back their money with taxpayer, that’s a good system, so long as governments are fiscally solvent, I think the danger of the of the current, not fiat money, so the current system of money backed by the present value of fiscal surpluses is that it might not be backed anymore. And that therefore I do see a possibility of a of a sovereign, a grand sovereign debt crisis. When do you get a crisis? Nobody ever sees a crisis coming, right? Because if you knew the crisis was going to happen tomorrow, then it would have already happened today, you’d run and get your money out. What is the one cl.., and crises always happen when there’s money that can’t be paid back, shady accounting and nobody doubts that this is good stuff yet. Have I just described government debt? So I think, you know, in the next crisis, there is a possibility that our, we reveal our governments to have debts that they have no way of repaying and you could have a global inflation a default on you know, Italy, in some of the EU states, basically, a run on sovereign debt is possible. I don’t, we’re not there yet. But that’s kind of where the end of Western civilization goes. And then you got a problem because our monetary system is all built on the idea that government debt is sacrosanct. Now really any idea of history and you think government debt is the safest assets since the since the Henry the Henry the Third, I think defaulted on the Petruzzi government debt has been the riskiest asset around. And so we live in this kind of golden age. So to your question. I think if that happens, not, I mean, we’re in smoking financial ruins, but you might want some monetary system that doesn’t depend on the value of the government. And, you know, we all have our free market fantasies about that’s the one one place I’ve kind of stuck with the government we have a decent system of short term government debt is long, you know, it works okay. In free market fantasyland. And, you know, after we’ve had our third drink, we should talk about private monetary systems for the moment I kind of put it in, you know, airline pilots. Yeah, pilot licences should be privatised. Okay. Maybe that’s not the first thing we want to do. It’s kind of thing you talk about at the third rank of the Cato. So the same thing? Now gold is not the answer. So a gold standard is a government promise to deliver gold. So you haven’t gotten rid of the government. And a gold standard is a fiscal commitment. No government’s ever had enough gold to back their currency. So what is the gold standard, a gold standard, the government says I promised all these notes. One for one with gold, I know that the gold so what keeps that afloat? What keeps that afloat is the Government’s commitment, that if you start coming to ask for gold, I will raise taxes, and I or enough to get or borrow the gold to give you it’s a commitment to running the fiscal theory the price level. And it’s a bad one because the relative price of gold and other stuff fluctuates, it just would not work in a modern economy, because we don’t use gold coins. So So gold isn’t the answer. And gold doesn’t obviate the problem of if the government’s are bankrupt, they’re not going to be able to give you a gold standard. Is there something in the Bitcoin space that could maybe do it? We need to Yeah, I believe money has to be backed. So you need to find a security that’s backed by real assets that has a steady real value that there’s a lot of it, and that in and that people could use, we could devise such a system but you know, why don’t we just have our governments not default and have to build this from the smoking ruins anyway.

Gene Tunny  1:08:46

Very good Professor John Cochrane. Terrific, thank you. John’s gonna move a vote of thanks. Very good.

Righto, thanks for listening to this episode of Economics Explored. If you have any questions, comments or suggestions, please get in touch. I’d love to hear from you. You can send me an email via contact@economicsexplored.com Or a voicemail via SpeakPipe. You can find the link in the show notes. If you’ve enjoyed the show, I’d be grateful if you could tell anyone you think would be interested about it. Word of mouth is one of the main ways that people learn about the show. Finally, if your podcasting outlets you then please write a review and leave a rating. Thanks for listening. I hope you can join me again next week.

56:06

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Credits

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Podcast episode

Growth or Degrowth? w/ Oliver Hartwich, NZ Initiative – EP208

Show host Gene Tunny delves into the concept of Degrowth: the idea of deliberately shrinking economies to avoid the runaway climate change, ecological collapse, and societal breakdown that degrowth proponents are worried about. Gene first discusses degrowth with Oliver Hartwich from the New Zealand Initiative, and then responds to questions about degrowth at a recent University of Queensland Politics, Philosophy, and Economics student event. 

Please get in touch with any questions, comments and suggestions by emailing us at contact@economicsexplored.com or sending a voice message via https://www.speakpipe.com/economicsexplored.

You can listen to the episode via the embedded player below or via podcasting apps including Google PodcastsApple Podcasts and Spotify.

About this episode’s guest: Dr Oliver Hartwich, NZ Initiative

Dr Oliver Hartwich is the Executive Director of The New Zealand Initiative. Before joining the Initiative, he was a Research Fellow at the Centre for Independent Studies in Sydney, the Chief Economist at Policy Exchange in London, and an advisor in the UK House of Lords. Oliver holds a Master’s degree in Economics and Business administration and a PhD in Law from Bochum University in Germany.

What’s covered in EP208

  • [00:04:39] Degrowth to stop climate change? 
  • [00:08:00] Economic growth and adaptation to climate change? 
  • [00:11:53] How a threatened lungfish colony stopped a new dam in South East Queensland. 
  • [00:15:47] Are we rich enough already? 
  • [00:20:20] Democratization of wealth and prosperity. 
  • [00:24:05] Economic growth as a positive. 
  • [00:30:39] Carbon pricing. 
  • [00:34:10] Decreasing Antarctic sea ice extent.

Links relevant to the conversation

Gene’s September 2023 Centre for Independent Studies (CIS) paper on Degrowth:

https://www.cis.org.au/publication/debunking-degrowth/

NZ Initiative podcast from which part 1 of this episode was borrowed:

https://www.nzinitiative.org.nz/reports-and-media/podcasts/podcast-debunking-degrowth/

Transcript: Growth or Degrowth? w/ Oliver Hartwich, NZ Initiative – EP208

N.B. This is a lightly edited version of a transcript originally created using the AI application otter.ai. It may not be 100 percent accurate, but should be pretty close. If you’d like to quote from it, please check the quoted segment in the recording.

Oliver Hartwich  00:03

William Stanley Jevons in the 1860s actually predicted the word would run out of coal. This is general tendency to do linear thinking where everything is always continuing on a certain path. I mean, there was a letter right I believe, in the London Times in the early 20th century, predicting that London at some stage would be under six feet of bossman year from all the offices in the city. It is this tendency to always think we’re just continuing on the same path and it will never change.

Gene Tunny  00:41

Welcome to the Economics Explored podcast, a frank and fearless exploration of important economic issues. I’m your host, Gene Tunny. I’m a professional economist and former Australian Treasury official. The aim of this show is to help you better understand the big economic issues affecting all our lives. We do this by considering the theory evidence and by hearing a wide range of views. I’m delighted that you can join me for this episode. Please check out the show notes for relevant information now on to the show. To grow or not to grow, or indeed to D grow. That is the question. Do we need to rapidly shrink our economies to avoid runaway climate change, ecological collapse and societal breakdown? This episode features on my recent conversations on degrowth I speak with Oliver Hartwich from the New Zealand initiative. And thanks to Oliver for letting me reuse the recording from the New Zealand initiative podcasts that are recorded with him. This episode also includes a response that I gave to a question from Joe Christiansen at a recent event hosted by the University of Queensland politics, philosophy and economics society. Okay, let’s get into the episode. I hope you enjoy it. After you Listen, please reach out and let me know your own views on whether we should pursue D growth or not.

Oliver Hartwich  02:07

Hello, and welcome to the New Zealand initiatives podcast. My name is Oliver Hartwich, and today we are joined by our special guests from Australia we have gene Tunny, who is an adjunct Fellow at the Centre for independent studies, and also a director of ADAPT economics consultancy in Brisbane. Welcome to the podcast Gene.

Gene Tunny  02:24

Hello, Oliver, pleasure to be here.

Oliver Hartwich  02:26

Great to have you with us because we want to talk about a paper you just published last week with a centre for independent studies called debunking degrowth. Now, I thought we should start this conversation by just admitting freely that we are both economists. So degrowth is something that doesn’t come naturally to us usually, because normal economic theory, correct me if I’m wrong is all about trying to find better ways of combining factors to do more with less or to do more with the same, to find different combinations to create growth, to really find out what works and make an economy grow. And now suddenly, we’ve got a bunch of scholars turning this on its head telling us to actually try to not create so much wealth and not create so much prosperity, but really put the reverse gear in and go in the other direction. Is that a fair summary of what this movement is about?

Gene Tunny  03:16

Yes. I mean, they certainly want us to go in the other direction. I mean, the two steel man, their argument, I think, how I describe it is that they think we’re breaching these planetary constraints. So they think that we’re at a level of consumption, whereby we are essentially, you know, we’re sacrificing the well being of our children or grandchildren. So they’re concerned that we’re, we’re going to destroy the planet, some of this degrowth literature is it’s apocalyptic. It’s, I mean, I think it’s catastrophizing. But you know, they, they’re worried about climate change. They’re worried about ecological breakdown. They’re worried about resources being exhausted. So yeah, look, I largely agree with you, but to to steal man their argument, they think there’s evidence to support the view that we’re consuming too much if we want to have you know, sustainable living standards for future generations.

Oliver Hartwich  04:18

Right. And in your paper, you then produce a reproduce their claims, and you’re debunking them one after the other. And you’ve got five claims in your paper. So I thought what we might do so much is go through the list, and try to figure out what this movement wants and your response towards so the first unproven claim you talk about in your paper is one that you already alluded to. We need to de grow to stop climate change. Why do they say that and why do you think this is wrong?

Gene Tunny  04:46

Oh, well, essentially they’re they think that we’re on these tipping points. I mean, you’d know that it appears that the planet is warming I mean, there’s scientific support for for co2 We were warming the atmosphere to an extent. So that’s difficult to contest. But they claim that they believe these real these tipping points sort of scenarios. Whereby, I mean, the permafrost melts. There’s all this methane release, you know, we have the, what is it one of those ocean currents that shuts down? And I mean, all sorts of apocalyptic scenarios. And I mean, just looking at it. I mean, I think that the evidence for that is, I mean, a lot of it comes out of computer modelling, there are all these computer simulations, whereby if you look at what they’re doing a lot of the conclusions, the apocalyptic conclusions are essentially assumed or built into the model. So I mean, my feeling is that the evidence isn’t, isn’t strong enough to justify that apocalyptic thinking. Sure, there’s some warming going on. But there are policy measures been introduced to try to address that, or, I mean, none of the credible modelling on climate change mitigation has degrowth. in it. I mean, we can still grow, we’ll still be wealthier in per capita terms. Maybe the growth rates less or more if we respond to climate change. I mean, now we’ve got people saying that if we don’t address climate change, we’ll have lower growth. So look, I think they’re making big claims about how we’re going to, you know, have this unsustainable runaway global warming if we don’t do something radical and massively cut back our consumption. So that’s essentially their argument. And I just don’t think the evidence supports that.

Oliver Hartwich  06:43

But of course beyond that, because we’ve already decoupled economic growth to a degree from emissions. Yeah. So just because you’re growing doesn’t mean you’re necessarily growing your emissions.

Gene Tunny  06:53

Yeah, yeah, exactly. And I think they’re ignoring a lot of the technological change. They’re, they’re ignoring our capacity for innovation. Yeah, that’s absolutely correct. So I guess not to not to necessarily defend them, but they do address that decoupling argument. And they do acknowledge that that, you know, the emissions intensity of GDP is declining. But in their view, I mean, we’re still increasing co2 emissions, or sorry, we’re still, you know, the co2 in the atmosphere is still growing. So they’re a bit sceptical of that whole decoupling argument.

Oliver Hartwich  07:31

There’s another aspect to the whole climate change debate. And that’s adaptation, of course. So I mean, if we’re comparing countries like the Netherlands and Bangladesh, Bangladesh is subject to flooding, but so is the Netherlands because they are mainly under normal sea levels. And yet, the Dutch build dikes and all sorts of infrastructure to deal with that, because they could afford it. And then Bangladesh, and they’re still waiting for that to happen. So actually, isn’t actually economic growth, the thing that saved the Netherlands from flooding

Gene Tunny  07:58

out? Yeah, look, that’s, that’s a good point. I mean, you wouldn’t want to de grow and stop emerging economies from getting wealthier, because that will decrease their capacity to actually adapt to deal with it. I absolutely agree with you there. And look, that’s one of the things that the degrowth movement misses in my view. I mean, there’s all of this, you know, it’s a lot of the standard sort of criticism of, of capitalism and, and economists that you get from people on the left, and yeah, I mean, it ignores the fact that I mean, since countries such as China and India embrace the market, right, China in the 80s, and things are paying and then we had the, the end of the licence, Raj and in India, I mean, they’ve they’ve had, you know, much better growth than previously and we’ve had over a billion people lifted out of poverty. So yeah, absolutely agree with you there, Oliver.

Oliver Hartwich  08:52

Okay, then let’s move on to your second unproven claim, we need to de grow to stop resource depletion, environmental degradation and biodiversity loss. That leads us straight into the debate around Julian Simon, or if we want to go back a little bit further. Thomas Malthus. Yeah, absolutely.

Gene Tunny  09:08

And I think history shows that I mean, we are able to address these issues. And a lot of the concerns came best addressed through the market through clear delineation of property rights. A lot of the problems we have in Brazil, for example, that there was a recent economist article I’ve mentioned in the, in the paper, which is essentially saying a lot of the problem with the rainforest, destruction of the rainforest is lawlessness, it’s bad enforcement. Right. And look, you know, there are efforts all around the world to, to conserve to the off the common Exactly, exactly. So it’s really just, yeah, they just seem to ignore that. You know, what economists know about the people who own a resource are going to, you know, protect it and conservator. So yeah, absolutely. And look, I mean, look, you have to acknowledge that there has been a loss of biodiversity over over decades. And I mean, I think we’re starting to address that we’re starting to arrest that decline. And certainly the so I’ve got a there’s some evidence there about the decline in biomass globally or number of animals. And, you know, that’s, that’s been arrested that decline, which, which is good. So look, I think, you know, it’s a lot of just negativity, and isn’t capitalism awful. Whereas, really, I mean, we can address these issues, they’re within our ability to control and look, just look what we’re doing in Australia. I mean, we’re a wealthy country. So we, and this goes to your point before all over that the wealthier countries are going to be better able to address these issues. I mean, we’ve got things like biodiversity offsets. Anytime you want to do a development that impacts the environment, you have to prove about how you manage those impacts. And we’ve even stopped, we stopped the dam in southeast Queensland, even though we need the water. Right, it’s good. We’ve got a hugely growing population. And we stopped a dam because we were concerned about a lungfish. So yeah, I mean, we are trying to address these issues. And I think, yeah, that that argument really doesn’t, doesn’t hold up. And the other point too, as you know, as an adopt a dam over length, yep. Travis didn’t dam. That sounds like an episode straight out of utopia. Well, it happened. It was Peter Garrett, who was environment minister here. So um, yeah, it was a huge issue, because we had a water crisis in the 2000s here in southeast Queensland. And so we built a desalination plant, which is hugely expensive. We built a recycled water plant. And then we were looking at a dam north of Brisbane in the Murray Valley, the travesty and dam and it got right to the point where the federal government had got to the federal approvals process and it was blocked by the environment minister, Peter Garrett, former lead singer of Midnight Oil. Yes, I have this man. He was the environment minister. It’s a burning blocked it because the lungfish was threatened. So yeah, apparently there was no way of, of looking after the lungfish if you built the dam. So yeah, that’s that’s just an example of how we do care about the environment in this country. It’s not as if we’re sacrificing the environment for growth.

Oliver Hartwich  12:31

The other idea of course, in all of us resource depletion seems to be one of these ideas that you simply cannot ever refute, keeps coming back. Going back to Morpheus, of course, that’s the starting point. But William Stanley Jevons in the 1860s actually predicted the world would run out of coal. It’s this general tendency to linear thinking where everything is always continuing on a certain path. I mean, there was a letter right, I believe, in the London Times in the early 20th century, predicting that London at some stage would be under six feet of horse manure from all the horses in the city, it is this tendency to always think we’re just continuing on the same path, and it will never change.

Gene Tunny  13:11

Yeah, exactly. So and the thing with the scarcity of resources, I mean, we know that as they do become scarcer, the price is going to increase. And that’s going to encourage conservation, or it’s going to encourage people to switch to two alternatives. So and you mentioned, you alluded to the Julian Simon Paul Ehrlich bet, which ended up losing because he thought we were in the 70s, they thought we were on a path to, you know, massive resource scarcity. And that

Oliver Hartwich  13:41

perhaps, just for the benefit of listeners who may not be aware of that, so can you tell us briefly what this bench was about?

Gene Tunny  13:49

It was about prices of commodities, they selected, maybe a couple of dozen commodities, major commodities. And Ehrlich was betting that that increase in price over the the 80s by a certain percentage, amount across extreme people would run. Exactly because there was all of that modelling in the world. Ehrlich was infamous for that population bomb book in the late 60s, which forecast that you know, would, you know, even with, like, what was it 888 billion people which where we are now we’d end up with, you know, massive famines and the chaos and all of this. And

Oliver Hartwich  14:27

then we’ve got the Club of Rome, of growth and all of our

Gene Tunny  14:30

forests and meadows, and there was all of this apocalyptic thinking, you know, Doomsday was at hand. So I think what I found interesting looking at this old degrowth literature, is a lot of the a lot of the concerns or a lot of their arguments could could be questioned or rebutted, if you go back to just what sensible people like Robert Solow and then the Treasury here in Australia, what they were saying in response to the club Right, right. Yeah. So

Oliver Hartwich  15:03

we make made a very similar point in one of our publications. A few years ago, we had a little booklet published under the title The Case for economic growth. And we were talking about environmental Kuznets curve, where, first of all, when the economy grows, yet there is an impact on the environment, and it might be negative. But once you get past a certain point, people will demand action and clean it all up. Yeah. And actually, it gets better over time.

Gene Tunny  15:26

Yeah. And that’s one of the points that I made in the paper. Yeah, absolutely.

Oliver Hartwich  15:31

Your third point, your third unproven claim is perhaps even more interesting. We are rich enough already? Well, it would be harder to make that claim in New Zealand, because we’re 25% behind Australia. What’s the thinking behind that?

Gene Tunny  15:47

Oh, well, they make the argument that if you look at happiness, Carl, you know, correlations of happiness and GDP per capita beyond a certain level, it starts to flatten out. And so the argument is that countries such as Australia, and I mean, maybe New Zealand doesn’t qualify yet, but we’re wealthy enough already got a way to go. It’s all about you know, it’s it’s an issue of inequality. So there’s this sort of argument that I look, the West is rich enough already. It’s if you concern about the rest of the world, and it’s, you should redistribute that income. And you know, the people in the West were the ones who, of course, we’ve caused all the problems with climate change, et cetera, it’s all our fault, imperialism, and all of that. And so that we should redistribute our income and wealth, the problem is, that’s only going to go so far. Right? It’s not going to solve the problem. And it’s not good for, you know, incentives. Right. It’s not good for it’s not sustainable. So it’s just a really bad argument, I think. And, and it also, I mean, when you look at it, this, this is going to require authoritarian measures to introduce because at the moment here in Australia, we’re going to cost a living crisis, right? So you’re not going to be able to tell people, and we’ve got no shortage of housing, you’re not gonna be able to tell people, you’re rich enough already. Because a lot of people who don’t know when I’m What are you talking about this nonsense? You’d have to engage in really authoritarian measures to bring about D growth. So yeah, I think it’s a really bad argument of the D growth people.

Oliver Hartwich  17:20

Exactly. Right. I think there is another point actually, that we should consider. Sometimes it’s not so much the absolute wealth that you hold. It’s the direction of travel. So I’ve actually seen some really happy people and countries that are not that rich yet, but they’re travelling in the right direction, whereas you can be in a richer country that’s kind of stagnating, declining, and feel really miserable about it. So actually, people want to have hope they want to see that the future is better. And then it almost doesn’t matter from which starting point you come in just the direction of travel that actually determines how happy you are.

Gene Tunny  17:51

Yeah, that’s a good point. I mean, the the example of a country that was rich and started declining, everyone was miserable. It’s probably Britain in the 1970s. So yeah, I think that’s a that’s a good point. Yeah.

Oliver Hartwich  18:03

unproven claim number four, we need to de grow to reduce inequality. What about well,

Gene Tunny  18:11

yep, I mean, I guess this is this is related to that previous point. So and this is part of their whole critique of capitalism that capitalism makes the rich richer and the poor, poor? And look, I think that’s a really silly argument. And there’s not a lot of evidence for that. And, and if you look at just the huge gains we’ve had in living standards in emerging countries, emerging economies over the last 30 years, since we’ve opened up to the market, and it’s just extraordinary, over a billion people taken out of out of poverty, there are a few stats that I use, or that the World Bank’s produce, which shows that I think, around 1990, it might have been 70% of the world was living on $6 us a day or something like that. So not the diarist poverty of $2 a day, but And now that’s under 50%. Right. So if you look at the numbers living on $2 a day, then you have, you know, a big decline there, too. So we’ve got huge gains, so that in relative terms the world is becoming more equal, but we are seeing in some countries that, you know, there is an increase in inequality, particularly in the United States. But I think you don’t want to then conclude that our the market systems terrible isn’t, because a look I mean, that’s associated with new technology. I mean, we’ve gone through a period of, of huge technological disruption and I mean, America, America is the leader in that and so therefore, the people who are responsible for that are doing doing very well. And look, you probably you’re better off having a more productive a wealthier economy. And you know, having In the pie bigger and then sure you can then have a debate about the, the shares of that pie. But you want to have the biggest pie possible, I’d say,

Oliver Hartwich  20:09

because in the end, what capitalism and what economic growth? Does it actually share us? The wealth with more people, it’s the democratisation of luxury, if you like. Yeah, I remember actually speaking as an event, and quite a few years ago, under the headline, people with flat screen TVs should stop whinging about capitalism. One of the arguments I made was actually, if you teleport at someone who was really, really rich a few 100 years ago, so you take the Sun King Louis Catorze, and you kind of get do rica tours and visit 21st century Australia or New Zealand? What would Luca tours be really impressed about? Well, that you could switch on the light with a switch, or that you could read your newspaper from a foreign country on your phone, or that you could just call someone in a distant city. But I think what he would really be surprised about was that this was available not just to his modern day equivalent, but to everybody. And so we have actually completely democratised wealth and prosperity to a degree that we had never seen it before in the history of humankind. No, absolutely.

Gene Tunny  21:13

I mean, indoor plumbing is one of the great innovations and better sanitation. I mean, the world today is clearly much better, even even if you’re a king and seventh eighth 13th centuries, and yes, you’d much rather live today I’d say yeah.

Oliver Hartwich  21:30

Yeah. Even if you’re not a king. Which then leads us to the combination of all these unproven claims. Number five, we need to de grow to avoid economic and social collapse. So listening to you, it seems obvious, it is the opposite. If we want to avoid social and economic collapse, we need to grow.

Gene Tunny  21:50

Yeah, well, this is part of that whole, apocalyptic or catastrophic line of thinking. And you know, that there was that study a few years ago by she was a consultant. And she wrote this, I should have I’ve got the I’ve got the reference in the in the report, but she reproduced the the meadows analysis, or the the Limits to Growth analysis from the 1970s. And she’s saying, Oh, if you look at the data, we’re on track for societal economic and societal collapse, which is what the limits to growth model was predicted. So she had an update to limits of growth. Harrington is a surname. But I mean, it just, it’s part of this, you know, catastrophizing, when you look at these models, and this is a point that solo made back in the 70s, when he just tore apart the, the whole Limits to Growth analysis in his great challenge article he wrote is the is the end of the world at hand that are referenced in the paper. And I mean, they just build in the fact that we’re going to hit some point of no return, and then everything’s just going to collapse. So there’s a in their simulations, they have eventually population industrial output, reach some peak and then just collapse. But it’s just built into the model that programme that into it. And you can’t say that because we’re or maybe some variables are tracking with what the model forecast, you can’t then conclude, oh, here, well, then we’re gonna hit this peak, and then we’re going to suddenly collapse because there’s no evidence that that’s going to happen. And any person who does forecasting knows that these tipping points, these turning points are the most difficult things to actually forecast. So yeah, it’s just, again, it’s just catastrophizing.

Oliver Hartwich  23:42

Absolutely. So, in conclusion, you have saved conventional economics, you have actually demonstrated that what economists have been telling us all along is basically Correct. Actually, economic growth is a positive. And by finding better ways of combining economic factors of production, we are improving prosperity, we are making societies return that’s a good thing.

Gene Tunny  24:05

Look, yeah, I largely agree with that, Oliver. And what I would say is that, just as we degrowth, like targeting negative growth would be silly, or not, when I’m not necessarily advocating that we target a specific rate of economic growth, because ultimately, that’s going to be the product of, of the market of people making. Yeah, and I don’t want to be, I’m not saying that look, unfettered capitalism is what we want. I mean, we need some regulations, we, you know, there are some market failures we may need to address but what I’m saying is that, you know, this whole degrowth thing is rather silly and, and there’s no evidence to suggest that we can’t continue to grow and really, I mean, growth is a solution to a lot of problems. So particularly if you’ve got a shortage of housing, you know, if we want to lift living standards in emerging economies, where they’re still much lower than, than here in Australia and New Zealand,

Oliver Hartwich  24:58

and of course for the last few years we’ve had a movement, trying to make the case that actually it’s not about growth. It’s not about conventional economic measures, it should be something bit fuzzier, something like a well being budget. That’s what we pay on it here in New Zealand. And I think your minister of finance or whatever he’s called an Australian federal, Jim Sharma has has bought completely into that narrative. And, you know, also on to wellbeing budgets, but that’s not really compatible with and with a growth mind or growth. Focus.

Gene Tunny  25:27

Yeah, I mean, that’s, that’s a separate thing. I mean, I don’t necessarily have a problem with looking at a broader range of indicators than than GDP per capita, but you just don’t, I mean, look at a lot of that. The well being or to

Oliver Hartwich  25:42

me, it always sounded as if they were trying to find an excuse for not having to deliver GDP per capita increases. And so they’re looking for something fire and quality well being. Yeah,

Gene Tunny  25:51

quite possibly. And, yeah, I mean, it’s another thing that the treasurer couldn’t launch and, you know, makes them look like they care about different concerns of the community. So look, yeah, I think it’s a bit, you know, a bit of a waste of time, the whole well being budget, because, yeah, a bit of a distraction. But yeah, take your point. Maybe that is what they’re trying to do that it’s a, it’s a cover for not actually achieving a decent rate of economic growth.

Oliver Hartwich  26:19

Well, that could be a topic for your next paper. And if you’re looking for materials, you’ll find them all in New Zealand. Very good. Okay. Sounds good. But, but for now, can I just thank you for sharing your thoughts with us on the podcast. And just for all our listeners, genes paper is called debunking degrowth, you can find it on the Centre for Independent Studies website in Australia sets ci s.org.au. But for now, thank you, gene for being our guest. And good luck for your future papers, we look forward to seeing them.

Gene Tunny  26:50

Okay, we’ll take a short break here for a word from our sponsor.

Female speaker  26:55

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Gene Tunny  27:24

Now back to the show.

Joe  27:29

You mentioned the environment there and sort of political movements and value judgments obviously very, very important. For everyone alive, yeah. But especially with the sort of younger generation. And one idea that is sort of gained popularity in recent years has been this idea of D growth as a way to sort of solve the ongoing climate crisis. And you wrote an article, I think recently, the Centre for independent studies about about D growth. And you said that any attempt will like to sort of implement this idea that we need to have negative growth will greatly reduce the living standards and cause significant unemployment. We have a question here that says, if it is as severe as predictions suggest, then is not some form of dramatic economic structural change necessary to prevent continued pollution, mass production, carbon emissions, environmental degradation. So yeah, it seems that either this change will be voluntary, in that we will decide to do it, whether that be D growth or some other sort of economic restructuring, or it will be forced by the nature of the crisis in that our economic system will collapse?

Gene Tunny  28:46

Well, I hope that’s not the case. You talk about prediction. So well, this is where it’s difficult. Like this is a very difficult area to actually talk about, because there’s so much complexity going on there. And in terms of predictions, there are projects, some predictions that have catastrophe of permafrost melting all this methane being released to the atmosphere, this Supercharged global warming, ocean currents shutting down in Arctic melting. And I mean, horrible scenarios. Now, that’s not generally what we think is going to happen. I mean, that suppose look, there’s anything really could happen, right? I mean, I’m not a climate modeller or an expert on climate change. But if you look at what the IPCC has been, what it’s been modelling or projecting what our own governments have been doing, they do show that there is a path to get into net zero by 2050. There will be warming of one and a half to two degrees, probably two degrees Celsius on average. There seems to be an acceptance that by many that, okay, that that’s something we can adapt to it’s there will be a First consequences of that, but it’s not going to be catastrophic or lead to that Armageddon scenario. Now look, the question, if that is the case, if it is the case that we are in that situation where the worst predictions do come to come, you know that they do occur, then we will have to do something radical, it won’t be a matter of trying to get that change gradually over time. And the idea of having a carbon price is to send that signal to the market to, in an efficient way, reduce your emissions, invest in new technology to get to net zero. So that’s what the policy’s been now, governments are finding it very difficult to do that. Okay. So we’ve got an implicit carbon price in Australia, we’ve got these Australian carbon credit units, we’re going to market for that. We’ve got a safeguard mechanism, which is going to be requiring big emitters to reduce emissions. And so we’ve got an implicit carbon price. But you could, you know, there’s arguments about what that should be, are we are we doing it fast enough, there’s the how many we’re gonna have to keep coal going coal fired power stations going for a lot longer than we expect. We wanted to because we’re worried about the reliability of the energy grid. Unless we can get the hydropower stations on on schedule. And then that’s pretty difficult to see what’s happening with snowy 2.0. They’ve had one of the tunnel boring machines stuck. So it’s, it’s a big challenge. Now, I don’t know if you saw what Rishi Sunak has done in the UK, they’re delaying their transition to net zero. So Boris Johnson had committed to stopping the sales of petrol powered vehicles by 2030. Rishi Sunak, push that back to 2035. And there are a few other things to do with I think, gas in the home. So I think the push push that back when I have to stop having guests in the home, because these policies are they’re challenging to implement, or politically, they’re difficult. And as we we really need American leadership, we need China, America and China, the EU and Japan. They’re the major economies we need them to come up with a binding global agreement. And we go along with that. Yeah, it’s, it’s a big challenge. So we’ll get my opinion there. And I’m, I’ve got to admit, I’m not an expert on the climate. So for what for what it’s worth, my opinion is those predictions. There’s apocalyptic predictions, I like to think of them as catastrophizing. We’ve had predictions of doomsday for as long as I’ve been alive. And before then Malthus were Club of Rome. I mean, this is the latest. And in that sort of line of thinking, I’d like to think that there though, those horror stories, I mean, look, if that if we if it does come to be that that is the situation, we will have to change very rapidly. And that will require very strong measures. And it may be that yeah, there is a big hit to GDP. But at the moment I my sort of judgement, the judgement of I think practically all the people in governments around the world is that that’s not the situation we’re in. Could they be wrong? It’s very possible that I sit? I hope not. But look, I admit there, there are certainly concerning signs out there. I mean, and, you know, I’m a lot older than than you are. So you’d have to live with it more than I will. So maybe that’s something to that. I know that I understand why young people are concerned about it, for sure.

Joe  33:24

Yeah. Yeah. Awesome. Thank you. For that perspective, we have John Quiggin. Yes, he teaches still, he teaches one of the PPE courses, and that’s sort of his, like the the environmental economics perspective on climate change is very much up his alley way. So it’s, it’s good to hear your perspective as well. But not

Gene Tunny  33:45

having John here. So we can get you on the question, but I’m not. I don’t imagine John Wooden is there’ll be arguing for degrowth would eventually be arguing for a high carbon price to bring about that transition as rapidly as possible. And to try and encourage innovation. And the great thing about him is that we’re proven is that we are great innovators when there’s a challenge. So be maybe there’ll be people we did have to have that that radical policy shift because the Antarctic starts, you know, I mean, we know that the sea ice is the extent of that is not as great as it has been. It looks. You look at that chart. Okay, that’s a bit of a worry if that continues. And if we do have all of these record heat waves, I mean, we’re currently in El Nino at the moment here. So that’s driving as the lot of the heat. Yeah. If things get really bad, then yeah, sure. We may have to act rapidly. There may be a hit in the short term, but I expect we’ll solve it somehow. Humans are great innovators, loose. That’s the hope maybe that’s naive optimism.

Joe  34:48

No, definitely. Definitely something to cling on to at least with hope. Yeah. Awesome.

Gene Tunny  34:56

Righto, thanks for listening to this episode of Economics Explored If you have any questions, comments or suggestions, please get in touch. I’d love to hear from you. You can send me an email via contact@economicsexplored.com Or a voicemail via SpeakPipe. You can find the link in the show notes. If you’ve enjoyed the show, I’d be grateful if you could tell anyone you think would be interested about it. Word of mouth is one of the main ways that people learn about the show. Finally, if your podcasting outlets you then please write a review and leave a rating. Thanks for listening. I hope you can join me again next week.

35:43

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Thanks to Obsidian Productions for mixing the episode and to the show’s sponsor, Gene’s consultancy business www.adepteconomics.com.au. Full transcripts are available a few days after the episode is first published at www.economicsexplored.com. Economics Explored is available via Apple PodcastsGoogle Podcast, and other podcasting platforms.

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Podcast episode

Gov’t wellbeing budgets & frameworks: useful or useless? w/ Nicholas Gruen – EP187

Show host Gene Tunny talks with Dr. Nicholas Gruen, CEO of Lateral Economics, about the increasing focus of governments on wellbeing. For instance, former NZ PM Jacinda Ardern rebranded the national budget as a Wellbeing Budget, Wales has a Futures Generations Commissioner, and Australia is developing a new wellbeing framework, Measuring What Matters. Gene and Nicholas discuss the limitations of the current top-down approaches and platitudes, and consider potential solutions for better integrating wellbeing into policymaking. 

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What’s covered in EP187

  • What is the “well-being agenda”? (2:44)
  • The “Easterlin paradox”. (5:08)
  • How do you make these judgments? How do you measure well-being? (10:50)
  • How is this relevant for policy? Should governments be tracking this broader measure? (28:36)
  • Is complexity a plus or a minus in the Treasury wellbeing framework? (33:39)
  • Why do you need a framework? (40:02)
  • Good examples of programs which could improve wellbeing. (44:29)
  • The importance of being connected to family and friends. (53:42)

Links relevant to the conversation

Nicholas Gruen’s YouTube channel:

https://www.youtube.com/@NicholasGruen

Video version of this episode on Nicholas’s Uncomfortable Collisions with Reality podcast:

Wellbeing: can we escape the iron law of business-as-usual 

Measuring what matters — second consultation process | Treasury.gov.au

Fairfax Lateral Economics Index of Australia’s Wellbeing Final Report (the HALE index discussed in the conversation).

Transcript:
Gov’t wellbeing budgets & frameworks: useful or useless? w/ Nicholas Gruen – EP187

N.B. This is a lightly edited version of a transcript originally created using the AI application otter.ai. It may not be 100 percent accurate, but should be pretty close. If you’d like to quote from it, please check the quoted segment in the recording.

Gene Tunny  00:06

Welcome to the Economics Explored podcast, a frank and fearless exploration of important economic issues. I’m your host Gene Tunny. I’m a professional economist and former Australian Treasury official. The aim of this show is to help you better understand the big economic issues affecting all our lives. We do this by considering the theory evidence and by hearing a wide range of views. I’m delighted that you can join me for this episode, please check out the show notes for relevant information. Now on to the show. Hello, thanks for tuning into the show. In this episode, I chat with Dr. Nicholas grilling about the growing interest of governments in well being something broader than living standards or GDP per capita. Former New Zealand PM Jacinda Ardern, rebranded her national budget as a well being budget, Wales as a future generations Commissioner. And now Australia is going to produce a wellbeing framework called measuring what matters. As you’ll hear in our conversation, Nicholas is highly supportive of bringing wellbeing into policymaking. But at the same time, he’s sceptical of the way we’re going about it. He breaks down what’s wrong with the way we’re doing it. In short, there’s too many platitudes and too much top down thinking, and he explains how we could really make a difference if we did it right. Nicholas is CEO of lateral economics. He’s an angel investor, and he’s headed various government inquiries, including the Australian Government 2.0 Task Force, according to the Financial Times as Martin Wolf, Nicholas is a brilliant man who deserves to be better known, although he’s widely known within Australia, and he has an ever growing international reputation. This episode is at joint production with Nicholas as YouTube show uncomfortable collisions with reality. So please consider checking out his other content on that channel and you get a chance, a follow up to the conversation, this episode will be available on that channel brought out now for my conversation with Nicholas grown on well being. I hope you enjoy it. Nicholas, thank you, good to be with you. So I mean, you’re aware that New Zealand has a well being budget doesn’t it? And our own government here in Australia, it’s going to be releasing a measuring what matters statement. So it’s looked at what New Zealand’s done and it’s been? It’s excited by that. There’s a lot of interest in well being at the moment. What do you attribute that to Nicolas?

Nicholas Gruen  02:43

It comes goes, Gene, I think this, this urge, it’s an anti agenda. In other words, it comes from a frustration with the idea that we are obsessed with economics, we’re obsessed with dollars and cents, we’re obsessed with a single measure. And that single measure is GDP. And there’s a lot to be said for that. GDP is in fact, a much better measure of human wellbeing than we think. But that’s a little bit like saying democracy is a terrible, it’s a terrible mess. If you have to have a single measure, it’s, you know, I think you we can improve it somewhat. But there are all kinds of ways in which GDP is a much better measure than you might think. And that’s kind of partly because you can’t get rich without attending to basic social facts. And social institutions like schools, hospitals, families have to be in reasonable functioning order, if you’re going to have a wealthy society. So in a kind of an indirect sense, measuring how wealthy countries are, does help you distinguish between societies that are relative functioning relatively well, and societies that are not functioning relatively well. Please don’t think that that’s me saying we should put down our classes and forget about the deficiencies in GDP. So Bobby Kennedy put it best many years ago, 1968, when he said that GDP measures all those things in life, except the things that matter most to us, how well we bring up our kids, how beautiful our cities are, how kind we are to each other, how we manage how effective we are staying out of wars, GDP doesn’t measure any of those things. And it doesn’t measure a whole lot of other things as well. So that I think quite a good way to think of the well being agenda is to say that it’s trying to draw our attention to those deficits. And I’m very happy to say that it should live or die by how successful it is in addressing those deficits.

Gene Tunny  04:59

Okay. So wellbeing is going to be correlated with GDP per capita to an extent and is it the case?

Nicholas Gruen  05:08

And we see that in the there’s this famous thing called the Easterlin paradox. Why don’t you tell us what these? Oh, well, I

Gene Tunny  05:15

Was gonna ask you that. The way I the way I remembered if I’m remembering correctly, is that up until level of Is it personal household income, which years ago, I think was about 75 or 80,000. US dollars,

Nicholas Gruen  05:31

it was quite a lot less. Was it a lot less? Was it? Yeah, yeah. So you get a strong correlation between GDP and subjective well, and people telling you that they think their lives are working out relatively well, if you go, and it’s not very surprising, you go and ask people in war torn Sudan or somewhere like that a lot of highly corrupt and poor places. Well, being is low and GDP is low, and they climb together, and then they tie a lot and then the relationship tails off. And I think it was about $20,000 per annum, where you get that tail off. We remember this is maybe even less than that, because remember, I think it’s dates to 1974, the Easterlin paradox. And in many ways, it probably comes out of the kinds of sentiments that Bobby Kennedy was giving expression to in 1968. And it’s it says, Look, after you get tolerably wealthy, other things seem to matter more to people than how much more wealthy they’re getting.

Gene Tunny  06:37

Yeah. And what’s this idea of well being is so I’d like to ask is this happiness? Is it utility? To what extent is governments when they’re promoting well being is that about promoting the greatest good for the greatest number as Jeremy Bentham expressed it? How do you know?

Nicholas Gruen  06:54

I mean, I like to be vague about this. And I like to be vague, constructively invasions. And what I mean by that, in fact, if you’re vague, then you can honour the well being agenda as and when I called earlier, a kind of anti agenda, it is saying, hang on, where we’re never, it’s pretty unlikely we’ll ever not managed for GDP, but that leaves out all these other things. And the thing is that if you try and same, you can use words, I mean, Bentham had this problem himself, when he said the greatest good for the greatest number, he could never quite say what good was, he would sort of associate it with pleasure or whatever. And, as you know, what economists did in the, towards the end of the 19th century is that they did a little bit of on the spot, metaphysics and said that economics was about utility, that the ultimate out quote from the economy was not money, can’t take it with you, and you can’t eat it. It was money existed to improve utility. And I think utility is a nice word, it anchors the activity to what we all think of what uncertainly we did in the late 19th century and early 20th century, as all the useful things about life. Today, our lives are much more postmodern, they’re much more saturated with fantasies, entertainment, advertising, and so on. And that’s created all I mean, it’s right, why rather like that, the the, this is an Australian word for people overseas, but I’m going to use it anyway. The Daggy if you like nerdy sense of the word utility, it’s saying how can we be useful and we get a lot of utility. A poor person who is a paraplegic gets a lot of utility out of a wheelchair, or hundreds of 1000s of dollars worth of utility. If you want to get that much use that much usefulness to someone who is able bodied and has plenty of money, you’d have to do an awful lot to be more useful to them than a wheelchair is for a paraplegic person. So I think of it as quite an anchoring quite an egalitarian idea. So to Bentham, and this is one of the things that’s one of the characteristics of economics during its period of what I call clarified common sense. People like Alfred Marshall, Cecil Pigou, who were working toward in the turn of the 20th century, they built their idea about what the economy about was about around usefulness. And one of the upshots of that was that if you’re just focusing on usefulness $1 to a poor person or a pound to a poor person buys much more usefulness by It supplies them with much more urgent needs. If they spend it halfway wisely, then it can provide to a wealthy person. So that injects into our thinking a degree of egalitarianism in the guise of scientific thought, or if you like, economics has clarified common sense. So I see the well being agenda as reviving some of those ideas. And one of the people who’s responsible for it, Richard Layard, at the London School of Economics has written very much in that in that kind of tradition.

Gene Tunny  10:38

Right? Okay. So you talk about this idea of $1. In a poor person’s hand, the more valuable than in a wealthy person’s are the utility that comes from it? Yeah, but how do you make these judgments? I mean, can you do this scientifically? How do you measure well being for example, can you actually put a number on it? How do you think about that,

Nicholas Gruen  11:00

and you can’t measure utility either. So So modern economics, after that period got mesmerised by the idea of being scientific. And it didn’t get anywhere. All it managed to do is to we had a, if you like, a blurry vision of what was true, because I think almost every person listening to this will say, yes, yes. In general, on average, it’s strongly true, that money going to poor people, right now, with a budgets being prepared, and people are talking about increasing the dole for people over 55. Well, there will be some people who take it to the casino. But most people and I don’t know whether that buys anything, probably buys less, they probably buys less utility, less well being than money to me or you. But most people will spend it on things that are much more useful. So I don’t want to say Oh, well, we can’t be scientific about that thought, therefore, we’re just not going to have it. But that’s essentially and we can talk about this more if you want to, but what you can just agree with. That’s essentially what happened in modern economics from about the 1930s onwards, where we moved from a criterion of well being, which basically said, everyone’s wellbeing can be presumed to be everyone can presume to count the same. And therefore, if we’re just focusing on well being, and of course, we can’t just focus on well being, we’ve also got to think about incentives and stuff like that. But abstracting from that, ignoring that it’s a powerful, stylized fact, that money to the poor, is urgently needed, and money to the rich is not. And that basic idea kind of disappeared from the methodology of economics, in the pursuit of making it more scientific. And so we watered down the idea of what a improvement in the well being of a population was. And all we said was something which is sort of useless for practical purposes, it’s okay for modelling and that’s called Pareto, making a Pareto improvement, named after bill for a great thinker, Vilfredo Pareto, who ended up being rather sympathetic to Mussolini towards the end of his life. But he was he didn’t like the idea that you could compare any one’s subjective, state with anyone else’s, he produced Pareto wellbeing, which says, you get a Pareto improvement only if you can show that you can improve one person’s well being without harming anyone else’s. Well, that rules out progressive taxation, it rules out actually pretty much anything you’ve worked in the treasury, it’s almost impossible to do anything in policy without fight without some losers turning up. And then economics has nothing to say about that. And I don’t think that’s good news. And I think the well being agenda is one way to remind ourselves of that lack that absence. And it’s an excuse to try and bring back some of this not to, and maybe we’ll get to this not to erect a kind of big alternative approach with a big brand new thing, but a correction to some of the obvious moats in our eye on this in the sort of ways economists are thinking at the moment.

Gene Tunny  14:39

Okay. So how can we measure this? You’ve done some work on this Hale index? Is that a way of measuring well being can that be useful for assessing whether our well being has increased or

Nicholas Gruen  14:52

moving into that? That’s a good illustration of what I’m trying to say because I guess you could mark at the Hale index. I’ll explain what it is in a minute, as a sort of brand new way to conceptualise well being. But that’s not how we thought about it. We started with GDP for some of the reasons that I’ve outlined earlier. And then we said that there are some obvious ways in which GDP doesn’t tell us, that doesn’t give us what we can correct this in big, ugly ways. Where there are big ugly deviations from common sense. And then we know that we’ll, we think we’ll have a better measurement of well being, and it won’t be perfect. And it’s not something we want to run away with. But it will help us think about policy priorities, and talk about whether we’ve been getting richer or poorer as a society. So let me give you some examples. GDP is blind, to whether young people from 15 to 25, are spending their extra money going on holiday, or going to TAFE going to uni, going to school, and building what economists call human capital. We take that into account because we say that if you are spending this money, on your education, your knowledge, your training, your capability, then you are investing it. And so we put that back into GDP. And of course, if you think about how long in our lives we educate ourselves, well, 12 years is a kind of minimum for people pretty much now. And a lot of us have at least another three or four or five or six years. That’s a huge amount of your life. And therefore it’s a huge part of the economy. And so when we started, when we put that in, we changed the you know, you could see that as Australia invested in increasing retention in schools, which happened quite in a big surge during the whole government. And then, as we as we got more and more people with cert three and above qualifications, that that produced a large surge in benefit. And that would be a good thing to think about. That’s something we should congratulate ourselves on when we when, when it’s working and, you know, give ourselves a talking to if we’re not making those things happen. And another way to think about this is to say that the business will alter in this period, the business community, we’re obsessed with talking about workplace relations and workplace relations are quite important. But that’s the interface that businesses have with policy, that’s the one that they think about. And it’s vastly less important. I mean, if you do a really bad job of either, you’ve got a lousy economy on your hands. But if you are doing a halfway tolerable job of either, then human capital is vastly more important than exactly how you configure workplace relations. And anyway, no one’s ever worked out a perfect way to configure workplace relations. So one way to think about this is to say that the Hale index, this index that we built, tells you what’s important and what’s not. And some other big differences, that reflecting the comments I made about money in the hands of poor people buys you more urgent needs than money in the hands of wealthy people. During the last 20 or 30 years, Australia has become somewhat more unequal, it’s it’s a little overstated. People tend to overstate it, they tend to think we’re nearly there were as bad as the United States or the or Great Britain. And we’re not by quite a long chalk. But nevertheless, there’s an effect there. And so that that should go in. And if we have become richer, but more unequal, it’s not clear that we’re better off. And so, you know, I think quite a good, quite a good measure of a just a single measure of economic well being is median income, and median income has not grown as much as actually I’m not sure about that median income. No, I think median incomes not grown very strongly, you might be able to correct me on that. But what we’ve done well as we’ve looked after people at the bottom quite a lot better than they have in the United States. And the PR people at the top have been very well looked after, but not nearly as well looked after as they have been in the United States. Anyway, so it takes into account inequality. It tries to take into account natural capital and the result that natural capital is you know, the quality of our air and our streams and, and the amount of minerals that remain in the ground. One Upshot from that which I’m not, I’ll just tell you about it is that we, the methodology we arrived at We certainly didn’t try to come up with this result. But the methodology we arrived at told us that natural capital, at least in terms of diminution of natural capital, at least in terms of what’s happened so far was pretty minor. And that even took into account greenhouse. But of course, that depends on the trajectory that greenhouse takes. So that at least gives you something to argue about that, you know, you’re not just waving your arms around, as I’m doing right now. And then the other thing we did is we talked a few areas of mental health, which have, which are common, and have large impacts on well being. And they were depression, and anxiety and obesity. Well, obesity is a physical condition. But that has a notice that is correlated with large reductions in self reported well being. And so we threw that in the mix. And as obesity has been rising, that’s been taking 10s of billions of dollars off our GDP. So that’s what it looks like. And that to mention what I said before, I don’t want to con anyone into thinking this is a comprehensive measure of well being even though sometimes it gets reported in the press is that, but I want to say, look, it’s GDP, and then we’ve made some big changes where the worst problems of GDP exist. And that’s got to be a good thing. It’s, it’s the old clarified common sense idea, rather than welcome to the new paradigm.

Gene Tunny  21:32

Okay, so the Hale index, Harold age, lateral economics index, on well being Yeah, well being just so clarification, you talked about human capital. So are you valuing the time input that people are spending in education and training because the the actual resource cost of the education and training or the value added, that’s already counted in GDP are

Nicholas Gruen  21:58

correct. So what we say that if you go to TAFE, you go to uni, you build your human capital, the resource cost of doing that as already take is already measured in GDP, we paying your tutor as your lecturers, we’d pay for the buildings if you go to them, and, and so on. And but then we say that at the end of this process, you have invested in an asset and that asset and so and we do the same, you see GDP doesn’t contain depreciation. So it’s a basically, it’s purely recurrent. And it has no way to conceptualise the capital account, it has no way to conceptualise whether you’ve made yourself richer for the future, or poor for the future. And so it tries to do that. Does that make sense?

Gene Tunny  22:55

I’ll have to have another look at it. Yeah. Because I mean, the, what I’ve seen in the past is that people have adjusted GDP for the depreciation. So part of the That’s right, well, yeah, yeah. Part of capital expenditure that occurs is just to replace existing capital. So, you know, some people argue, well, you should actually look at net domestic product or net rational product. And

Nicholas Gruen  23:21

we do that in. So we start at that. I mean, I didn’t mention that because I just thought it was too technical, but we start with NAMI national income. Okay. So we got depreciation in there. So we put capital, so we need to put capital appreciation in as well.

Gene Tunny  23:38

I see what you’re driving at. Yeah. Okay. Capital appreciate. Yeah. Okay. Right. Well, I’ll put a link.

Nicholas Gruen  23:44

I mean, let me just let me just so people can conceptualise it. So you start with GDP, which has no measure of depreciation, your point, but the buildings you had this year, are worth less at the end of this year than, let’s say plant and equipment. Yeah, the cars you own are worth less at the end of the year than this year. So we take that out of GDP. And if you’re going to do that, by exactly the same token, you would put back into GDP all the ways in which you’ve built capital. And the main ways in which you built capital is through human capital. There’s sort of three four times as much human capital in the economy than there is physical capital.

Gene Tunny  24:27

Okay, okay. The big effect

Nicholas Gruen  24:29

two big effect.

Gene Tunny  24:32

Okay, we’ll take a short break here for a word from our sponsor.

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Gene Tunny  25:07

Now back to the show. Like what I wonder, is whether we are actually much better off than we were, say, in, in the 80s or 90s. Because, I mean, clearly the technology is just incredible that we’ve got now I mean, I remember having a Commodore 64 When I was in high school, with 64 kilobytes of RAM. And now I mean, everything you’ve got now, it’s just I don’t know how many 1000s of times better it is. But it’s just an incredible improvement. But yet, I don’t know how much better the quality of our life is, particularly with all the smartphones and the distraction? And do you know what the evidence is on that though? What is it?

Nicholas Gruen  25:50

Well, my style? Well, I mean, leaving the smartphone, the distraction point out, because that’s a very different sort of thing you’re thinking about, we can talk about that. But my kind of guess from scanning the literature on that is, so I think one of the main things you’re talking about is that a lot of the streams of benefit that we get from technology of free, or you go to Google, we go to Facebook, if you call that a benefit, there are just all these free services and free doesn’t work with GDP, GDP to GDP, it’s just invisible to GDP, because GDP, put your binoculars on and then whenever someone’s paying for something, you work out, you know, you say, Oh, that was $2, that’s $2 to GDP last whatever they paid for it. And anyway, it’s a, it’s an process of serial accounting, working out how much value has been added with each transaction. And in this process, the value that’s added is not counted, some of the commercial value that added is counted, and that is the advertising revenue. But so so again, it’s it raises the question of the household economy as well. I didn’t mention one of the great weaknesses of GDP is that GDP goes up. If you go out to dinner, and it doesn’t go out, if you if you get someone else to pay for your dinner, or you know, to cook your dinner and pay for them, that that GDP rises, but if you cook it at home, GDP doesn’t rise, I could give you some more striking examples, more sexual examples. They’re a bit more striking, which is that most people’s sexual activity doesn’t contribute to GDP, but going into a prostitute does. So that doesn’t seem to be a very good way of measuring human wellbeing. So there are anyway, we haven’t tried to correct for those things. But those are the those are some of the sort of paradoxes of GDP. Yeah. But I don’t mean to be too critical of GDP because of it. Clearly, we are, we are wealthier. And

Gene Tunny  28:06

to an extent, I mean, just given the expansion of I mean, houses are much larger, on average than they were 30 years ago. We’re probably I mean, the quality of cars is better. We can you know, then they’re cheaper in real terms, I think. And partly that’s because we’re brought down the tariff wall here. But yeah, I guess we are better off in a material sense. But it’s not as much as you might think, if you just look at the GDP per capita numbers, because there are these other things we should be taking into account. Yeah,

Nicholas Gruen  28:36

yeah, that’s right. That’s right. I mean, the other thing is, I’ll just tell you, I went this afternoon to somebody who was looking at an MRI of my shoulder, which is sore and tingling. Now, I’m pretty confident that I mean, there are various ways various pathways, you can imagine that the existence of MRIs is picked up in GDP, I mean, you pay money for the for the MRI, but the fact that the fact that he can look inside my shoulder and look at where the bone is, and where the where the sinews are on sale, there’s a spur there. And we couldn’t do anything remotely like that. As an economist sitting there, very few people would have this reaction when they’re doctors looking at an MRI. But that was what I was thinking about. I was thinking, well, I doubt if that is properly reflected in productivity statistics. And in GDP. It’s an incredible thing to basically have your doctor be able to look right inside things and you know, that that’s a very powerful thing.

Gene Tunny  29:43

Yeah, yeah. Okay. Okay. So I think basically, the takeaway is that well being is this it’s much broader than than GDP. It’s challenging to measure. How is this relevant And for policy, Nicholas, I mean, should should governments be tracking this broader measure? Should they be tracking something like the Hale index? Or the ABS be producing it? And should they therefore then adjust their policies to address this if there’s a deficiency? And yeah,

Nicholas Gruen  30:15

so So that’s, that’s the nub of the question. So there are various lots of people say how wonderful it is, you’ll hear this it’s almost a cyanide, I will hazard to guess it’s a sign that you’re listening to someone who hasn’t really thought about these things very carefully, or sceptically when they start talking about Bhutan. So Bhutan made a really big splash by saying that it was managing its economy for gross national happiness. But if you take it seriously, and you look how they do it, it’s a bit of a joke. No offence to Bhutan, good on them. And they’re doing quite well. So you could argue that it’s all because of well being. But if you try to look at what they’re doing, I mean, it’s very hard to get anything published after about 2009 on the subject anyway, from Bhutan. So it’s a cart that people love the idea that they’re managing for wellbeing. I’m not sure exactly when, but probably in the, the tooth, the, you know, the 2000 to 2010. But maybe earlier than that fair bit of pressure was put on the Australian Bureau of Statistics to produce a wellbeing measure. And I basically pushed back and said, Look, we will produce a thing with series of indicators called measuring Australia’s progress is that it, of course, and we will not aggregate it all and pretend that we can put this all in a single measure. And so you know, they look at natural capital, they look at equity, they look at the environment, and they produce rich data on this stuff. But the calls keep coming, oh, we need to. So in other words, if we had this big demand to manage for well being, then that’s fine, the ABS could produce this data. And then our politicians and our senior thought leaders will put inverted commas around that. They’d be saying, Good, we’ve got the data. Now we’re going to manage for wellbeing, but that’s not what happens. So that’s a sign that something funny is going on. And so around the world, we hear this idea that we’re going to, we’re going to manage for wellbeing. Now, we might be able to go into this in more detail in the next podcast that we’re going to have on this where we’re going to have a closer look at some of this. But I think that is a mistake. I think it is a mistake to go running around creating, quote, wellbeing frameworks, if there are a wellbeing framework of a particular kind, because so New Zealand has done that. Well, let’s go through what’s happened. The Treasury announced that it had a well being framework. And this was announced in a speech by a senior Treasury official, who shall remain nameless, but is closely related to me. And it was announced that there were these five principles in the treasury Wellbeing Framework. And you can imagine, you know, we can work out what they are the first, you know, the top three or four are going to be prosperity, equality of some kind, and we’re going to read a reference to equality. Another one will be a reference to the environment, you know, health, happiness, stuff like this. And the fifth one was happened to be complexity, which was intriguing. And I sort of looked at this and thought, Well, that’s it that’s on what’s like, I can see how complexity is sort of important. But is it a plus? Is it a minus? What’s it doing that? Now, the Treasury Wellbeing Framework or so it was called a well being framework? I think it was quite obvious at the time that it was not a well being framework. It was a set of talking points. Is that a bad thing? I don’t think it is a bad thing. Can Henry wanted the Secretary of the Treasury at the time wanted to make the point or wanted Treasury officials to think more broadly about what the Australian economy was about? No problems there. But it wasn’t a framework because of framework constraints. You and it’s it, you will be applying this framework. Wherever you do work, wherever it’s relevant. I can prove that that didn’t happen, because the Treasury wrote a submission to I think the a triple C on Consumer Policy and another submission on regulation of financial instruments. Now, if that doesn’t raise the question of complexity, nothing does and the word complexity did not appear in those submissions. I’ve documented this So, so it wasn’t a framework. That’s okay. But it’s a very good illustration of a number of things, which is that, you know, it’s very easy to grandly talk about visions. And we should be suspicious of that, we should be suspicious of that for lots of reasons. But without going into, like, if you’re serious about that, I’d be suspicious, because I don’t think it can be done, I don’t think it’ll be helpful. I think it’ll all fall over. But in fact, you don’t really have to worry, because when you get suspicious, what I’m mainly suspicious of is that this is what I call a re skinning operation. And we will get business going on more or less, as usual, with some new words dotted around. And I think that that’s clearly demonstrated in the, in the case of the Australian treasury. And And to top it all off. John Fraser, when he was the Treasury Secretary, just got rid of it. And a number of people were quite upset. I think you were a bit upset. And you said you were sad to see it go. And I said, Well, I’m sad to see it go. But it will it made no difference and making everything go will make no difference. And and I said, Can you tell me anything? Any thing, any piece of work that was changed for you in the treasury by the framework? And I think you had nothing to say then. But you might have more to say now?

Gene Tunny  36:24

Well, I think what I said at the time, Nicholas, was that I think it was designed to change the mindset. There authorising words. Yes, yes. And I don’t think you could ever say, Well, as you mentioned, there was a a submission that it appears wasn’t informed by the well being framework at all, which I think is a really, that’s a that’s, that’s not very good. I mean, I’m surprised that complexity wasn’t, wasn’t mentioned in that. But yeah, you’re right. I mean, it’s very hard to operationalize these things. I mean, because you know, these things come from, you know, the senior executive, or I think it was either Ken Henry, or Blair calmly or someone like that very senior in the treasury. And I mean, you know, that they wanted to have it permeate through the organisation, they wanted people to change their, their mindsets from because there was a concern treasury, or we’re just all the corner Kratts. And all we care about is GDP and the the economic numbers, we’re not concerned enough about broader well being. So I think it was well motivated. It just didn’t, it’s hard to change practice

Nicholas Gruen  37:32

being stuff is well motivated. And that’s my point. Let’s, let’s have a little D tumescence, about how well motivated we all are. And let’s attend to the difference that we’re making. So that’s the Treasury, that’s the Australian treasury. Now the New Zealand Treasury is a very different story than New Zealand Treasury, actually kind of contacted me I’d written some stuff on well being and they contacted me. And I was amazed when I had a look at what they’ve done. They’ve been working away before Jacinda Ardern, turned up and said, Let’s have a well being budget. The New Zealand Treasury were actually doing a great deal of work, trying to reconceptualize the national accounts, and all this kind of stuff. And they were pretty serious about doing it. But I’ll tell you what’s happened. We can talk a bit about this, about their well being budget in a minute. But what’s happened is they have put a lot of work in and the result is that at least in principle, whether they’ve got to this stage or not, I don’t know. But in principle, they would be able to tell you, the world self reported well being of Maori in Rotorua. Now, isn’t that impressive? Well, actually, it’s not impressive, because what’s not impressive about it is that you’ve you’ve put a huge amount of effort and resources into something and thinking resources. And what are you missing out here? Well, what I’m arguing you’re missing out is, you know, what the Mary well being in Roger or is and you’ve got no further information about how to improve it. And that’s what matters. So I want to use well being frameworks. Well, this this hankering for well being as an authorising environment, to start finding some things where wellbeing and GDP deviate the way they were something where there’s a big problem with the well being and GDP is ignorant of it is it’s invisible to GDP, there’s suffering. And I would like to, I would like the well being thinking to start being used to authorise this and I was talking to a state government a treasury, actually, Treasury state government this year, and and I was saying this to them and they said, Well, you Yes, but we need a framework. And I said two things. I mean, firstly, why do you need a framework, it’s not going to help you achieve anything. But I said, I can give you a framework, the framework will be not on how to measure wellbeing everywhere for no apparent reason. But how to build a framework which will deliver wellbeing benefits. And we already have a bit of a, we already have a bit of a picture of that, because we’ve done it conceptually, in another area, which is sort of simpler and more technical, and therefore doesn’t involve the human element so much, and doesn’t therefore engage our feelings in quite the same way. And that is greenhouse. So we have cost curves are very basic, the firt, the first language we ever developed about greenhouse before, even before Kyoto, which I think if I’m correct is 1997, we develop the concept of no regrets measures, what are no regrets measures, they’re things that are good for the economy, and good for greenhouse. And there are quite a lot of those. The classic case of trying to improve the efficiency of at small levels, that management don’t pay a lot of attention to the installation of warehouses and factories, the energy efficiency of electric motors in those things. And they’re actually quite large economic benefits. And they come with greenhouse reductions, and there are still some of those around so I think so the very first thing you go looking for is wellbeing benefits that are no regrets measures, things that have a big impact on the work on wellbeing, while they actually do no harm to the economy. But if that’s the case, is highly likely, given that people who feel good about themselves are more productive and less fractious, and less likely to try and pinch, you know, try and blame other people for their problems and so on. That is that something that could be we could do something very exciting. Now, let me give you a very small illustration, my best illustration of this, it’s actually happening now might have happened earlier, if we’d taken this seriously. In hiring, there is a bit of a craze, you can call it a bit of an ounce, maybe one of the best part best outcroppings of the the woke stuff, which I’m not terribly fond of in lots of guises. But here, if you go to an interview, and you don’t, one way of presenting well you’ll tell most people is you, you aren’t afraid to make eye contact, you make the right amount of eye contact. Well, autistic people find that extremely hard. And autistic people can be extremely productive. So your HR people, the people doing interviews need to be aware of this. And if you’re running an organisation that has lots to do with computer programming, statistics, various kinds of management probably pretty much anywhere, people who who are somewhere on the autism spectrum, not wildly over so that they become socially dysfunctional, but people on the autism spectrum can be if you know that and you manage for that you can massively improve their well being you can massively and you can go do yourself on the productivity benefits that this produce. And so that problem I just mentioned is a large problem. It’s not you know, it might it might affect 234 percent of the population. And it’s in some way, I think, another large problem is that carers, older carers, so I get a bit older and my wife looks after me or vice versa, they tend to be socially isolated. Now Australia has got some quite good policies on this. And we have, we were an early innovator in funding people to go round to older people’s houses and make them a cup of tea, have a chat and then move on or put their dinner on and things like that. But there are lots of things we could do to improve the social connection between carers and of carers and their community and so on. So that’s another area. Another area I would argue would be teaching and probably kids on the autism spectrum, teaching and dyslexia. There are all kinds of things that we don’t manage for these things. Well, well, these things massively depressed, the well being of the particular kids with those with who who have those characteristics. So that’s just a bunch of they’re right at the no regrets area. Yeah. And then I’d like to see some real curiosity about what other kinds of things can we do, which have very low, low short term costs and improve well being. Because a lot of those are actually going to be over any reasonable period of time, no regrets measures, they’re going to contribute to GDP, and they’re going to improve well being. But other than our kind of broad sympathy for such things, you don’t see these types of this type of thinking and those types of initiatives being very high up on the agenda. For in in, for instance, just interact Dan’s wellbeing budget. And if you ask the right question, I will then opine on the well being budget. I just feel I need to give you a word in edgewise.

Gene Tunny  45:51

Okay, okay. Well, I do have a, at least one more question. And but yeah, it would be good to talk about just in the well being budget, too. I was gonna ask, I mean, how are you gonna go about this, but without it being? Like, one of the concerns I have about this whole? Let’s try and, you know, I guess governments have a role of, you know, they’ve got to look after the population, but you don’t, you don’t want it to go too far. Because you don’t I mean, in my view, this is my opinion, you don’t want to reduce the capacity of people to look after themselves. I mean, we should be encouraging Self Reliance to an extent. To what extent does this become paternalism? I mean, how do we do this without public servants becoming busy bodies without interfering too much? How do you go about this? That’s what I’m doing. So I’ll

Nicholas Gruen  46:41

give you an example with Yeah, with I mean, I completely agree. I mean, the idea of public servants fixing that problem, you know, with a hub and spoke model with Canberra bureaucrats or Sydney and Melbourne bureaucrats is just take just take me out and kill me now. What Yeah, this sort of thing is an example I chaired a thing called the Australian Centre for Social Innovation and they have a programme called weavers and weavers is an I call it place base. That’s a term that a lot of people understand. And essentially what it does is there’s a little bit of money there and it engages carers it so it sort of is engaging carers in a local community. A particular care might be my get an honorarium for being a weaver and a weaver will be weaving together, we’ll be running some activities, keeping in touch with local carers, etc, etc, etc, just realising that, because of the circumstances they find themselves in, they need a bit of help and resourcing in maintaining social connection. So it has to be and it’s very cheap. And, you know, and also your some of that money will get wasted, and it won’t work very well and others, it will do terrific things. And it can be, it can provide sort of different kinds of sinews for a community. I’ll give you another example. My wife set up an organisation, my wife and a friend of hers set up an organisation in Seymour called I Wish I’d asked, it was based on it began thinking about oral history. And the idea was to connect school kids and people in aged care homes and older people in the community to record our oral histories. But it turned into a much bigger programme than that. And it was, was it conceived of itself as a multi generational, well be a multi generational anti loneliness programme. They didn’t actually use the word well being. But and it was a, it was a fabulous programme. And I’ll let me just give you an example of because it does go to the connectedness of things. And this is something which maybe we’ll talk a bit more about when we when we look at when we talk about this again. But one of the things that people involved in well being boys talking about is the way things are connected up. And I think so many of those connections are serendipitous, that they’re very difficult to manage for but let me tell you that in Seymour, one of the app camps of this was that young boys so they’re 14, they’re going they’re thinking to themselves, I’m going nowhere, probably they’re not that good at school, their inseam or they’re not quite sure, you know, they’re thinking I might just end up unemployed I don’t really want to end up unemployed and they get in they get involved in this programme. Now some of them are gonna think all people don’t want to talk to old people, and they get in their various the programme have various ways of ensuring that these introductions worked out as well as possible Anyway, they start making friends with these old people. And they saw one autistic kid, we saw an old RSL guy. And they, and the autistic kid became very obsessed with the metals that the old guy or the old guy had. And they talked about these metals and the battles that he’d had every week. Now, that was fantastic for both of them. That is, we’ll be back, let me tell you something else that happened, you know that three of seven or eight boys who were about 14, you know, what they decided they wanted to do for a job. They wanted to work in aged care homes. Wow, you don’t think of young 14 year old boys wanting to do that. But because because we’re brought up in silos. Because, you know, this is reintroducing into the community stuff that existed on its own 80 years ago. And I don’t think, well, I don’t think what happened is that these three kids thought, Oh, I’ve always wanted to do tarot, that’s, that’s me to a tee. I think they thought I can do that. And I won’t be unemployed. And I’ll be useful. And I like these people. And I’ll feel useful. And I’ll have a decent life. And we’re sitting around in Canberra worrying about how do we staff our aged care homes?

Gene Tunny  51:24

That’s a great example.

Nicholas Gruen  51:25

Yeah. So you could justify that. But you could justify this programme, which is run, that wouldn’t cost. It doesn’t cost nothing. But it’s run on the smell of an oily rag, you could use it. I mean, one of the things that the institutions, the aged care homes and the schools, I won’t call them resistant to doing this. But some are. And of course, all of them are subjected to strong regulation, which has been put in place for completely other reasons. So safety checks, police checks, insurance. And it’s not that you want to ignore the issues that those that that regulation is trying to address. But you do want to say that this is a valuable thing. And if it’s getting in the way we want to know about it. And then we want to think about the costs and benefits and whether we can do this in a better kind of way. And so it’s those kinds of things that the the well being agenda, could could address, but really only by making stuff happen and then watching the ripples come out and working out where government’s getting in the way where it can help, generally speaking, not with large amounts of money.

Gene Tunny  52:41

Yeah, yeah, I like that. Good ask what we’re seeing more is that a disadvantaged area in Melbourne as it is

Nicholas Gruen  52:48

pretty disadvantaged, it’s the place where the Australian would furphy comes from see more and further for fees, which have now make money selling their name as a beer, and they give that money to charity. And, and I wish I’d asked picked up some of that money. So shout out to Murphy’s. But so so it’s about 120 My best guess out of Melbourne up north, just getting into Kelly country. And yeah, and it’s where a lot of canned fruit came from, and the firt and the further fees made boilers. And a furphy. In the Australian idiom is what soldiers the story soldiers told, I think this was in Gallipoli, sitting around the boiler and having a cup of tea. I think that’s roughly the story. And that’s where Seymour’s very good learn something.

Gene Tunny  53:41

And I was just thinking that shows the importance of connection and, and connections and important part of well being being connected to family or to friends. And, and that’s, and a lot of people would argue that’s what we’ve lost. We’ve got more people living alone. Yeah. And people just aren’t connected generations as generational divide. Yep. So yeah, I think you’re highlighting that that’s a such a great example of highlighting how you can improve well being with something simple. Now, this might this might have to be the last question for this. This part one of this conversation. You talk about these could be cost effective. This could be low cost is this where something like Andrew Lee’s evaluation unit could be an important part of this story and figuring out okay, we’re spending billions of dollars on these big welfare programmes. And you know, that it could be that it’s better, we’re better off spending a small amount of money on little interventions like this. Yeah,

Nicholas Gruen  54:37

yeah. Yeah. Well, one would hope that some nows about evaluation would enable us to get counterfactual snapshots. I wouldn’t want to say let’s do away with welfare, I would want to say welfare costs us an absolute shedload of money. And for a tiny fraction of that money. We could be doing these kinds of things which are broad health benefits and by health I mean in the broadest sense physical, mental, and community and the health of the community. And we could try to be, I won’t use the word rigorous because that conjures up people with clipboards and bureaucrats, and I just and mathematicians and economists, and I’m not talking about that. I’m talking about trying to be trying to be evidence based, trying to work, trying to notice what works, doubling down on what works and just doing less of what’s not working so well. So I think that’s a great place to finish up. We didn’t get to talk about New Zealand’s well being budget and we can certainly fit that into the next exciting episode.

Gene Tunny  55:42

Excellent. Okay, thank you, Nicholas. Fantastic.

Nicholas Gruen  55:45

thanks very much, Gene.

Gene Tunny  55:47

rato thanks for listening to this episode of economics explored. If you have any questions, comments or suggestions, please get in touch. I’d love to hear from you. You can send me an email via contact@economicsexplored.com Or a voicemail via SpeakPipe. You can find the link in the show notes. If you’ve enjoyed the show, I’d be grateful if you could tell anyone you think would be interested about it. Word of mouth is one of the main ways that people learn about the show. Finally, if your podcasting outlets you then please write a review and leave a rating. Thanks for listening. I hope you can join me again next week.

56:34

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Podcast episode

Chokepoint Capitalism w/ Rebecca Giblin – EP169

Corporations such as Google, Amazon, and Live Nation are allegedly taking advantage of chokepoints in the economy, earning excessive profits. That’s the thesis of a new book, Chokepoint Capitalism: how big tech and big content captured creative labour markets, and how we’ll win them back. The authors are Uni. of Melbourne Law Professor Rebecca Giblin and writer and activist Cory Doctorow. Show host Gene Tunny speaks with Prof. Giblin about Chokepoint Capitalism in this episode. 

Please get in touch with any questions, comments and suggestions by emailing us at contact@economicsexplored.com or sending a voice message via https://www.speakpipe.com/economicsexplored

You can listen to the episode via the embedded player below or via podcasting apps including Google PodcastsApple PodcastsSpotify, and Stitcher.

About this episode’s guest: Rebecca Giblin

Rebecca Giblin is an ARC Future Fellow and Professor at Melbourne Law School, and the Director of the Intellectual Property Research Institute of Australia. Her work sits at the intersection of law and culture, focusing on creators’ rights, access to knowledge and culture, technology regulation and copyright. Using quantitative, qualitative, doctrinal and comparative methods, she leads interdisciplinary teams with expertise across data science, cultural economics, literary sociology, information research and law to better understand how law impacts the creation and dissemination of creative works.

You can follow Rebecca on Twitter: 

https://twitter.com/rgibli

Links relevant to the conversation

Where you can buy Chokepoint Capitalism:

https://amzn.to/3HohDFV

Website about the book:

https://chokepointcapitalism.com/

Transcript: Chokepoint Capitalism w/ Rebecca Giblin – EP169

N.B. This is a lightly edited version of a transcript originally created using the AI application otter.ai. It may not be 100 percent accurate, but should be pretty close. If you’d like to quote from it, please check the quoted segment in the recording.

Gene Tunny  00:00

Coming up on Economics Explored.

Rebecca Giblin  00:03

We’re sharing less and less in the value that’s that’s created by our work. And that’s happening because we’ve got these increasingly powerful corporations, creating choke points that allow them to extract more than their fair share.

Gene Tunny  00:18

Welcome to the Economics Explored podcast, a frank and fearless exploration of important economic issues. I’m your host Gene Tunny broadcasting from Brisbane Australia. This is episode 169 on choke point capitalism. That’s the name of the new book from University of Melbourne law professor Rebecca Giblin and from writer and activist Cory Doctorow. Professor Giblin joins me this episode to discuss the book. Please check out the show notes, relevant links and information and for details where you can get in touch with any questions or comments. Let me know what you think about what either Rebecca I have to say in this episode. I’d love to hear from you. Right now. It’s my conversation with Rebecca Giblin on a new book with Cory Doctorow chokepoint capitalism, thanks to the publisher scribe for sending me a copy of the book. And finally, thanks to my audio engineer Josh Crotts for his assistance in producing this episode. I hope you enjoy it. Rebecca Gibson, welcome to the programme. 

Rebecca Giblin  01:00

Hi, Gene. 

Gene Tunny  01:01

Yes, good to have you on Rebecca keen to chat with you about your new book, Choke Point Capitalism: how big tech and big content captured creative labour markets and how we’ll win them back. So to begin with, Rebecca, could you explain what’s the meaning of a choke point? And why do you think capitalism can be labelled in this way? Or there’s a form of capitalism that is chokepoint capitalism?

Rebecca Giblin  01:40

Well, competition is supposed to be fundamental to capitalism. It is supposedly about the free exchange of goods and services. But you have this new orthodoxy that’s come out in the last 30 or 40 years. When you have Peter Thiel say competition is for losers. You have Warren Buffett salivating over companies that have what he calls wide, sustainable moats, which are barriers to competition that stop that, you know, lock in customers and lock in suppliers, and stop that free exchange. And once and this is now the orthodoxy that’s been taught in business schools, people are told that if you want to make a fortune, you don’t make something, don’t provide a service, but find a way to scrape off the value of other people’s labour. And these are the choke points. So it’s where you manage to lock people in. So you lock in customers, you lock in suppliers, you use, the power you get from that. And those increased margins you get from that to do a scorched earth approach where anybody in your kill zone gets eliminated so that there are fewer and fewer choices for those locked in customers and suppliers. And then ultimately, you shake everybody down for more than your fair share. And we see these choke pointed markets in throughout the culture industries in particular, that’s what we talk about in the book to demonstrate this problem. But they’re everywhere. We’ve started seeing the term getting used in the context of all different kinds of businesses. We’ve had people talking about on social media emailing us to tell us about it. One of the more interesting ones and somebody saying this is exactly what’s happening in the global ornamental plant industry is a big plant is a problem as well.

Gene Tunny  03:28

Ornamental what? Sorry?

Rebecca Giblin  03:30

Plants, Yes. Yeah, it’s a big problem in the plant market, we discovered. And, and what we’re really trying to demonstrate here is the danger of this. And the reason why so many of us are feeling squeezed right now. It’s not our imaginations, it’s that we are being and that we need to become really aware of it if we want to change the material conditions in which we live and work.

Gene Tunny  03:54

Okay, so by many of us, are you talking about creative professionals?

Rebecca Giblin  03:59

But it goes much beyond that as well. If you’re working, or if you’re a supplier to Coles and Woollies, for example, you are dealing with a similar kind of buyer power as what we talked about in the book. And so let me mention this. This book, we talk about monopoly a bit, which is, you know, we’re all familiar with that concept, because we got a board game for that one. It’s where you’ve got a seller, that’s really powerful. So Amazon, for example, is a really powerful seller. And its relationship with consumers because it controls so many consumer markets, including the market for books, but it’s also an incredibly powerful buyer. So if you’re a publisher or an author, you you you need to go through Amazon to reach those customers. And so it’s, it’s it’s got monopsony power as well, which is where you’ve got a powerful buyer. So if you’re a supplier to Coles and Woollies, you’re dealing with people. I have to say this word monopsony, it does turn a lot of people off. It did appear a lot more often in the book in the first draft and people begged us to take it out, but we do think we can make it sexy. Technically what we’re talking about here is oligopoly, which is probably even worse, which is where you’ve got a couple of very powerful buyers. But I’m going to use monopsony just for simplicity. But that’s what you’re dealing with if you’re a supplier to Coles and Woollies, in Australia or so many other companies that have increasingly come to control their markets. And the reason why we’ve got this increased corporate concentration throughout the world is largely due to the emergence of what we call Chicago School of Economics reasoning, this, it gets a little bit wonky at this point, but this consumer welfare theory, that suggests that we should only be concerned about corporate concentration, not just because it exists, but where it has the effect of, of harming consumer welfare, which is often treated as just looking at the prices people pay. There’s many problems with that standard. And we’ve seen them the consequences of that really starting to play out now. But one of the consequences is that it really ignores the fact that when you’ve got a powerful buyer, right, it may be that the prices that the consumer pays are not affected. But that buyer has its hand in the pockets of its workers and its suppliers. And you’re it’s a little bit of a stage magic, sleight of hand misdirection where you’re looking over there at the Consumer Price, and not noticing that you’ve got somebody picking your pocket on the other. And we think I mean, it’s exactly the same end result. If you’re if you’re having downward pressure on your wages, the salary that you bring, bring in the what you get paid for your goods and your services, it has the exact same end result as higher prices at the checkout, which is that you’ve got less and less capacity to pay for what you need. And what we’re really seeing now in the current environment. And a lot of these prices, we are seeing big price increases at the checkout. And partly those are inflationary pressures. But we are seeing as well, there’s a lot of evidence of companies, these powerful concentrated industries, hiking up their profit margins and using inflation as an excuse for that. So we’re seeing higher prices at one end, and also these companies having their hands in our pockets at the other. And so it’s no wonder that everybody’s feeling squeezed.

Gene Tunny  07:30

Right. Okay, so you mentioned a few things there. You talked about antitrust, and I’ve chatted with Danielle Wood from Gratton about this, this issue of you know, there was this consumer welfare standard. And that meant that there may be, there wasn’t as much antitrust enforcement. But now there’s been a change, you’ve mentioned, is it Lina Khan in the States? So there’s more of a, a willingness to look at antitrust as a tool. And can we, Rebecca can ask about what mean, what companies you’re talking about? I mean, are you talking, you mentioned. Well, it’s could, though, there could be companies in the sort of more traditional economy, but it’s, is it mainly big tech? Are they these are the companies that are exhibiting the characteristics of being a choke point, capitalist, what are some of these companies?

Rebecca Giblin  08:23

Okay, so the ones that we talk about in the context of the creative industries, they go all the way through the chain. So if we think about just music to begin with, musician has to deal with the big three record labels, who control almost 70% of global recorded music rights. They own the big three records, the big three music publishers, which control almost 60% of global song rights, they structure the deals in ways that benefit their executives and shareholders, and work to the detriment of these creative workers. Then the streaming industry, which is where most of the increasingly most of the money from recorded music is generated, the streaming we lots of people know that music streaming really doesn’t pay very well. But fewer people are aware that the reason that works, the way that it does is because this is the way those big three record labels, arranged things, the streaming platforms had to have to go through those records, those record companies in order to get permission to play the songs. And in order to clear those rights, they have to enter into these deals that again, favour those record labels, again, to the detriment of the artists, and that give those those those major labels who should be far less relevant and indeed are far less relevant today than they were 30 or 40 years ago because they no longer control all of the avenues to distribution, but because they’ve got these huge reservoirs of copyrights that they’ve acquired often through buying up distressed companies very, very cheaply, that’s given them outsized power to control the future of music. And so you can see that those, the copyrights themselves create a choke point, at one point, the incredible complexity of the licencing systems that we have in music, create other choke points, because it is only Spotify and the big tech music offerings that can afford to go through the, you know, these hoops to pay that what’s demanded by the record labels and also to comply with these complex regulatory rules and that keeps lots of other companies that that could be started by people who love music and want to support artists and passionately believe in alternative ways of getting music out there. It stops them from being able to start up any kind of meaningful competition. And then if you look, and you say, Well, that’s all right, people don’t really need to make money from recorded music. No one’s really made money from recorded music except a few outliers. People make money from touring. Well, then we start looking at Live Nation, which is the behemoth in that space. It controls nearly all of the world’s largest and most prestigious music venues. It also has a music management and promotion business. And it bought Ticketmaster a few years ago to, you know, in the face of many, many warnings that what has happened would happen, the Department of Justice in the United States still permitted this merger to go ahead. Now, just think about this for a moment. Imagine you are a company. So you’re a music venue, right? And you want to book acts, you will have Live Nation tell you well, if you don’t use us for your ticketing, you won’t be able to book our biggest acts that we control through our management, business and promotion business, or, or any other kind of incredible threat that they’ve made. In the book, we talk about this we are in, we looked in an incredible range of creative industries in our research for this book. And we always gave people the opportunity to be synonymous or anonymous if they wanted to. And I think nobody took us up on that. Even when they were talking about these other really big, really scary giants like Amazon, who’s also known for not playing fair, except the people we spoke to about Live Nation. Almost all of those said that they could not be named. And they were really genuinely terrified about what kind of retribution could come if it got out that they’d spoken to us about this company. But it has a voyeurs, voyeurs view at the businesses of all of its competitors, right? If you’ve got to use Ticketmaster or if you’re a venue, or you face all of these other consequences, all of these other things that you miss out on. But that gives Ticketmaster the ability to see, well, okay, so which other acts that you are hosting are doing well, who are the artists that look like based on the ticket sales, they’re about to break out, and maybe Ticketmaster, Live Nation can jump in with its promotion and management business and snag up those acts. Now, even though they didn’t do the early investment, they can just sneak in and grab them now that they’re about to start making lots of money. And, you know, all kinds of other, you know, extraordinary advantages this gives them and we’re really seeing this play out at the moment with anyone who’s listening. Is there is there much crossover? Do you think Gene in the economics explained audience and the people who are big fans of Taylor Swift, and been waiting in a queue for days in order to get tickets to her concert? You have

Gene Tunny  13:47

Look, I have no idea. I mean, I quite like Taylor Swift. I wouldn’t line up for days to get tickets. But yeah, who knows? Tell me more.

Rebecca Giblin  13:55

Look, the Department of Justice is investigating again, they did do an investigation a couple of years ago that we talked about in the book, where a bunch of venues who all had to be assured of anonymity in order to speak, we’re talking about Live Nation’s mob tactics and ways in which it was using its power to crush other people’s businesses. It got a fine that was just really a slap on the wrist and told really sternly not to do it again. But in this kind of context of fine is a price. The Live Nation is quite happy to pay that kind of fine in, you know, in order to get to continue its predatory behaviour. It will only be stopped if there is sort of meaningful enforcement. And the DOJ hadn’t done anything since until this Taylor Swift controversy came up. And and and we are seeing now there’s going to be another investigation. So hopefully, there’ll be some kind of more meaningful enforcement here and what we really need to see is Ticket Master broken up. That’s one of the main domain remedies were there. antitrust breaches. You can have structural remedies, which is where you break a company up or conduct remedies, which is where you sort of get them to pinky swear they won’t do anything bad. Now, unfortunately, those remedies are not particularly easy to enforce. Right. It took literally decades to break up AT&T In the United States. I was it was a Bell. I think it was Bell before it became AT&T. So there’s so many, the Bell System we concentrated. Yeah, concentrated firms the sometimes I get mixed up. And it can be incredibly expensive and lasts for decades to take these actions and we don’t have decades. And the other problem with those antitrust remedies or competition law remedies is that they work even less well when you’re dealing with monopsony rather than monopoly for various reasons. And so what we argue for in the book is remedies that we know do work in response to monopsony power. And that’s things like encouraging new entrants into the market, directly regulating excessive buyer power by limiting what they can do and by taking measures to build countervailing power in workers and suppliers.

Gene Tunny  16:21

Okay, well, I want to come back to that that point about the monopsony you said, it’s harder for antitrust act on monopsony if you meant I think you said that I’d be interested in that if you can explain why or, and also the, I guess, I’d like to ask about, I mean, is this really so bad? I mean, you mentioned that it’s, it’s captured creative labour markets. I mean, okay, I’m, I’m against a lot of the surveillance capitalism. And I think you know, where to the extent there are choke points, and they’re really bad business practices, or they’re they are, they’re relying on some. Yeah, I guess it’s IP, they’re relying on these relationships they have and they’re, they’re preventing competition from, from coming into the market. Yeah, I can see the problem with Ticketmaster. At the same time, I mean, I think a lot of these platforms have enabled a lot of people to make a living out of content creation, haven’t they? I mean, if you look at YouTube, and you look at all the podcasting platforms, I mean, there are many more people that are able to, you know, quit their jobs and become full time content creators, aren’t there. So, I mean, is there a risk that we, we, we undermine this system that has actually created a lot of benefits? I mean, how do you see it, Rebecca?

Rebecca Giblin  17:48

Let me answer that second part. The second part first, I think we are constantly being sold the idea that we can’t have the good things without the bad things, right. So Amazon is constantly telling us that we can’t have a good search engine without surveillance. But we can have a great search engine without surveillance. Google didn’t surveil us for the first several years of its existence, right. And it was a terrific search engine. We, with the access to digital technologies and the Internet, we absolutely can have global virtually instantaneous gloop at virtually costless, like zero marginal cost of distribution, supply of many kinds of creative work. So we’ve got this potential for the good things anyway, what we don’t have to have is the bad parts, the lock ins, right, these strategies that are used to create these hourglass shaped markets, so that you’ve got audiences at one end, and creators, the other and these predatory companies squatting at the NEC, were they using that power that they’ve artificially created by locking everybody in to extract more than their fair share? So that’s what I say in response to that. And getting, I’m so glad you asked me more about monopsony. Most people run away screaming from that pot. So some of the reasons suddenly tell you a couple of things about it. One reason why monopsony is so dangerous is that it accrues at far lower market concentrations than monopoly power does. So you know, when monopsony when when when a buyer controls even eight or 10% of the market, that already gives it quite outsized power over its suppliers. And that says that’s assuming that there’s no alternative buyer for that. And we saw that when Amazon started out one of its one of its as soon as it got power over the physical book market. It started exerting that to try and squeeze margin out of everybody else. And, you know, this is a famous Bezos aphorism. Your margin is my opportunity. He’s very clear about what he’s trying to do. But sometimes when you look at how the sausage gets made, it can be a little bit frightening. They created something called the gazelle project, which is exactly what it sounds like the way that a cheetah cuts out the weakest Gazelle from the herd, they went after the smaller and more vulnerable publishers to squeeze margin from them. One of them was Melville House, who lots of people have read books from. And the publisher they resisted, he said, look, if you I cannot, we cannot afford to give you what you’re asking for our business won’t be sustainable on that basis, we just won’t do it. And Amazon instantly retaliated by removing the buy buttons for all the Melville House books on its platform. Okay and now at that, at that time, I think Amazon only controlled about 8% of the market for those books. But nonetheless, Melville House was forced to instantly get virtually instantly given because without that, that eight or 10% of sales, it was just no longer sustainable. And so if you look at how much power Amazon had, when it had such a small market share relative to what it has got now, you can see how dangerous that’s become. And then if we look at other industries, in so many of them, you’ve only got, you know, one or two or three buyers that are available. And coincidentally, they often seem to have very, very similar policies and very, very similar abuses. And this is what this is what puts them in that position where they can extract so much from the people that they’re dealing with. Yeah, the other. The other thing about monopsony that I think is relevant here to why the remedies are not particularly effective, is that there’s real concern that when you regulate a powerful buyer, that maybe the reason why it’s so powerful is because it’s very efficient. And this is what Amazon argues it argues that it has this highly efficient structure, that it has these lower costs, which leads to attracts customers, which then attracts suppliers. And then there’s a better customer experience, which brings more in and sort of feeds this loop which Amazon calls its virtuous cycle, right. But what we see when we look at Amazon, and my co author, Cory Doctorow just did a terrific thread, or blog post on his pluralistic website about this a day or two ago, is Amazon increasingly is a shitty place to buy from, because most of it has been taken up by advertising. People, people know that Google and Facebook have big online advertising businesses, but not many people know that Amazon is a close third now. It shakes down the people that sell on it. For placement fees, and for the right to be shown first and for the right to be earlier in the search listings. And that means that you know, rather than getting the best search experience, the best customer experience, you’re just being inundated with ads all the time. They’re making billions upon billions of dollars from this. So the evidence is that in practice, it’s probably not from efficiency, but regulators are concerned that they might not be able to tell the difference. And that makes them hesitant, even more hesitant to intervene in cases of monopsony than monopoly.

Gene Tunny  23:24

And Rebecca, how do you respond to the argument that these companies are simply being rewarded for the innovation, they’re being compensated for the innovation, that they’ve undertaken to deliver new services to consumers, because a lot of these platforms are delivering value or consumer surplus to a lot of consumers. And, you know, providing opportunities for content creators. I’m just wondering how you respond to that argument, because as economists, I mean, we’re very much a lot of economists are sympathetic to that Schumpeterian idea of creative destruction, that wherever there are these, you know, the opportunities for profits that encourages innovation. And I mean, who knows? I mean, will these companies survive? Or will there be new innovative innovators who take over?

Rebecca Giblin  24:10

Let’s see, that’s the thing. This is another thing that we’re constantly being sold this idea, but look at Google, how much innovation does it actually manage? Alright, it made a great search engine, and a pretty good Hotmail clone, right? And nearly everything else that it’s ever provided that’s had any kind of success. It’s bought from other people who did actually innovate with its monopoly profits that it’s making on from these choke points. Right. And so, you know, Google tried really hard, and we talked about it in the book to create a Google video service, right? Absolutely failed with all of its resources and all of its smart people it could not, it’s almost ludicrous, how hard and how many ways it failed on that. And so it had to buy YouTube, right, which scrappy people above a pizza shop where they were actually doing innovation. And we see this time and time and time again, you know Facebook came to control the messaging market, and to control the way you communicate with your community and your family and your friends, not by innovating and creating the products that we want. But by buying up what’s happened Instagram for billions of dollars each when they had, you know, virtually no employees, because these tiny companies were the ones who actually doing the innovation, okay, so we don’t need not only do we not need these, these massive companies in their massive war chest to be innovating, they’re actually getting in the way of other people innovating. Because everybody knows what happens if you get in the kill zone, right? So it’s a risk, you either get bought up. And that’s like, that’s what many, many people are aiming to do. If they’re trying to innovate in this area, they know that the only exit is to get acquired by these companies, or crushed by them. And so it’s called the kill zone. And if you and venture capitalists know, we know that there is less VC investment in territories that are controlled by big tech and other powerful corporations, because of these kill zones. So Amazon, for example, burned, I think it was 200 million US dollars in a single month, undercutting and going directly up against diapers.com, in order to control the nappy market in the US. And that’s an extraordinary amount of money drove this innovative competitor absolutely under because it had access to these, these war chests from its monopoly profits and access to capital markets that this scrappy little innovator didn’t have. Now $200 million in a month to control the diaper market might sound like a lot of money. But it’s actually incredible value, because it didn’t just get rid of diapers.com it sent an incredibly clear signal to anyone else that was thinking of entering any space that Amazon has marked that you will be absolutely burnt out if you even attempt it.

Gene Tunny  27:04

Yeah, it’s a real gangster move, as they’d say, isn’t it? I mean, really?

Rebecca Giblin  27:08

Yeah, they would say no, no, it’s just it’s just it’s good, hard. It’s good fair competition. But it’s not is it? Right. And all of that. There’s extensive research on this, we see that there’s less investment, less innovation in areas where you’ve got choke points.

Gene Tunny  27:26

Okay. Rebecca, I think I should have booked you for longer. There’s been fascinating, and I’m enjoying the conversation. But yes, if, if there’s anything else? Yeah, I’d love to if you had any final points, you know, feel free to make them otherwise. We might have to, we can wrap up. And yeah, I’ll, I’ll try and connect with you sometime in the future. Because I’m sure there’ll be a lot of discussion about your book and this debate will continue on into the future.

Rebecca Giblin  27:55

Yeah, I guess the final thing I would say just to sort of sum up the ultimate message is that you know, creators, but also the rest of us are getting choked, that we’re sharing less and less than the value that’s that’s created by our work. And that’s happening because we’ve got these increasingly powerful corporations, creating choke points that allow them to extract more than their fair share. But we don’t have to put up with it. There’s lots of things that we can do to widen these choke points out once we see them for what they are.

Gene Tunny  28:25

Okay. Rebecca Giblin. Thanks so much for your time. I really enjoyed the conversation. Thank you so much.

Female speaker  28:33

If you need to crunch the numbers, then get in touch with Adept Economics. We offer you Frank and fearless economic analysis and advice. We can help you with funding submissions, cost benefit analysis studies, and economic modelling of all sorts. Our head office is in Brisbane, Australia, but we work all over the world. You can get in touch via our website, http://www.adepteconomics.com.au. We’d love to hear from you.

Gene Tunny  29:03

Okay, I hope you enjoyed that conversation I had with Rebecca. Overall, I think Choke Point Capitalism is a book worth reading, although I disagree with some of its assertions. Regrettably, I didn’t book Rebecca Long enough to ask her all the questions that occurred to me from reading the book, so I’ll aim to get her back on the show next year for another conversation. The book includes many compelling examples of dubious business practices by big companies. So I must admit I am somewhat sympathetic to the choke point capitalism thesis. And if you’re a regular listener, you will know that I’ve covered surveillance capitalism and problems with big tech in the past. There does appear to be scope for some antitrust action against some of the badly behaved big tech companies for sure. That said, one reservation that I have about the book is that it appears to have a wider ambition than simply acting against the market abuses of big tech. In parts, it reads like a polemic against capitalism in general. For instance, the book concludes, we’ve organised our societies to make rich people richer at everyone else’s expense. I think that sweeping statement goes too far. Like some other popular economics books I’ve read in recent years, choke point capitalism adopts to negative view of our economic system. Capitalism, after all, has lifted hundreds of millions of people out of extreme poverty in recent decades. And it has fostered a bewildering array of innovative new services that have benefited billions of people. And we still have progressive tax systems in which the wealthy generally pay much more tax than the less wealthy. Of course, many wealthy people avoid paying tax I know. But I think it’s broadly true that we still have a highly progressive tax system, at least in Australia and European countries, possibly less so in the US. Okay. Despite some reservations, I’d still recommend the book for its vivid examples of so called choke point capitalism. The book makes a useful and stimulating contribution to the important debate over the regulation of big tech. So I’ve included a link to the Amazon page for the book in the show notes, so please consider buying a copy. Thank you. Okay, that’s the end of this episode of Economics Explored. I hope you enjoyed it. If so, please tell your family and friends and leave a comment or give us a rating on your podcast app. If you have any comments, questions, suggestions, you can feel free to send them to contact@economicsexplored.com And we’ll aim to address them in a future episode. Thanks for listening. Until next week, goodbye.

Thanks to Josh Crotts for mixing the episode and to the show’s sponsor, Gene’s consultancy business www.adepteconomics.com.au

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Podcast episode

The Progress Illusion w/ Jon Erickson – EP166

Professor Jon Erickson is an ecological economist and advisor to policymakers including Senator Bernie Sanders. In his new book The Progress Illusion, he criticizes what he calls “the fairytale of economics” and argues we are failing “to design an economy that is socially just and ecologically balanced.” Show host Gene Tunny discusses Prof. Erickson’s new book with him in this episode of Economics Explored. 

Please get in touch with any questions, comments and suggestions by emailing us at contact@economicsexplored.com or sending a voice message via https://www.speakpipe.com/economicsexplored

You can listen to the episode via the embedded player below or via podcasting apps including Google PodcastsApple PodcastsSpotify, and Stitcher.

About this episode’s guest: Jon Erickson

Jon D. Erickson is the Blittersdorf Professor of Sustainability Science and Policy at the University of Vermont, faculty member of the Rubenstein School of Environment and Natural Resources, and Fellow of the Gund Institute for Environment. His previous co-authored and edited books include Sustainable Wellbeing Futures, The Great Experiment in Conservation, Ecological Economics of Sustainable Watershed Management, Frontiers in Ecological Economic Theory and Application, and Ecological Economics: a Workbook for Problem-Based Learning. He is also Adjunct Professor at the University of Iceland, and has been a Fulbright Scholar in Tanzania, Assistant Professor of Economics at Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute, and visiting professor in the Dominican Republic, Norway, Germany, and Slovakia. Outside of the university, he is an Emmy-award winning producer and director of documentary films, co-founder and board member of numerous non-profit organizations, past-President of the US Society for Ecological Economics, and advisor to state and national policymakers. Jon lives in Ferrisburgh, Vermont with his wife Pat, their occasionally visiting sons Louis and Jon, and a menagerie of dogs, cats, horses, chickens, and donkeys.

Links relevant to the conversation

You can buy The Progress Illusion and if you listen to the episode Jon will reveal a discount code:

https://islandpress.org/books/progress-illusion

Transcript: The Progress Illusion w/ Jon Erickson – EP166

N.B. This is a lightly edited version of a transcript originally created using the AI application otter.ai. It may not be 100 percent accurate, but should be pretty close. If you’d like to quote from it, please check the quoted segment in the recording.

Gene Tunny  00:00

Coming up on Economics Explored.

Jon Erickson  00:03

Since at least the night, late 1970s. For a country like the United States, we’ve been in a progress recession, the GDP has grown, grown, grown, grown. But these alternative metrics, whether it be GPI, or surveys on quality of life, or the ecological footprint, these things have not improved. They have not kept up with the pace of growth, right.

Gene Tunny  00:25

Welcome to the Economics Explored podcast a frank and fearless exploration of important economic issues. I’m your host Gene Tunny broadcasting from Brisbane, Australia. This is episode 166 on the progress illusion, a new book from Jon Erickson, Professor of sustainability science and policy at the University of Vermont. Professor Erickson is past president of the US society for Ecological Economics. And he’s an adviser to state and national policymakers, including Senator Bernie Sanders. Please check out the shownotes for relevant links and information and for details where you can get in touch with any questions or comments. Let me know what you think about what either Jon or I have to say in this episode. I’d love to hear from you. Right oh, now for my conversation with Professor Jon Erickson on his new book The Progress illusion. Thanks to my audio engineer Josh Crotts assistance in producing this episode. I hope you enjoy it. Professor Jon Erickson, welcome to the programme. 

Gene Tunny 01:00

Thank you so much. 

Jon Erickson  01:03

It’s a pleasure, Jon to have you on. I’ve read your new book, progress, the progress illusion, reclaiming our future from the fairy tale of economics. So given this as an economics podcast, there’s definitely a lot to talk about with your new book. Yes, yes. So can I ask you first? Why do you think progress is an illusion? What are you trying to communicate in this book, please?

Jon Erickson  01:56

Sure. Sure. Yeah. So the progress illusion is really a reference to a fairy tale of humanity’s place and purpose in the world. Certainly, economics isn’t the only discipline that is subject to the solution, but it’s the one that I’m trained in. It’s a story that economists like myself have been teaching and practising for decades, decades that, you know, every time we see the size of the global economy double, which doubles every 25-30 years at current growth rates, that we erode the very foundations of life and human societies in the process. So, in this book, I questioned that, that reigning logic, that reigning story, I unpacked various dimensions of this grand illusion of economics, you know, which I see as an illusion of history and a lot of economics programmes, mine included, we don’t teach the history of economic thought we don’t discuss the debates of, of economists of the past. It’s an illusion of the individual, me, so much of the focus of economics is on the individual and what’s best for the individual in the assumption that whatever’s best for the individual is best for society. So I unpack that and think about the debates over that question. It’s an illusion of choice. I mean, economics sort of sets itself up as the science of choice. But it’s always framed this choice at the margin, right, the choice of the next incremental decision. Yet, when you add up all those decisions together, we very often get into situations that the original decision makers never would have voted for. Right. And ultimately, it’s an illusion of growth and illusion of, you know, a sort of fairy tale or dream of infinite economic growth on a finite planet.

Gene Tunny  03:52

Gotcha. I think it’s interesting. You mentioned that there were these debates, and they’re not always well covered in economics. I remember. I remember learning at least about Malthus, and there was the Malthusian prediction or his his view that, well, we’re in trouble because any economic growth we had, we just ended up having more children, and we’d be back to subsistence. Whereas I think the way that economists started to view that was all well, we solved that problem with technological progress. And, but I mean, look, I understand the point that that’s in a few 100 years or over the last couple 100 years say we’ll be able to do that. Who knows if that can continue indefinitely? I mean, who knows what shocks are coming? So, I mean, maybe, is that what you’re arguing? We could be we could be too optimistic based on recent history.

Jon Erickson  04:48

Well, look, I mean, we’re recording this in the second week of November during that latest Conference of Parties for the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change. And there’s ample evidence to show that this economic system we’ve created is putting dangerous strains on the global climate system, right? A climate system that is, is increasingly called as chaos as in danger of, you know, collapsing the whole experiment of the economy. So, you know, we can go back to Malthus if you’d like. But we’ve always seen that a growing economy creates benefits, and costs. And what we’ve seen, particularly over the last three or four decades is as those benefits have become super, super concentrated. And the costs have been spread out on more and more people, and especially on future generations. So we’re in kind of, you know, yet again, a kind of Malthusian tragedy.

Gene Tunny  05:51

Right. And so is that your biggest concern at the moment, climate change, or other other concerns,

Jon Erickson  05:58

tThere are plenty of concerns to go around. But having a habitable planet is a big one. It’s a big one that fellow economists are concerned about. You know, economists have been part of various signatures, signatories to various pledges of action. It’s a concern that’s related to mass extinction. It’s a concern that’s related to growing inequality and persistent poverty and declining quality of life, even in the richest countries. You know, I think it was, I think it was Alcoholics Anonymous, right, that said, you know, when you do the same thing over and over again, expect something different. You know, that’s the kind of insanity. And that’s what this book is about.

Gene Tunny  06:39

Right? Now, you mentioned, well, you talk about the fairy tale of economics, you mentioned you were trained in economics, do you still consider yourself an economist?

Jon Erickson  06:50

I mean, I often describe myself as an ecological economist, because I’m really trying to understand interdependencies between the economic system, and society and culture and the social system and the environment. I see this work as reforming economics for sure. I’d love someday, where we didn’t have to have all these kind of competing camps and different flavours of economics, we could just call it economics. But since I really don’t identify with the mainstream of economics, I tend to call myself an ecological economist.

Gene Tunny  07:22

Right? And you tell a story in the book about how just something like that was it the JEL, the Journal of Economic Literature codes, and you were stunned? Yeah, the way that Yeah, could you tell that story because of those fascinating, I’d never thought the JEL. Yeah, would be so controversial, or yeah, but please tell the story. I thought it was a good one.

Jon Erickson  07:47

I don’t know that they were controversial it just it just gave me pause. When I saw that ecological economics was given its own code, and treated as a sub discipline of a field that we were trying to overturn or be the alternative to. And this really is, you know, this, this is, you know, reflect on kind of why I wrote this book. You know, it’s a reflection on my career in Ecological Economics, when ecological economics was formalised in the late 80s and early 90s, before it got to JEL code, books and journals and organisations and degree programmes, and folks like me were supposed to be created to try to question the mainstream and reform it. So in many respects, this book is kind of my midlife crisis book, where I take a critical look at the history state and fate of this movement of ecological economics as an alternative to the mainstream. Funny story about 10 years ago, I was the president of the US society for Ecological Economics, and one of these professional societies that have emerged to support this field. And I was at our conference at Michigan State University, and I had thrown my back out. So I was like, during most of the meeting, I was horizontal in my hotel room, just miserable, just really grumpy. I was laying on my back, trying to write notes for my presidential address right, to the society’s membership. And I just was so grumpy, so grumpy, so grumpy. And it really got me thinking about the state and fate of ecological economics, and made me think about like this code, Q 57. Right, the seven hundreds plus subject areas of economics, and how ecological economics was increasingly being absorbed by the mainstream, including by folks who call themselves ecological economists. In fact, at that meeting, there were just, you know, all of these sessions on monetary valuation of ecosystem services, which I saw as, you know, a real slippery slope, you know, can we sort of challenge the mainstream with the logic of the mainstream and commodify nature. So, in a lot of ways that kind of grumpy week in Michigan, set the stage for this book, and, and my desire to really critique my own field.

Gene Tunny  10:16

Right. Okay. So I probably should provide some background on so these JEL codes, they’re the codes that you would put at the bottom of an abstract for a journal paper or a conference paper to signal this is the field or that the field of economics are the sub discipline of economics that it’s in. And so that helps them identify where it should go in conferences, for example, which session. Now, it’s interesting you mentioned how environmental economists have come to start valuing nature or to quantify environment, environmental damage, or to value what a wetlands are worth or in I mean, as a, as an economist, I’ve done various exercises like that in the past. I just want to understand where you’re coming from, do you think that’s the wrong way to go about it, to think about the the economy or the environment to think about? Well, we’re doing this many dollar dollars of damage to the environment, and therefore we need to impose this, this cost this charge on people who are damaging it, and to make sure we have, you know, where I’m going, what we’re trying to get ya get some sort of, we’re getting some solution by having the right taxes and charges in place or Pigovian tax, for example, what do you what are your thoughts on that, Jon?

Jon Erickson  11:43

Yeah, that the field of environmental economics and and before that natural resources, economics, really preceded this field that I’m describing of ecological economics, really treating the economy as an ecosystem, and environmental economics has its roots in the late 1960s, early 70s. And, you know, reaching back to Pergo, in the 20s, and 30s. And fitting the environment inside the marketplace, right, using prices to correct the so called market failures of what were framed as environmental externalities. So that’s how I was trained at Cornell University, I was in an agricultural economics department, learning natural resource, environmental economics, and kind of, you know, buying into that logic of, of the environment is just a failure of the marketplace. Ecological Economics. So that’s valuable. And that’s pragmatic. And I’ve done my share of work that is trying to make the case the economic case for environmental protection. The challenges is when that tool when that approach, when the sort of expansion of cost benefit analysis to environmental concerns, when that rises to a worldview, right? When you commodify all of nature and when you reduce all social relations of humanity to market logic, we start to run into what economic historians or people in the 40s and 50s The Economist name is escaping me right now, the fellow who wrote The Great Transformation, Karl Polanyi. Yeah, the Karl Karl Polanyi warned of the merging market society, right. Whereas the rules and priorities of a market system that envelop the democratic system, that envelop our social and environmental values. So I’m okay using economics as a tool and treating economists as mechanics or janitors to sort of tune the market system. But when economists are sort of framed as overlords of the social environmental system, right, or conveyors of a master worldview, that’s where my hairs go up. And that’s, that’s largely what this book is about, and thinking about the progress solution of economics.

Gene Tunny  14:08

Right? Is the problem that we have this objective of maximising economic growth where we’re concerned about GDP, are you arguing? We’re not as concerned about these environmental measures? How do you what do you think we should be concerned about? Or how should we be making decisions as a society?

Jon Erickson  14:30

I’m making the case that 21st century economics should reflect 21st century problems and values. I think when the mainstream of economics or what we often call neoclassical economics was formed in the late 1800s, early 1900s. Maybe the focus was well placed on growing an economy of the efficiency of market system right, of taking power away from the church and state and putting it into the hands of the consumer. and producer. You know, it’s much like thinking about an ecosystem at the early stages of any ecosystem. It’s the pioneering species that are prioritise its growth and competition and resource exploitation, that is prioritised. But as the system matures, as the system grows into a fixed, fixed environment, the goal should change, right, the goal should move away from growth and towards maintenance, bitterness, towards durability, towards resilience, away from competition and towards cooperation right away from sort of thinking about the number one priority is to grow our way out of problems, to realising that growth itself creates problems that growth can’t fix. So Ecological Economics reflects a maturing of economic thinking, that reflects the challenges of the 21st century.

Gene Tunny  15:59

Right. Okay. So it seems you’re, you’re concerned about the problems that growth can’t fix. Okay. You don’t think regulations can help? I mean, because we’ve got cleaner air?

Jon Erickson  16:12

Not exactly. I mean, I think we need to move beyond just economic instruments to fix things using the market to fix market failures, right. But really trying to find that balancing act between market mechanisms and government regulation between improving and making government work better, instead of the opposite narrative of, you know, government is the problem, not the solution. No, in this book, I reflect on kind of my own upbringing in the United States, and my parents generation, you know, and growing up in the Kennedy years, where the narrative was, you know, you know, ask not what your, what you can, what your country can do for you ask what you can do for your country. And I grew up in the Reagan Thatcher generation, right. And the Reagan narrative was, you know, it’s all about the individual, it’s greed is good. Don’t ask what you can do, you know, do for your country, get government off our backs, you know, that’s what we need to do. So, I think in an age of climate chaos, in an age of the sixth mass extinction, and an age of growing inequality, the narrative has to change, the story has to change, we have to recognise that a system and an economics that was created in the context of a 1940s 1950s expansion out of the Great Depression had its day. And now, the realities of our time, need to need to start to shape a new reality.

Gene Tunny  17:44

Okay. And so what does that? What does that mean, Jon? Does that mean, we need? Do we need redistribution policies? Is that what you’re arguing for to address inequality? We need greater environmental? Well, we need to prioritise the environment. I mean, that’s gonna be I mean, obviously, the environments important, I’m not denying that. I’m just thinking in in Australia here. I mean, it’s we’ve got very stringent environmental regulations already. And if we have more stringent environmental regulations, it’d be very difficult to develop anything. So I’m just wondering what it all means is it? Does it mean, we have to accept a lower standard of living in the future? are you pessimistic about technological change or ability to to innovate our way out of these constraints? Could you talk about that, please?

Jon Erickson  18:38

Yeah, I think that’s too narrow of a frame. When you think about economy environment, and what I’m concerned about, there is reams of evidence show that so called advanced economies, such as the United States and Australia, built on hyper individualism, built on the legacy of a social disease that sociologists call affluenza, right, or this addiction to consumerism, that this model of progress has leaves a little lot to be desired. And that in fact, maybe we’ve been in a progress recession for some time now. Scholars in the United States and Australia and dozens of other countries around the world have been estimating for years now. What’s called the genuine progress indicator, something that is meant to be compared to the more common gross domestic product. And what this indicator does is it recognises that a growing economy has benefits and has costs. In fact, I first discovered the GPI when I was in grad school in the early 1990s. And in the US, we were in in the the bush one recession. And there was a beautiful article written in the in the Atlantic and it had the title of something like if GDP is up. Why is America so down? Right? We were kind of in this recovery state. And people were, you know, economists are saying, hey, the economy’s growing, we’re all good again. And the average American, I’m not good, I can’t make ends meet. I’m miserable. And the same narrative has popped up at the tail end of every recession ever since ever since. In fact, it started working on this book at the tail end of the so called Great Recession. And the same thing was happening, we were using the instruments of economics using mainstream thinking to grow our way out of problems. And the average person was saying, who is benefiting? And who does who? Who’s paying the cost? Yeah. So the GPIO through this series of 26, some odd calculations and says, What are the true benefits of a growing economy? And what are the costs? What are the environmental costs? What are the social costs, and have shown quite convincingly that since at least the night, late 1970s, for a country like the United States, we’ve been in a progress recession, the GDP has grown, grown, grown grown. But these alternative metrics, whether it be GPI or surveys on quality of life, or the ecological footprint, these things have not improved, they have not kept up with the pace of growth, right. So we have to start asking at these kind of higher levels. What do we do with this for right? What’s, what’s the new balancing act in a maturing economy? How should we reprioritize what is the good life? And how should we I mean, you frame it as accept the lower standard of life, the standard of living the material standard of living, I frame it as as asking the question, how do we live better? How do we how do we live well, within our means?

Gene Tunny  21:47

Yeah, sure. I can, I can understand that. I guess what I’m thinking, Jon, is that at the moment, in Australia, one of the big issues is, well, the rising cost of living, high inflation relative to wages, and the lack of housing, I mean, we’ve got a dire shortage of housing here in Australia. Now. I mean, look, there are a variety of reasons for that, possibly. But I mean, at the moment, when I’m looking at things, I’m thinking a bit more economic activity to construct houses would have been good over the last 10 to 20 years. And, and we’ve got rising cost of energy. So yeah, I take your point, I think I think a lot of people out there would be concerned though, about this. Yeah, that they that, yeah, I’m not I’m not necessarily wanting to criticise what you’re saying, I understand where you’re coming from. I’m just yeah, that’s where I’m coming from, if that makes sense.

Jon Erickson  22:51

Yeah, that makes perfect sense. And that’s the big question, right? Like, can the same kind of thinking that got us into these current messes? That is making the billionaire class hugely, hugely more material well off, while the rest of us feel like we’re on a treadmill, just barely getting by? Can the same kind of system, right? That has privatised the benefit of growth and socialise, the costs? Can that continue? Or should it continue? Right? Should we sort of create a social movement and start to ask, what is the economy’s purpose? Who is the economy? And growth for whom and for what? Now, you know, when I debate economists, they always say, like, come on, come on, you know, you’re not being fair economics is just a model. It’s a model of progress. All models are wrong, some are useful, right? They quote George George Box. Right? All models are wrong, some are useful. And I said, Yeah, I, I agree, all models are wrong, some are useful. But what box didn’t ask is useful for? Right. So in the US, we’re seeing these energy prices, and we’re seeing record profits to oil companies. In the US, we’re seeing housing shortages, right? Yet we’re seeing record rents to the ownership class. In the US, we’re seeing families, you know, struggle to get by in these kinds of post pandemic months and year. And kind of returning to, you know, try and train as quickly as we can to get back to normal, right? Pre pandemic years. And a lot of us, and a lot of folks that are most vulnerable in this current system, are saying we don’t want to go back to normal normal was already in crisis.

Gene Tunny  24:47

Yeah, yeah. Okay, we’ll take a short break here for a word from our sponsor.

Female speaker  24:55

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Gene Tunny  25:24

Now back to the show. Okay, can I ask about that genuine progress indicator? Who’s producing it? And can I ask him about what, what some of the the variables that go into? It are? Please, you’re really interested in that? Because look, I understand the criticisms of GDP. And I mean, at least if we’re destroying, or we’re subtracting from the environment, or we’re, we’re damaging the environment that you probably should recognise that as some sort of disinvestment or a loss of capital stock. So yeah, would you be able to explain the genuine progress indicator, please?

Jon Erickson  26:04

Sure. I mean, it starts with the basic premise, right, that the economy is subsystem of the environment, and that when the economy grows, it has opportunity cost. So I mean, it’s a basic, it’s built on basic economic system has benefits and has opportunity costs. So with GPI, we start with consumption, the biggest part of GDP, and we say, Okay, let’s take consumption, and then let’s correct it for income inequality, to recognise which what Pergo recognised in the 1920s and 30s, right, that growing incomes grow and give diminishing returns, right, that the next unit of of income to a rich person creates far less welfare society than the next income, a next unit of income to a low income family or a low income person. So we correct for income inequality. We then go through a series of calculations that for example, take consumer durables and GDP and say, you know, a society a GDP benefits by building a throwaway society. With durables, washing machines, automobiles, long lasting expenditures, if they were out often have to be replaced. That’s great for GDP. Right. But is it good for progress? So we say, Okay, here’s the expenditure of durables, and here’s the benefits of durables, right? Over time, these things are supposed to last more than a year or two or three years. So there’s economic adjustments, there’s an adjustment for over for underemployment, right. Idle work, people who wish they could work more. So it’s got that kind of basic economic logic built into it. But then there’s a whole category of depletion and pollution costs, right? We shouldn’t be treating depletion of our soils, our water, our air, as income. In fact, any business that treated depreciation of capital assets as as income instead of costs wouldn’t be in business very long. But that’s exactly what we do in our economic book keeping for nation states. Then there’s a whole series of interesting calculations on the social side of thing, right, we have to recognise that the GDP only recognises the value of your time in a market, earning income, earning wages earning profits. And so what the GPI the genuine progress indicator says is that there’s, um, use trade offs, right? Every hour extra hour work, the opportunity cost of that is an hour, not with your family, an hour, not in your community. And now we’re not leisure. So rather than feeding every single hour at work as a benefit with no costs, GPI goes through and says, let’s be honest here, right? Work is good, up to a point, income is good, up to a point consumption is good, up to a point. But we have to recognise that consumption and income and growth have diminishing returns. And at some point, at some point, the growth of an economy creates more costs than benefits. What Herman Daly, one of the founders of ecological economics, who, unfortunately passed away a couple of weeks ago, called an economic growth, right, a growing economy that creates more cost and benefits. Okay, we could do a whole podcast just on GPI, so don’t get me going.

Gene Tunny  29:40

Yeah, that’s fine. I might. I’ll have another look at it. Because, I mean, it’s one thing that comes up in various conversations I have, and I’ve been looking at the national accounts recently, I’ve had people on talking about that and their conceptual foundations and we’ve, we’ve we’ve mentioned that every

Jon Erickson  29:58

time we have a recession Yeah, the critique of GDP comes up, right? Yeah. Like, hey, wait a second growth isn’t providing what’s going on here. And every time coming out of recession, we question the metric. And then we kind of start growing again and says, Okay, let’s go back to normal. Yeah. But we have to kind of keep revisiting these alternatives. You know, the original architect architects of GDP back in the 30s, and 40s. Were very careful to say this is not a measure of human progress, human welfare. This is a measure of economic activity, which contributes to human welfare, but is not in and of itself. human welfare.

Gene Tunny  30:40

Yeah. Yeah. I agree there. Now, what about what can be done? Do you have a set of policy recommendations? Jon, are there? What would What do you think needs to be done? Are there things that there will be things that need to be done by governments? Are there things that need to be done by individuals? I mean, it sounds like, Well, okay, maybe you tell me if I’m wrong here. But when I read your book, and I heard about the progress, I was reading about the progress illusion that concerns about how we were consuming too much, I mean, do we need to show that we as individuals be consuming less Is that is that part of your argument? We should we shouldn’t be going on as many overseas trips, we shouldn’t be using the car as often we should think about our purchasing decisions, not get a new washing machine or get a I only get one, when it breaks down, try to repair things. What are you arguing in this book? Is the solution?

Jon Erickson  31:40

Well, what would an economy look like? That was built on maintenance resilience and cooperation is that growth, efficiency and competition, right, a late stage maturing economy like yours in the Australian ours in the US? That’s, that’s what I’m asking, you know, an economy, a mature economy should have different goals than an economy at pioneering stages. So it really is about a reprioritization of our goals, especially on consumption, right? Because there’s ample evidence to show that we in the West are over consumers, and our kind of addiction to consumption is creating psychological problems, social problems, that consumption has been kind of become a cure for social ills, right? Like, it’s a distraction. I mean, the whole advertising industry is designed around the idea of kind of making you and I feel bad about ourselves, right. And to sort of fill the void with more consumption. And I actually think this is one of the lessons coming out of COVID. Right, as sort of people were, especially, you know, high income people who, who could weather the storm, better than most, were forced to slow down, were forced to pee at home, were forced to kind of reevaluate life’s priorities, and found out that, you know, this kind of ever, burning hamster wheel of economic growth isn’t all that it’s cut out to be. So it’s the reprioritization of goals, which is going to have to reprioritize policy instruments. Daily Herma, daily use the analogy of a plinth Plimsoll line, I’m not sure I’m pronouncing that right, of a cargo ship. Right. So this is the line that’s painted on a ship, very easy technology. And as the as the cargoes ship is loaded, it sinks into the water. And when it gets to the line, you’re supposed to stop, right, because you’re in, you’re in danger of overloading the ship. So if we sort of reprioritize and think about the principle line of an economy, we can’t just more equally or equitably distribute the cargo of an overloaded ship and expect it to be resilient. We can’t just more efficiently load an overloaded ship and expect it to weather the storm. As the pump, some land goes underwater, right. And there’s ample evidence to say that we are kind of in an overshoot on a lot of environmental parameters. You’re in danger of sinking the ship, especially in stormy waters. So this analogy implies that as we run up against planetary boundaries, planetary limits to growth, the scale of the economic system is way more important to stress than distribution or efficiency. And if we can’t count on a growing system to solve distribution problems, then we’re gonna have to quickly think about the fairness of this distribution of benefits and costs of that system. And then it only then can we get to efficiency, which is the priority of economics. So this means that you know, new policy instruments stuff that focused on scale distribution, then efficiency is the way to go. And I talk a lot about this in the last chapter book, as I kind of wrestled with the idea of how did I put it radical pragmatism? Right? Yeah, that’s a pragmatic things that we can do now, for example, to wean ourselves from fossil fuels, you know, home weatherization, and carbon taxation, and, you know, maintenance of our systems, electrification of transportation, transition to renewable energy. But all of these are really hard to do in an economy that continues to bloat an economy that continues to grow. So we have to be thinking about the scale of a system. And that’s probably the radical part of radical pragmatism, right? What’s it going to take to rein power away from the status quo, that part of the system that’s benefiting from this growth model, and create an economy that works for all?

Gene Tunny  36:05

Okay, so I’m just wondering what exactly that involves? And is this part of this whole idea of D growth? Is that what you’re arguing for? I’ve heard about this concept of D growth, that that’s coming up, and there was an article in the FT about it the other day. So you’re just wondering, what needs to be done? I mean, do how do we, how do we have that, though? How do we recognise those constraints? I mean, you mentioned carbon tax. I mean, that’s something that, but you’re also saying that that’s not going to be enough and mean, given current magic

Jon Erickson  36:41

bullet, but it changes that changes the system? Yeah. Yeah. I mean, degrowth is the sort of social movement side of ecological economics, if you will. It’s a question of, how do we orchestrate a just transition to a right sized economy. Now in some parts of the world, and for some people in the world, you know, growth still creates more benefits and costs. But there are plenty of parts of the world and plenty people in the world where growth, Grace, more cost and benefits, right. So we have to orchestrate a kind of Race to the middle. And in fact, if you plot something like the HDI, the Human Development Index, which is a UN level index, this used to sort of monitor, you know, the benefits of development. If you plot HDI at national levels against energy per capita, you get this curve, right that the initial development improves considerably, with just a little bit more energy use per capita a little bit more than final impact per capita, Right. but only to a point that we get into this kind of club of countries, where continuing use of energy continuing depletion of the environment, continuing materialisation of the economy, doesn’t improve development doesn’t improve the HDI. And you get this long tail with countries with the same HDI of countries that that consume 20 or 30, or 40, or even some cases 80% less energy and material. So countries like mine, the US were way out on this tail, where we’re not getting improvements in human development. Yet, we’re consuming way, way, way more energy than the average human right. And way more energy in the countries that have similar levels of development, similar qualities of life. So what are we doing? Right? We’ve got to orchestrate a race to the middle and whether you call that d growth for the rich countries, and to be more agnostic about growth for everyone else, like grow, where it makes sense and shrink where it doesn’t. That’s the kind of century that we’re in. That’s the biophysical reality of the new economy.

Gene Tunny  38:57

So Jon, do you need a command economy to actually to orchestrate this transition to a right sized economy? I’m just trying to think about how this would happen. Because I mean, people, a lot of people out there, just, you know, they’re trying to live their lives and do the best they can. And a lot of people have to a lot of families, the couple have to work two jobs. They’re trying to make ends meet. I mean, they Yeah, they probably wouldn’t see themselves as as living a hugely materialistic lifestyle, but then compared with other parts of the world. Yeah, sure. It probably is. Yeah, I’m just wondering how we how we can do that. I mean, I’ll

Jon Erickson  39:37

yeah, yeah. My trainer has economists. I assume you’re trained economists. We were sort of taught these, these two different DS, roughly two different models, market economy and a command and control economy. And we were taught that this command and control thing is inefficient and unfair and results in a kind of an over regulated world and we need to the market economy is not perfect, but may Is it better than command and control? I’ve come to realise that that’s a load of BS. The market economy is also a command and control economy, right? Markets are designed by those and power markets are social constructs, especially the last three or four decades of neoliberalism has created a kind of free market experiment, right? That is concentrating the benefits and widely distributing the costs. So talk to the average guy or gal on the street and ask them, Is this economic system working for them? And if they say no, do you say, well, let’s double down on the logic of the system? Or do we try something different, right. So we’re finding that more cooperative forms of of economies are resulting in more shared benefits and shared costs. Were working with a group called the next systems project that has been sort of systematically cataloguing different political economics systems, local skills, community skills, United States that have dramatically different outcomes and dramatically different structures. It’s not just either or of command and control of free markets. It’s blending things in between, it’s the continuum in between, that is the secret sauce. So I don’t buy that we immediately just have to go to command and control. Although in crisis, what we learned from COVID is what happened is the world’s government goes goes to command and control, right? If climate is a crisis, if, if environmental depletion is a crisis, we might be using the very system of free market thinking, to push us into a state where the only option is going to be command and control. And I don’t want that you don’t want that. People don’t want that. We want our basic liberties and freedoms. But we want to do it in a way that creates an economy for all for children and for for future. I also kind of reject the the narrative of economic freedom, right? Because that’s awesome. That’s also painted as freedom to do things. And instead of freedom from tyranny, right, freedom from the impacts of, of the environmental costs of a growing system, freedom from the social inequalities, of a system that’s geared towards making the billionaire class even richer. Freedom from the costs of growing economies, what we should be thinking about, not freedom to do things to our neighbours, to our environment, and to future generations that ultimately are going to come back and bite us in the tail. Yeah, a buy in any of this.

Gene Tunny  42:58

Well, I’m interested in the new systems project. I’ll have to make system next systems project. I’ll have to look into that. I mean, do you have any examples of those communities you’re talking about?

Jon Erickson  43:10

Well, it’s examples of of. So you take the US and you think that we’re this kind of, you know, outside looking in and the narrative on the mainstream news channels is that, you know, we’re this free market, capitalistic system. It’s actually not true. So much of what makes the US economy work is cooperative ownership, collective ownership, state run, companies, state state run banking systems, state state runs systems of have that make the the economic system work. Take the banking sectors, trillions of dollars and coops where the depositors get votes on the matters of their banks. Take agriculture and education, and even energy and electric utilities. So much of those industries are run by cooperatives. In fact, electricity cooperatives deliver electricity, the United States, to a well over half of the geography of the high states, to rural communities, where the sort of economics doesn’t work for for industrial companies. There’s experiment after experiment, after experiment of different kinds of political economic institutions that have that we have lots of lessons to learn from. And this is what I meant in the beginning, when I talked about you know, economics, part of the Progress illusion is this kind of illusion of history right. To think that the current economic system, the neoliberal system, the free market, system, is is is the only one is has been perfected, right? Is the kind of logical inclusion of everything along the way, and that we don’t have to learn from our history. We don’t have to revisit the debates. We don’t have to consider the morality of our economic choices, or their biophysical consequences. And yeah, there’s a lot. I mean, I speaking mostly as a, you know, from the perspective of an American, maybe it’s different in Australia. But man, we have this sort of US centric view of the world, that everything we do is right. And every thing that we do is the best that ever was. And we don’t need to learn from our history. And we don’t have to need to learn from other other experiments around the world. And where I land is, that’s some pretty insular thinking,

Gene Tunny  45:45

huh? Yeah. Yeah. Okay. We’ll start wrapping up soon, Jon, this has been Yeah, really thought provoking. So it’s good to have you on the show. could ask you about neuro neuro economics. So you talk about that in the book. This is a new field, I’ve only learned about recently, what what’s that? What’s your interest in that field? And what’s it broadly trying to tell us? Or what’s it found?

Jon Erickson  46:11

Yeah, sure. Well, so this is where, you know, I’m kind of researching the book, like, what are some alternative ways to think about the human agent and our economic models? Because the economics, we’re taught a very, very, very narrow version of humanity, right, which is sometimes called like a subspecies of human homo economic is, yeah, isolated individual at a point in time, right, who

Gene Tunny  46:36

just wants more? The rational utility Maximizer? Yeah,

Jon Erickson  46:40

exactly. Exactly. And both within economics and outside of economics, you know, we’re learning that when we test our theories, with real data, and not just abstract mathematics, that this sort of foundations of this rational actor model, unravel. So what I do in the book is I explore what you might call borderline disciplines, right? Where economists have cooperated with other disciplines, especially other natural science disciplines. And so neuro neuro economics is one of those examples where economists have collaborated with neurosciences to ask questions of proximate cause. Right. So in science, we think of proximate cause and ultimate cause. And then the case of economic decision making proximate causes asking how we make decisions, whereas ultimate causes more a question of why do we make decisions that we do? Neuro economics is an example of a borderline disciplined, proximate cause where, literally economists are taking tests objects, with their neuroscience colleagues, asking people to solve economic puzzles, or make economic choices that are watching their brain light up, right, and trying to understand where and when do the kind of precepts of the rational actor model hold up? And where don’t they? So it’s one of these Borderlands this was, such as neural economics is an example. But also behavioural economics, experimental economics, where we’re trying to kind of understand the brain in the case of economics, the whole human case of behavioural economics, groups of humans in the case of experimental economics, groups of groups in the case of institutional economics. And then there are entirely evolutionary history as a species in the case of evolutionary economics. So these are all examples of, of the isolated discipline of economics, starting to cooperate with other fields, and building what I call in the book, borrowing from the biologist, EO Wilson, a more conciliate form of economics, where we find the jumping together of knowledge to really watch it watch the 21st century version of this field.

Gene Tunny  49:13

Right now. Okay. Well, yeah, oh, it’s something I want to have a closer look at, because I definitely recognise the limitations of that. That standard economic model. I mean, for years, economists were saying, Well, it’s, we recognise that all the assumptions are a bit unbelievable. But as long as it makes good predictions, and it’s, then it’s fine, but it turns out, it may not actually make good predictions. So,

Jon Erickson  49:39

I mean, I gotta go through the history of you know, the running joke, of course, right is that economists have successfully predicted seven of the last three recessions. So it’s, this this model of the rational actor model turns out to be not a very predictive model, or a model. Again, all models are wrong, some are useful. But we should start asking useful for whom? And it turns out this this isolated model is useful for the billionaire class but not useful for the rest of us.

Gene Tunny  50:10

Right I so we might start wrapping up, I’m keen to just learn about, what are you hoping this book we’ll achieve? Jon, what’s your What are your hopes for this, this book,

Jon Erickson  50:22

my generation, I’m 50 birthday this month, I’m 52 going on 53 My generation was inspired by the works of a number of like, you might call a renegade economist, right? Who sort of solid different path. Folks like Herman Daly, who I mentioned to, we just recently lost that 84 years old. I mean, Herman was on a similar journey that I was he started out with aspirations to be a growth economist, he thought that the logic and approach of market fundamentalism could be sort of bred when he was training to be an economist in the 50s and 60s, to solve problems, particularly problems of poverty, right to grow the economy, lift people out of poverty, but in his own educational journey, set against the aspirations of the Great Society in the US in 1960s, the civil rights and environmental movements of the 60s and 70s You know, he was inspired by inspired, inspired by the work of earlier group of renegades folks like Nicholas Dzerzhinsky regime who wrote on energy and the economic problem, bringing the principles of physics into economics, Kenneth Boulding, who wrote the infamous article, the economics for the coming Spaceship Earth that was really coming to terms with the opportunity costs of a growing economy inside of a fixed ecosystem. John Kenneth Galbraith, who, whose social critique in the affluent society really sort of, you know, early on question a society built around, creating more and more affluence into an affluent class. And, of course, the 1962 book by Rachel Carson’s Silent Spring, which was really impactful on Herman’s thinking, and design of an economic study of economy inside environment. So, you know, these sorts of scholars were also inspired by long standing debates about the function and purpose of the economy, you know, really going back to the classical era of economics, when economics was seen as as a branch of moral philosophy, right. Not not a pseudo science hiding behind abstract mathematics. So Herman’s work was another kind of link in the chain. His work on economics, the life sciences, first big published article, his work on steady state economics in 1977. Book, his work on for the common good that he wrote in 1989, with a theologian, John, John Cobb, you know, he was created another link in the chain that was trying to build a study of economics as if people and planet mattered. So I hope, you know, this book is yet another link in this chain of link that comes from my generation, that can continues to build a kind of more modest, more humble economics that can contribute to social well being and environmental, environmental protection, and not just simply,

Gene Tunny  53:39

okay, well, I’ll put a link in the show notes. So if you’re in the audience, and you’re interested in, in the in the progress, illusion, and look, it’s got a lot of, it’s got a lot of great information in it. Lots of lots of great analysis, and it’s very thought provoking. So I certainly enjoyed or I learned a lot reading it. I thought it was good. I liked how you went through the evolution of of economic thought and all the debates and even what I was struck by was, I didn’t realise that was Tinbergen, the famous Dutch economist. Yeah, he had a bit of a Nobel Prize winner. Yeah, he ended up he started to question the whole the the economic growth narrative in the was it the 80s or 90s? Are some of the you tell the story along those lines, I thought was interesting. Yeah. Yeah. So I think there’s a lot of good stuff in there. Okay, Jon, any final thoughts before we wrap up?

Jon Erickson  54:42

Look, I really appreciate this. Thanks so much for your podcast. I was listening to a bunch of your past thoughts in preparation for this and this is such a great show. Very valuable show. And yeah, folks are interested in this book. It’s, it’s been published by Ireland press which is One of the bigger nonprofit publishers of environmental books in the US and give your listeners the secret code. If they order a book from Island Press they get 20% off if they answer the enter the code illusion so but on my capitalism have there for a second

Gene Tunny  55:17

okay, is that all is that this capitalization matter is what did you just tell me that and I missed it sorry was

Jon Erickson  55:24

no I don’t know that it needs to be capitalised. But it’s the word illusion is the code for 20% off.

Gene Tunny  55:30

Okay, good one. Well, I guess people try it and if, yeah, hopefully it doesn’t matter whether you capitalise it or not, or try and capitalise that, that doesn’t work. Without caps. Okay. Very good. Okay. Jon Erickson. Thanks so much for your time. I really enjoyed the conversation and really appreciated your insights. So that’s been terrific. Thank you. Okay, that’s the end of this episode of economics explored. I hope you enjoyed it. If so, please tell your family and friends and leave a comment or give us a rating on your podcast app. If you have any comments, questions, suggestions, you can feel free to send them to contact at economics explored.com And we’ll aim to address them in a future episode. Thanks for listening. Till next week, goodbye.

Thanks to Josh Crotts for mixing the episode and to the show’s sponsor, Gene’s consultancy business www.adepteconomics.com.au

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Podcast episode

Structural budget deficits – EP164

he governments of many countries have structural budget deficits, so even as their economies recover from the COVID-recession they are still running deficits. In many countries, the fundamental structure of the budget is bad. There is too much spending relative to revenue, even in normal or good times, not just in recession. In this episode we explore how economists can calculate structural budget balances. We look specifically at what the Australian Treasury does, given that a new Australian Budget came out last week.

Please get in touch with any questions, comments and suggestions by emailing us at contact@economicsexplored.com or sending a voice message via https://www.speakpipe.com/economicsexplored

You can listen to the episode via the embedded player below or via podcasting apps including Google PodcastsApple PodcastsSpotify, and Stitcher.

Links relevant to the conversation

Australian structural budget balance indicators available here:

https://budget.gov.au/2022-23-october/content/bp1/download/bp1_bs-3.pdf

Australian Treasury methodology for estimating structural budget balances:

https://treasury.gov.au/publication/economic-roundup-issue-3-2010/economic-roundup-issue-3-2010/estimating-the-structural-budget-balance-of-the-australian-government

IMF Fiscal Monitor which contains cyclically-adjusted budget balances (Tables A3 and A4):

https://www.imf.org/en/Publications/FM

Media coverage of Australian budget:

https://www.theaustralian.com.au/nation/politics/jim-chalmers-takes-forensic-approach-to-tax-concessions/news-story/25c4e1be826abb87f27c918532a69614

https://www.theaustralian.com.au/nation/bill-shorten-admits-push-to-curb-ndis-cost-growth/news-story/8a15cb3daabd55961e35df957f206bcf

IFS analysis of UK mini budget:

https://ifs.org.uk/articles/mini-budget-response

Transcript: Structural budget deficits – EP164

N.B. This is a lightly edited version of a transcript originally created using the AI application otter.ai. It may not be 100 percent accurate, but should be pretty close. If you’d like to quote from it, please check the quoted segment in the recording.

Gene Tunny  00:00

Coming up on Economics Explored. 

So I think this is a really neat methodology that the treasurer is trying to break down the different influences on the budget to see what’s really going on. And what it reveals is that there’s this structural problem with the budget. 

Welcome to the Economics Explored podcast, a frank and fearless exploration of important economic issues. I’m your host Gene Tunny broadcasting from Brisbane, Australia. This is episode 164 on structural budget balances, government budgets around the world was smashed by COVID-19. With countries recording huge deficits and big increases in debt. The governments of many countries have structural budget deficits. So even as their economies recover, they are still running deficits. In many countries, the fundamental structure of the budget is bad. There is too much spending relative to revenue, even in normal times, not just in recession. For example, the IMF estimates the United States will have a structural or cyclically adjusted government budget deficit of five to 7% of GDP over 2023 to 2027. In this episode, we explore how economists can calculate structural budget balances, we consider the different components of budgets, the structural, cyclical and temporary. We look specifically at what the Australian Treasury does, given that a new Australian budget came out last week. Joining me for the conversation is my Adept Economics colleague, Arturo Espinoza. Please check out the show notes relevant links and clarifications and for details where he can get in touch with any questions or comments. I’d love to hear from you. Righto, now for my conversation with Arturo on structural budget balances, thanks for my audio engineer Josh Crotts assistance in producing this episode. I hope you enjoy it. Arturo, good to be with you again.

Arturo Espinoza Bocangel  01:49

Hi Gene. My pleasure to be here.

Gene Tunny  01:51

Excellent. Arturo, so I thought today we could have a good chat about this concept of a structural budget balance. So we had our federal budget, the Australian government budget was released last week. So for 2023, the financial year. And this was because we have a new government. So there was an election in May. And there was a change of government, we now have a Labour government. So a more left wing government than the previous government, which was the Liberal National Government, the coalition government, and in Australia, a Liberal government is actually a conservative government. It’s all very confusing. Right, so we had a change of government and there was some improvement in the current year budget balance because of higher commodity prices, which flow through to, to earnings to and to tax revenue, that the federal government pulls in, particularly from the big mining companies. So there was an improvement in that underlying what they call the underlying cash balance. But this federal government is still running quite significant deficits. So it’s still running a deficit of some $37 billion, this financial year, the previous government did its budget back in May, I think they were projecting that up around must have been nearly 80 billion, I can’t remember exactly. But it was an improvement on that. But it’s still one and a half percent of GDP at $37 billion. And then over what they call the forward estimates, which is out to 25-26. We’ve still got deficits in the range of 40 to $50 billion, approximately, and, you know, up to 2% of GDP is in 24-25. So we’ve still got significant deficits. And the problem that we’re seeing in Australia, and this is similar to in other countries, too, is that governments are just spending much more than they’re bringing in in revenue. I mean, I guess that’s what a deficit is, right? I mean, that’s, but but there’s a problem that, that because of politics, because no one wants to pay taxes, politicians don’t want to put up taxes, and they want to deliver the goodies, they want to fund a high level of services for the population, and that helps them get elected. And so we’ve got this, this problem, this imbalance between what they’re spending and what they’re bringing in in taxes. And this is where I think this structural budget balance concept is of great use. And I just want to talk about that. So does that make sense Arturo, what we’re going to cover today?

Arturo Espinoza Bocangel  04:45

Yeah, that makes sense. It also is a very interesting topic related to government debts and this structural budget.

Gene Tunny  04:58

Yeah, yeah. So It’s always a concept that’s fascinated me. So I used to work in the Treasury in the budget policy area. And when I was there, we didn’t produce this structural budget balance estimate, and there was a big debate about whether Australia should have one and whether it’s feasible to develop one because as we’ll discover, you have to make all sorts of assumptions to generate it. It’s it, there’s a there’s a bit of, you know, there’s there, there’s a bit of number crunching that goes into it. And you have to make all sorts of assumptions regarding, well, what’s the normal state of affairs, because one way of thinking about this structural budget balance is that it’s what the budget would be if you took away the cyclical or cyclical factors. So if you if you’re able to abstract or control for the business cycle, so whether the economy is booming, or whether it’s slumping, then it gives you the budget balance that you would get in that situation, because one of the problems with the standard budget balance as a, as a measure of how the gut of the government is performing in a fiscal sense is that it is what economists call endogenous, it’s determined, partly, it’s determined or largely as determined by the state of the economy is determined within the system, it’s endogenous. It’s not something that the government can, can totally set, exogenously or it doesn’t have full control over it. Because your level of taxes depend on the state of the economy and commodity prices in Australia, if the iron ore prices is really high, or the coal price is high, then BHP, Rio Tinto, et cetera, the big mining companies, they’re only more profits and the federal government, it gets a share that it gets about 30% of their profits. So yeah, that can have a, you know, that can mean billions of dollars to the budget bottom line. And so that’s why we see the budget balance, it’s, it moves with the economic cycle, and so your government could be running a deficit. But that could be understandable, given the state of the economy. And so the underlying budget is okay, the structural part of the budget is okay, that’s not the case with Australia, but I’m just using that as an illustration. So it may be useful. Well, I think it is very useful to adjust for those cyclical factors. And that’s what the Australian Treasury has done in what I think is one of the most useful charts in the budget, which is in their statement on the fiscal outlook chart 320, the structural budget balance. And that really tells a story, it tells a story about how within the federal budget, because of this, this gap between what the government is spending money on and what we’re paying in taxes. So if government spending is at a level of around 26% of GDP. And revenue is under 24% of GDP. Or maybe it’s 25. And 23. It’s sort of that sort of order of magnitude, or it’s those are approximate figures, I’ll put the right figures in the show notes, we’ve got this gap. And this is a permanent gap. It’s a structural gap. And this is what this chart shows of two percentage points of, or 2% of GDP. And this is baked into the budget. And this is what this structural budget balance chart shows. So what they’ve, what they’ve done is the they’ve worked out that structural factors, leading to a deficit of about 2% of GDP, cyclical factors, so the state of the economy, the state of commodity prices, the fact that the iron ore price is super high, the fact that the economy has been booming. What that’s doing is pushing up, or that’s improving the budget balance by looks like 1.8 or 1.9%. If you look at the chart, and what that is telling me and what that is, this is for the current financial year 22-23. What it’s telling me is that, well, if we didn’t have that, that structural problem in the budget where we’re just spending more than we’re, we’re bringing in, and that’s the case and that would be the case in a normal year, in an average year. If we just control the economic cycle. If we didn’t have that structural problem. And if we looked at what the strength of the economy is commodity prices, and the government should be running a budget surplus of nearly 2% of GDP, and in actual fact, it’s running a budget, a budget deficit of what is it, one and a half percent of GDP. So there’s this big, there’s this big gap, which, in a way, represents the additional demand that the government is generating in the economy that isn’t warranted, given the economic circumstances. So the government budget is highly stimulatory to the economy and that is arguably a problem for Well, I think it is a problem, it’s contributing to the inflationary situation that we have in the Australian economy at the moment. And likewise, governments around the world that are running large budget deficits, such as the US government, such as the UK Government are contributing to the inflationary situations in in those countries, because if you looked at what the budget should be, given the state of the economy, it should be in a lot better state than than it is now than then those budgets are now and that’s what this cyclically adjusted budget balance or structural budget balances is approximating. Okay, one of the other fascinating things in that chart, I should note, the Treasurer is prepared on the structural budget balance for Australia, is that in 22-23, there’s still a sizable impact over 1% of GDP coming from temporary fiscal measures. So these are things that are related to COVID 19, to the pandemic response. So even though, I mean, look, I know that COVID COVID is still around, and apparently we’ve got another wave coming. I mean, the worst part of the pandemic is over, but still there is a, we do have these temporary fiscal measures occurring. And so what that means is, yeah, so that’s, that’s something that’s contributing to the, the deficit here in Australia. So what that chart is telling us is that, look, the structural budget, the structural problem in the budget is around two percentage points, or 2% of GDP. The cyclical, the benefit to the budget from the improvement in the economic cycle and higher commodity prices is, is just under 2% of GDP. So what that would suggest is that, that would mean we’d have a budget deficit of just a fraction of GDP, like maybe point one or point 2% of GDP. But then we’ve got these. Actually, it might be point three or point four, I’ll have to check the numbers that don’t put the exact numbers in the charts. I’m just trying to eyeball and I’m not wearing my glasses. But then we’ve got this temporary fiscal measures, which is, which is worsening the budget by over 1% of GDP. And how these all sort of add up is that we end up with a budget deficit in 22-23. Of what was it, one and a half percent. So I think this is a really neat methodology that the treasurer is trying to break down the different influences on the budget to see what’s really going on. And what it reveals is that there’s this structural problem with the budget. And, you know, this is something that all treasuries and finance ministers should do, in my opinion. There are some IMF estimates for other countries we’ll talk about later, the Australian Treasury seems to be doing a really good job at its estimates, and it’s discovered this structural problem, this big hole in the budget. Okay, so does that all make sense Arturo?

Arturo Espinoza Bocangel  14:01

Yeah, that makes sense. That was very clear. This is incredible how Australia is spending around this, because you, you mentioned around two or 3% is spending more than what they receive in terms of revenue. But let’s explore what are the main components of that structure, structural deficit?

Gene Tunny  14:33

Yes, well, a big component, or one of the major contributors to it in recent years, has been the National Disability Insurance Scheme. So it’s this expansion of the welfare state. Now I’m not making any judgement about whether that’s a good idea or not, because it’s very popular, and it’s well intentioned and there are clearly a lot of people out there in need. One of the challenges with it, though, is that it is growing at a very high rate. So it’s not the total structural deficit, because it’s at the moment, I think it’s around $30 billion. So it’s not just the NDIS. It’s other things. And then we have, we’ve had various tax cuts in the past, there’s a stage three tax cut that’s programmed in. So there’s going to be a tax cut in 2024-25, which aims to get rid of one of the tax brackets and to flatten the progressivity of the tax system. And that’s going to cost the budget revenue. So it’s a combination of spending new spending programmes and spending programmes that are costing more money than were expected. Also, we’ve got rising interest, a rising interest bill at the moment because of higher interest rates. And then people on the left of politics would argue, Well, look, the the problem is, we’re just not raising enough in taxation, if you’re going to spend this and that, look, that’s one legitimate perspective. If the government is going to spend this much on a permanent basis, if we are committed to an NDIS, National Disability Insurance Scheme, then we will have to have higher taxes to make the budget sustainable in the long term. I mean, personally, I’d prefer that we’d have lower taxes, we would, we would, we would get spending under control. But look, if we can’t get spending under control, then we may have to, we may have to put up with that. So because ultimately, we do need a sustainable budget, we’ve got to keep that debt to GDP ratio under control. At the moment, the projections are that for Australia, it’s not looking catastrophic yet, luckily, I mean, it’s on the current budget projections, it’s going to get up to around 48% of GDP. So it’s going to plateau around that, by the What is it 2030 to 2033. There’s another chart where they’re projecting that in how that’s going to perform. So this is the debt to GDP, which is one of the critical ratios that commentators, economists, ratings agencies, like S&P and Fitch and Moody’s, what they look at. And I mean, Australia’s lucky we started off with so what we started off with no debt to begin with, in 2008, we had, we had negative net debt, and we only had $50 billion of bonds on issue. So we’re in a good position to start with, so we’re at, we’re only gonna get up to about 50% of GDP at the moment compared with you look at the states, which is the US it’s over. We had a look the other day, didn’t we? I mean, it’s up 120 to 130% of GDP or something. Yeah. Okay. It’s very high if you look at projections for actual data and projections for the US. So we’re, we’re nowhere near that what’s happening is that the outlook is worsening. So if you look at that Treasury chart and the budget, compared with where we were back in May, or back in April, when the government released its last budget, that’s right before the election, and then the Treasury put out the pre election, fiscal, economic and fiscal outlook, the instead of the gross debt to GDP ratio, peaking around 24-25 and then falling as the economy grows, and the debt doesn’t, doesn’t grow as fast, which was what they were previously forecasting back in April. And they had the gross debt to GDP ratio going to 40%. Instead, it’s going to continue to grow over this decade, and then start to flatten out around 2032 to 33 at around 48%. And I mean, who knows that could get worse. I mean, this out. So much depends on what happens with interest rates and a big part of this change, why things are worse now than they were back in April is one, it’s because this NDIS is growing, the cost of that is growing faster than expected. And also because of the higher interest burden. I think that’s really shocked people and this is something I’ve been calling out for a while I’ve been identifying for a while that this as interest rates rise, that’s going to have a big impact on the budget, because we’ve got so much debt already not as much as other countries but still more than we’ve had in the past. So well in the last few decades, okay, so does that answer your question Arturo? You’re asking about where’s it come from? And yeah, where’s that structural deficit come from? And look, it’s a, it’s a variety of things. It’s just our willingness to bear the taxes. It’s either you can either look at it as our unwillingness to pay the taxes that we need to to fund the level of services. That’s one perspective. That’s the perspective of people like The Australia Institute, they would argue that all these things we’re spending money on. So from a left wing perspective, I’m not making any judgments at the moment about, I mean, I’ve got my own personal judgement, but I’ll just present both sides of the story, they would argue we’re not, we’re not raising revenue. And then the people on the other side, they would like the IPA or whoever the right, they would argue, well, we’re actually spending too much relative to what we’re paying in taxes, the level of taxation is fine or should be cut even further, let’s cut expenditure. And the government itself is very conscious it, it doesn’t want to raise taxes, right, because raising taxes is politically unpopular. No one wants to buy any more tax. So it looks like the government itself recognises that it will have to cut spending. I mean, maybe it’ll try and tweaks and tax policy settings or, or cuts in tax concessions. Jim Chalmers, the Treasurer here who he’s talking about taking a forensic approach to tax concessions. There was a story in the Australian today, so it looks like they’re gonna have a look at some of those tax concessions, so who knows they could look at tax concessions for superannuation, and they could look at our concessional taxation of capital gains, things like that. So we’ll have to wait and see what happens there. But look in the IRS is the one that they really need to look at because it’s just growing at a very high rate. So let me try to illustrate that with some figures. So last week’s federal budget so I’m quoting from a report in the Australian day today revealed the NDIS which will cost the federal and state governments $35.5 billion this financial year is on track to hit 52 billion by 2025 26, dwarfing the costs of both Medicare and aged care. So long term Treasury forecasts suggests the federal government’s contribution to the scheme will grow by almost 14% a year for the next decade, with total scheme costs approaching 100 billion by 2030 to 33. It became operational in 2013. It currently has 555,000 participants. Its annual financial sustainability reports suggest numbers will reach almost 860,000 by 2030. More young people with diagnoses of autism and psychosocial disorders are entering the scheme. Almost a third of current participants have an autism diagnosis. And four and 10 are age 14 and under. So this is an illustration of one of the challenges of public services. I think because there is a lot of need out there are a lot of people who are doing it tough or there’s a lot of need in the community. And as soon as the government gets involved, there are a lot of pressures on the government to expand the level of service to increase the level of service. This is a great challenge for the government. I remember when I was in workplace health and safety here in Queensland, it’s nearly 20 years ago now. I remember the policy discussions around the need to look after people who are catastrophically injured. This NDIS has come out of a need to at least look after people who fell through the cracks of the previous system. What happened years ago was if you were catastrophically injured say you had a diving accident. And it was recreational diving. You weren’t covered by any insurance. Okay, there’s, it’s it wasn’t a motor vehicle accident. It wasn’t a workplace accident. And there would be very high costs of care if you were made quadriplegic, for example, but there’s no insurance to cover you. And so there was this concern that there are these people who are missing out. And so there’s clearly some sort of there was a need definitely to do something to help those people out. And this whole NDIS from what I can tell grew out of that conversation that was occurring around the early 2000s because I remember being part of the conversation at the Queensland Government level and some of the policy development there and then it came out of this 2008, the 2020 summit that Kevin Rudd organised his ideas fest that they had in the talk fest that they had at Parliament House and, and they invited 1000 of the best and brightest from around Australia. And this was one of the ideas that was advanced at the summit. And, this was one of the ones that progressed and then the Gilad government introduced that I think in 2013. And look, it’s a really valid thing. There is certainly cases, people that needed assistance. The problem is where do you draw the line, and this is a problem that governments often have. And here, the line has become, the circle has expanded even more. And I mean, people or families with autism, and with developmental delay, certainly need assistance. And I’m on the board of a non-for-profit that advocates for families where a child has a developmental delay, so I fully understand the concerns. And the need. The issue is that there’s a big cost to the budget from having this expansive definition. And the government is currently I mean, we’ll have to wait and see what it what it does about it all. Okay, we’ll take a short break here for a word from our sponsor.

Female speaker  26:23

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Gene Tunny  26:52

Now back to the show. So any questions or any thoughts on that Arturo?

Arturo Espinoza Bocangel  27:01

No, at the moment..

Gene Tunny  27:02

Good. So yeah, that’s essentially where we’ve got this structural budget balance problem coming from Australia. And I thought it might be good just to go over quickly, what the different sources or the different ways that they adjust for the state of the economy. And what it comes down to is coming up with estimates of how the economy would have performed, what it would do in the absence of a business cycle. So you have to work out what a trend level of GDP is. So the if you think about macro economics, one way of thinking about how the economy evolves over time is a cycle and trend. There’s the economy. Over time, we know that the economy expands. So the economy today is much larger than it was 10 years ago, it’s much larger than it was 20 years ago, 30 years ago. So over time it grows, there’s trend growth, it’s on an upward trajectory. But it will cycle around that trend. So you can have periods where you’re well above that trend when the economy’s booming. And then you can have periods when you’re, you’re well below you’re in a recession, for example. And so what these structural budget balance estimates, what they do, is they will they based on an estimate of what that trend level of GDP would be. And so what they will do, what the Treasury will do, if they will look at, well, what’s the underlying population growing at? What’s productivity, on average growing at? And are there any trends in labour force participation that we need to take into account? And this is this supply side model, underpinning these trend GDP estimates? So these are what you would expect in the absence of a business cycle. And so that’s one of the core parts of it, they’re trying to control the business cycle. And then they also have to control commodity prices. So they’ll look at well, how much higher than we normally are commodity prices, the iron ore price or coal price, how much higher are they than we normally expect them to be? And let’s discount that, let’s, let’s, let’s assume that they’re not so high. And so the Treasury will have these parameters. They’ll have these sensitivities of different types of these revenue, items of income tax and company income tax, two different commodity prices they’ll have, and they’ll have an estimate of how sensitive the unemployment benefits that are paid are to the state of the economy to where GDP is relative to its trend. And I think that’s the one item that the Treasury adjusts. So it tweaks it adjust revenue on the revenue side and adjusts income tax and company tax. And I think capital gains tax, if I remember correctly on the expenditure side, it just adjusts unemployment benefits. We know that unemployment benefit payments are going to be higher if the economy’s in recession, lower if it’s, if it’s booming. And so there’s an adjustment that’s made there. And there’s a whole bunch of assumptions that go into these estimates. Does that all make sense Arturo?

Arturo Espinoza Bocangel  30:39

Yes, it’s all clear.

Gene Tunny  30:42

Okay, so what I’ll do is I’ll put a link in the show notes to a paper estimating the structural budget balance of the Australian government that was by three of my old colleagues. So Tony McDonald, Yong Hong Yan, who I don’t know, Blake Ford and David Stephan, I worked with Tony, Blake and David. So all good people. So that’s a great paper. I’ll link to that in the show notes. And I’ve noticed that the IMF also produces some estimates of these structural budget balances, although they call them, they use the other, the other name for them cyclically adjusted balance, and you can find these at the back of what’s called the IMF fiscal monitor. And I’m looking at the one from October 2022. So check that out. There’s a whole range of interesting estimates there. So if for example, you look at table A3 for advanced economies, general governments cyclically adjusted balance 2013, to 27. So it’s got historical data, it’s got forecasts in it. For Australia, they’ve got their own estimates of what the structural budget deficit is, they’ve got estimates that go from around, or three and a half percent in 2022. So that’s a calendar year 3.1%, deficit and 2324 to 2.6%. And it gets down to about .7%, deficit in 2027. So not as bad as the Australian Treasury’s estimates, which are, which have the structural deficit maintaining around 2%. There are reasons why the IMF figures are different from the Australian Government’s because the IMF, the IMF doesn’t take into account as many factors. It’s on a calendar year basis, the Treasury and I think in one of its papers, it goes through why it’s estimates are different from say, the IMF or the OECD, I think for Australia, the Treasury are probably doing a better job at it just because the IMF and and the other agency, international agencies, they have to do it for all the countries and they’re not experts in any particular country. I think the Australian Treasury’s estimates are probably better for getting a sense of the structural problem in the budget, the Treasury has got access to, to much better info, much better data on Australia, then the IMF, it’s got much better insights, I should say, into what’s going on. And its model for the structural budget balance for Australia is much more precise. It goes into more detail than the IMF. So all I’m saying is I think the, I think the Australian Treasury numbers are better than what the IMF is, is estimating there. And I tend to agree that there is that structural budget balance of, of 2% of GDP, which is a challenge for this current government, and will probably be a challenge for future governments. And it’s going to require either large cuts in spending. So getting the NDIS under control, which is going to be hugely unpopular, because it’s a very popular programme and well intentioned. And I know people are benefiting from it. And you know, it’s, it’s, it’s giving people a sense of dignity and improving people’s quality of life. So look, who knows, I mean, this government, because it’s a government from the sort of left wing I mean, it’s not as left wing as some other governments you’d see around the world. It’s not left if you think about what left, left wing governments are in South America, for example. But it’s not. It’s going to find it difficult because it is more left wing than right wing. So the Liberal National Government is going to find it difficult to cut something like NDIS or cut welfare benefits, and hence maybe it does have to look at some tax measures. Maybe it does have to cut it tax concessions heavily. Maybe it does have to adjust that stage three tax cut that’s programmed in, maybe not give us much of much, maybe not have such a big tax cut. We’ll have to wait and see. Okay. Anything else Arturo, that we should cover before we wrap up?

Arturo Espinoza Bocangel  35:21

Yes, I think I wanted to highlight that it should be a good discussion was a good topic to see which of those programmes social programmes are working? Good in terms of indicators. So in terms of the results on population, you’re in to see if there is any problem there. But because we know that not all the things are all the social programmes are working well. Perhaps that will be a good topic to discuss, to discuss in other episodes.

Gene Tunny  36:04

Yeah, look, I think you’re right there. And what this is highlighting I think, Arturo is yes, the need to, to really delve into whether these programmes are working or not, because we’ve got these programmes that are well intentioned, that governments they hope to do some good to achieve outcomes, but how do we know that they are actually achieving outcomes? Are they doing it in the most cost effective way? And that’s why something like this evaluate a general concept could be so valuable. This is an idea that the first person I remember proposing it was Nicolas Gruen. And so Nick’s been on the show before, well known Australian economist, CEO of lateral economics, I do some work with Nick from time to time. And, you know, he’s been involved in public policy for decades, he was involved with the button car plan back in the 80s. He was involved with your work for the treasurer in the 90s, very lateral thinker, and he came up with this idea of the evaluator general, which would have a, it would have a brief of going across the Australian Government and figuring out which programmes work, which don’t, are there other ways we do things, other innovative ways we can do things to, to solve problems. And it looks like this government is going to go ahead with some sort of evaluator general. So Jim Chalmers has pledged to put in place an effective and rigorous evaluator general and new offers based within treasury and flagged by Labour before the 2019 election, which could work with other departments to access to assess the effectiveness of government programmes. Okay, great stuff. So this is in an article by Joe Kelly in the Australian, I’ll put a link in the show notes that I was quoting from there. I think one of the issues Nick has with that proposal, though, is that it’s located within the Treasury, I think he would prefer that it has its own life, it’s outside of the Treasury. It’s a statutory authority, it has some degree of independence granted by the parliament. So yeah, I don’t think Nick’s actually I can’t speak for him. I should have him on the show to talk about that. But I’m guessing he’s probably thinks that that’s not exactly what we need. But look, I should let him. Let him speak about that in the future. So that’s the evaluator general. So I think that’s the sort of thing you’re driving at is it Arturo? That we, because we need to evaluate these programmes. The evaluator General’s one way of doing that. Exactly. So one thing I thought I should cover before we wrap up, is just what happened with the UK earlier. When was it last month? Or remember, they had their mini budget, maybe it was in September now? They had the mini budget, Liz Truss the new PM, no longer PM, shortest reigning PM in British history. And the chancellor Kwasi kwarteng, I think it was, and they released that mini budget with a big tax cut, and the markets just absolutely went nuts. The pound crashed. We had yields on UK bonds spike, because everyone there and this is the recognition that there was a structural problem already with the UK budget, the UK couldn’t afford to have a tax cut, who was going to spend, go on spending what it was spending, and it’s just quite extraordinary the way that the Institute of Fiscal Studies describe that and I’ll put a link to this in the show notes, I think it’s a great note and some really good take on it. The way they describe that mini budget, which has been reversed because the current, there’s a recognition that it was unsustainable, so we’ve got a new PM now and a new chancellor, and they’re, and they’re, they’ve reversed that. I think Liz truss, had even reversed it. And she had sacked her Chancellor, but okay, so it’s gone. But for a short time it was in place and the markets absolutely freaked out. And yeah, this is the IFS take, which I think is great, which was made at the time the chancellor announced the biggest package of tax cuts in 50 years without even a semblance of an effort to make the public finance numbers add up. That is just brutal. Goes to show just how important it is to actually care about this stuff. And I mean, I’ve been saying this for years, I used to work in the Treasury in the budget area, and I know how important it is to get this stuff right and not to go and do silly things. And so I understand where IFS is coming from and understand why the markets really just hated that mini budget. And there’s a great, there’s a great chart and that IFS analysis, which showed that if you look at what was happening to the, to the national debt or the the UK public debt, if you compare that mini budget, what would have happened with the mini budget was what was expected before so instead of the debt as a percent of national income, staying in the range from 80 to 85%, of GDP going down gradually, over the next five years, from around 85 to 80. Instead, it was going to end up going from a bit under 85% to nearly 95%. So it’s just a really bad policy. So understandably, that mini budget was absolutely. Yeah, I mean, the markets just reacted very badly and essentially brought down the Prime Minister and the Chancellor, just because, yeah, it was just very irresponsible fiscal policy. And that’s what we’ve always got to guard against now. We’re not there yet in Australia because we started off in such a good position, debt to GDP is still relatively low compared with other countries. We’ve got a bit of room, still we’ve got time, we’ve got time to turn it around. But we’ve got to start doing something because we just can’t be in a situation where we keep accumulating debt. And we know, we know there’ll be another crisis of some kind, there’ll be a downturn, hopefully, we don’t have another pandemic, but there’s going to be another crisis, there’ll be a period when we end up adding lots of debt in a short period of time or a few years. And that will mean a higher interest burden, these projections of our debt to GDP, starting to flatten out around 2032 to 33 at 48% of GDP. Okay, that could give us some comfort, but we just don’t know what’s coming down the track. My worry is that interest rates could go higher. There could be another downturn or a crisis and then we add more debt on and then that gross debt to GDP, instead of flattening out it goes on an upward trajectory. That’s a risk I worry about and why it’s so important to get the budget under control. Okay. Final thoughts, Arturo?

Arturo Espinoza Bocangel  43:39

No, thank you for all your explanation Gene.

Gene Tunny  43:43

Very good. Well, it’s been great chatting with you, Arturo. And I’ll look forward to chatting again. And if you’re listening in the audience, if you want to look at any of these, these articles I’ve mentioned, I’ll put links in the show notes. Please get in touch with any questions or comments. Let me know whether you agree or disagree. Let me know if they’re things you want to know more about, and I’ll do my best to cover them in a future episode. So thanks for listening. And Arturo, thanks for joining me.

Arturo Espinoza Bocangel  44:14

Thank you for having me, Gene. Bye.

Gene Tunny  44:17

Okay, that’s the end of this episode of Economics Explored. I hope you enjoyed it. If so, please tell your family and friends and leave a comment or give us a rating on your podcast app. If you have any comments, questions, suggestions, you can feel free to send them to contact@economicsexplored.com And we’ll aim to address them in a future episode. Thanks for listening. Until next week, goodbye

Thanks to Josh Crotts for mixing the episode and to the show’s sponsor, Gene’s consultancy business www.adepteconomics.com.au

Please consider signing up to receive our email updates and to access our e-book Top Ten Insights from Economics at www.economicsexplored.com. Also, please get in touch with any questions, comments and suggestions by emailing us at contact@economicsexplored.com or sending a voice message via https://www.speakpipe.com/economicsexplored. Economics Explored is available via Apple PodcastsGoogle Podcast, and other podcasting platforms.

Categories
Podcast episode

Slouching Towards Utopia w/ Brad DeLong – EP163

Slouching Towards Utopia is the new book from Brad DeLong, Professor of Economics at University of California, Berkeley. Professor DeLong joins show host Gene Tunny to discuss the long twentieth century from 1870 to 2010. The conversation considers the three factors which came together to massively raise living standards post-1870, and how nonetheless we’ve struggled to achieve the Utopia that once appeared possible. The “neoliberal turn” beginning in the 1970s and 1980s is considered, and DeLong explains why he writes that “Hayek and his followers were not only Dr. Jekyll–side geniuses but also Mr. Hyde–side idiots.”

You can buy Slouching Towards Utopia via this link and help support the show:

https://amzn.to/3TK4evm

Please get in touch with any questions, comments and suggestions by emailing us at contact@economicsexplored.com or sending a voice message via https://www.speakpipe.com/economicsexplored

Highlights

  • The big story after 1870: technological progress becomes rapid, the technological competence of the human race globally doubles every generation. [6:50]
  • The importance of industrial research labs in the big story since 1870 [16:35]
  • The role of the modern corporation [18:23]
  • Globalization in the late nineteenth century and pre WWI [23:25]
  • How bad governance can make a country very poor very quickly [29:09]
  • The neoliberal turn [35:56]
  • Prof. DeLong thinks the big lesson of history is that trying to maintain social and economic systems past their sell-by date doesn’t work [58:28]

You can listen to the episode via the embedded player below or via podcasting apps including Google PodcastsApple PodcastsSpotify, and Stitcher.

About this episode’s guest: Brad DeLong

Brad DeLong is a professor of economics at U.C. Berkeley, a research associate of the National Bureau of Economic Research, a weblogger at the Washington Center for Equitable Growth, and a fellow of the Institute for New Economic Thinking. He received his B.A. and Ph.D. from Harvard University in 1982 and 1987. He joined UC Berkeley as an associate professor in 1993 and became a full professor in 1997.

Professor DeLong also served in the U.S. government as Deputy Assistant Secretary of the Treasury for Economic Policy from 1993 to 1995. He worked on the Clinton Administration’s 1993 budget, on the Uruguay Round of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, on the North American Free Trade Agreement, on macroeconomic policy, and on the unsuccessful health care reform effort.

Before joining the Treasury Department, Professor DeLong was Danziger Associate Professor in the Department of Economics at Harvard University. He has also been a John M. Olin Fellow at the National Bureau of Economic Research, an Assistant Professor of Economics at Boston University, and a Lecturer in the Department of Economics at M.I.T.

Links relevant to the conversation

Brad DeLong’s substack:

https://braddelong.substack.com/

DeLong on Hobsbawm’s short 20th century (1914 to 1989) compared with his long 20th century:

https://www.bradford-delong.com/2016/12/the-short-vs-the-long-twentieth-century.html

Re. Yegor Gaidar’s analysis of the collapse of the Soviet Union:

https://sites.dartmouth.edu/asamwick/2007/06/08/the-soviet-collapse-grain-and-oil/

Lant Pritchett’s book Let Their People Come: Breaking the Gridlock on Global Labor Mobility:

https://www.cgdev.org/sites/default/files/9781933286105-Pritchett-let-their-people-come.pdf

Transcript: Slouching Towards Utopia w/ Brad DeLong – EP163

N.B. This is a lightly edited version of a transcript originally created using the AI application otter.ai. It may not be 100 percent accurate, but should be pretty close. If you’d like to quote from it, please check the quoted segment in the recording.

Gene Tunny  00:00

Coming up on Economics Explored.

Brad DeLong  00:02

2008 you seemed to see the engine of technological progress itself drop into a lower gear slow down by half or more. Starting in 2012-2013, we see the rise of anti democratic movements all over the world.

Gene Tunny  00:23

Welcome to the Economics Explored podcast, a frank and fearless exploration of important economic issues. I’m your host Gene Tunny. I’m a professional economist based in Brisbane, Australia, and I’m a former Australian Treasury official. This is Episode 163, on Slouching Towards Utopia, the new book from the renowned US economist, Brad DeLong. He joins me this episode. Brad DeLong, is professor of economics at the University of California Berkeley. From 1993 to 95. He was deputy assistant secretary of the US Treasury for economic policy, and slashing towards utopia. Professor DeLonge explores why, despite the incredible increase in our productivity since 1870, we have failed to achieve a utopia. DeLong argues that what he calls the long 20th century began in 1870 mended by 2010, after which a productivity slowdown and stagnant wages have contributed to political discontent around the world. Please check out the show notes, relevant links and details of how you can get in touch with any comments or suggestions. I’d love to hear from you. If you’d like to buy Professor Long’s book, very grateful if you could do so via the Amazon page link in the show notes. By doing so you’ll help support the show. Right oh, now it’s my conversation with Professor Brad DeLong on Slouching Towards Utopia. Thanks to Nicholas Gruen for connecting us and to my audio engineer Josh Crotts for his assistance in producing this episode. I hope you enjoy it. Professor Brad DeLong thanks for appearing on the programme.

Brad DeLong  02:02

It’s wonderful for me to be here. Right. Might help me sell some books. Excellent. Something I’m very, very interested in right now.

Gene Tunny  02:09

Excellent. Yes, yes. I hope to help you do that. And hopefully if people in the audience if they enjoy the conversation, and I’m sure they will, I’ll put a link in the show notes for sure for to your book. So I’ve been I’ve been reading your book and enjoying it.

Brad DeLong  02:20

Thank you very much. 

Gene Tunny  02:23

Yes, I’m the Kindle. Nicholas Gruen put me on to it. So Nick’s a big fan, too.

Brad DeLong  02:33

Yes. Yeah. So I’m very grateful to him for spreading the word.

Gene Tunny  02:37

Yes, yes. And it’s Slouching Towards Utopia in economic history of the 20th century. Brad, I’d like to kick off by asking, What motivated you to write the book? And what message are you trying to convey with the title, please?

Brad DeLong  02:53

Well, I suppose I started. I guess it really was reading Eric Hobsbawm’s, Age of Extremes, you know, back in 1994. And thinking that the story he was telling wasn’t the big story, that what he was telling was only a relatively small part of the big story. And that someone should write a book that told the other big story of history after 1870. And so I grossed about that for a couple of years. And in 1998, I thought, since no one else was writing it, maybe I should write the big story. And so I wrote a chapter to kind of put a stake in the ground and started showing it around, but you didn’t do anything else. And then maybe a decade, a decade and a half later, an editor from basic Tim Sullivan came around and said, You know, someone should write this, that someone should be you, you’re clearly not, why don’t we put you under contract. So I can call you once a year and yell at you about where the manuscript is. Um, and, you know, he did that. And to get into that once a year, that was a call and so forth. And then eventually, I just kind of buckled down and wrote the thing. Then, after writing the first draft, I had to take the chainsaw to it, because it was twice as big as the book that was published. And then after that, we had to polish it, and was out there in the world, you know, spiffy and polished and shrunken down considerably from the project I originally attempted. But it’s out there in the world. And I’m, I actually like it a lot, which I didn’t expect to at this point. At this point. I expected to be sick of it and thinking there was a lot wrong with it, then I find but I’m not thinking that way.

Gene Tunny  04:45

Okay. Yes. Well, that’s good. I mean, I think it’s, I think it’s terrific. And, I mean, it’s still a big book, it’s still 600 pages or so. So it’s still very, very meaty. I was impressed by all of the examples. In history, I didn’t know things that I found fascinating. So thank you. Yes. One thing I didn’t appreciate until I read your book. And maybe I’ve just missed this in other places, but the role of the Saudis in ending the Soviet Union, I didn’t appreciate how much when they increased oil output in the 80s. I think that’s the story, isn’t it? That meant the Russians or the Soviets weren’t earning as much income from their own production and that effect. Yeah. Yeah. I thought that was.

Brad DeLong  05:32

This was this was what the late Yegor Gaidar always insisted on, you know, that as long as the Soviet Union could trade oil for grain, the fact that the system was so sclerotic, they were unable to figure out a way to grow more grain at all was, you know, a problem, but not a crisis. But then the price of oil falls by two thirds and 1986, you know, as the Saudis react to with current, what’s currently going on in the Iran, Iraq War, and other things, and all of a sudden, the Soviet Union has to start borrowing if it wants to import its grain, and it starts borrowing from banks. And then the banks begin to say no. And then it goes and starts borrowing, starts asking for loan guarantees from Western governments. And then the demands come for well, we’ll guarantee these loans, but we want you to kind of be cooperative and open with respect to politics and democracy and things. And then the whole system simply collapses. It’s really quite an interesting story. Yegor Gaidar, Gaidar has a short speech he gave, I think, at the American Enterprise Institute called something like grain and oil. It’s very much worth reading,

Gene Tunny  06:50

RIght. Okay. Well, that’s good. I’ll see if I can track it down and put a link in the show notes. I mean, that’s one of many examples of, of good stories in the book, I look, I’d like to go back to what you mentioned about Eric Hobsbawm, who’s a Marxist historian, if I remember correctly, and you’re saying that you think he got the he missed the big story of what happened after 1870? Could you please explain what was he saying? And how is what you’re saying? What what do you think the big story is, please,

Brad DeLong  07:19

Eric’s big story is that you know once upon a time, there was Vladimir Lenin, there was the Bolshevik Revolution. And it created world communism, which was the world’s only hope for utopia. And in the end, world communism was betrayed by exterior enemies outside it, and by interior enemies inside of it, and it expired. But before it expired, I managed to defeat the worst tyranny in human history, the Nazis, because without the Soviet Union, the Nazis would probably still be ruling Europe. And when it expired, that brought the end of human hopes for a really good society. And, you know, from my perspective, this is a story. It’s kind of the story of the Soviet Union as tragic hero betrayed internally and externally is, you know, it’s a story that is, in some ways, simply total bonkers. Unless you’re a strong believer in world communism, as it was formed in the middle of the 20th century, you know, and Eric was right, Eric was, you know, a young Jewish teenager in Berlin in the early 1930s. You’re watching The Nazis marched past calling for the immediate death of himself and all of his family in a time when everyone else was pussyfooting with the Nazis. And you know, only the Soviet Union and the Soviet Communist Party, Soviet led German Communist Party was willing to say, these are horrible people, we need to fight them. And so he made that political commitment as a teenager and you know, was never really able to outgrow it. I’m told that even at the end of his life, if you got a couple of drinks into him, you could get him to say that, you know, Stalin had been too harshly judged by history. And a very smart guy, you know, very learned historian, desperately trying to get it right. Yeah. And the fact that someone like me thinks he could still get it so wrong is very much a cautionary tale about how I should not be proud. And be aware that other people are likely to judge me in the future the way I judge Eric.

Gene Tunny  09:30

Right. And so what do you think is the big story after 1870? So you’ve got to, you’ve got a more optimistic view of history, obviously.

Brad DeLong  09:39

Yeah. Yeah. Well, maybe that 1870 really is the hinge of history. Right. But, you know, before 1870, your technological progress is slow. And you know about infant mortality is extremely high. You’re going to see half your babies die before you’re five. And do something like 1/3 of women are going to wind up without surviving sons, should they be lucky enough to reach 50? themselves? And do you know when the pre 1870 high patriarchy world you reach 50 without a surviving son, you have no social power whatsoever, you know, you have absolutely no account, you have no one to advocate for you. And so before 1870, pretty much whenever there was an improvement in human technology, the response was, oh, great, now I can try to have more kids and raise the chances I’ll have surviving sons above two thirds. And so you’ll from minus 6000, BC, on up to 1870. There is a lot of improvement in technology. Yes, and the upper class lives better, yes. But for most people, you know, you simply have 100, and you simply have a farm size only 102 50th as large potentially at 1870, as your ancestors had back in minus 6000. And you know, you’re still living at something like $3 a day, you’re spending 60% of your income on just getting your 2000 calories plus essential nutrients. And there are a lot of days when you can’t think about much other than you’re very hungry. And that’s the state of the world before 1870. And that means that unless you’re in an extremely lucky place, or like Australia, or an extremely lucky class, that life is going to be kind of brutal, short, and without very many options, which means that in most times in most places, governance is going to be how does an elite figure out how to grab enough for itself and maintain its rule over society. And after 1870, everything changes, technological progress becomes rapid. The technological competence of the human race globally doubles every generation, you quickly get a world in which people are kind of rich enough that infant mortality falls substantially. And with that falling infant mortality, and with the erosion of patriarchy, all of a sudden, you don’t have to concentrate a lot of effort on having children, to be confident that if you reach the age of 50, you’ll still be able to run your own life. And so you’ll we get the demographic transition, now headed toward a stable world population of 9 billion. So for the first time after 1870, technology wins the race with human fertility. And we begin to look forward to a time when humanity will be able to bake a sufficiently large economic pie so that everyone can have enough. And you know, people back in 1870, and before, you know, they thought most of the problems of society came because incomes were low, and technology was underdeveloped. And you had this elite running a kind of domination and exploitation game on everyone. And once you can bake a sufficiently large economic pie for everyone to have enough, those things should fall away. And the problems of properly slicing and tasting the economic pie, right? Have equitably distributing it and then utilising it so that people can feel safe and secure and live lives in which they’re healthy and happy. Yep, those should be relatively straightforward to solve. And so we today at least we today in the rich countries should be living in a utopia, which we are manifestly not. And so the story of history after 1870 is how we’re well on the way to solving the problem of baking a sufficiently large economic pie. While the problems of slicing and tasting of distributing and utilising it continues to flummoxed us.

Gene Tunny  13:57

So with 1870, that’s several decades after what is traditionally thought of as the start of the Industrial Revolution, is it and in there are a few things that come together. Around that time, would you be able to explain that please?

Brad DeLong  14:13

Well, I’d say that the industrial revolution itself, you know, that steam power and metallurgy and early engineering, you know, they were really really weren’t quite enough that they get the average rate at which technology improves along the world up to about half a percent per year. And of that maybe, maybe a third comes from the fact that you’re concentrating on that you can cut that you’re suddenly concentrating all the manufacturing of the world in the districts, most of them in England where manufacturing is most efficient. And you know, 1/3 of it comes from the underlying engine of science and discovery and engineering. And 1/3 of it comes because we were lucky enough that the last round of glaciers, that they scraped all the rock off of the coal around a huge chunk of Northwest Europe, which left you with a lot of coal at sea level that you could just pick up off the ground and ship it out. But come 1870 you’ve concentrated all the manufacturing and you know, you’re pretty much mining out the really easy coal and you have to go deeper, which is more expensive. But the possibility was that, you know, the industrial revolution would be not completely but largely over, except that in 1870, we got the development of the industrial research labs to rationalise and routinized the discovery and development of new technologies. And then the modern corporation, the modern corporate form to rationalise scrutinise, the development and deployment of technologies plus full globalisation, which provides us enormous incentives to deploy and diffuse technologies. And so all of a sudden, instead of half a percent per year, you had a 2% per year rate of global technological change. And while it was possible for human humanity to be fertile enough to kind of offset the half a percent per year technology growth before 1870 with greater fertility and a population explosion, after 1870, even the population explosion could not keep us poor. Yeah. And then we go through the demographic transition and the population explosion reaches its end.

Gene Tunny  16:35

Yeah. So this is the industrial research lab. So you’re talking about Thomas Edison in Menlo Park. 

Brad DeLong  16:41

Yeah, Menlo Park and others. You know, I like Nikola Tesla. Because, you know, Nikola Tesla was, I suppose today, we’d call him neurologically divergent. He’s definitely not neurotypical. Which means that unless you can slot him in exactly the right place, you know, where he has lots of people surrounding him who will tolerate him being in A-hole, and pickup which of the crazy ideas he has that might actually be useful unless you have George Westinghouse to build an industrial research lab, to surround him with and then the Westinghouse corporation to deploy his technologies. While Edison is General Electric, and others are frantically trying to keep up because, you know, Tesla knew how to make electrons get up and dance in the way that nobody else did. Without that Nikola Tesla would have been no use to humanity at all, as it was he personally pushed the entire electrical sector forward in time by a decade. And that’s a wonderful set of things. That’s a wonderful set of meta inventions. You know, that turns the process of technological development from being a difficult one in which you have an idea, but then you need to be a human resource department and a executive, a marketer and impresario, an advertiser you know, a well as an engineer, in order to get anything done to one in which engineers can engineer and find people who are good at the other things, to kind of surround them and do all the things you need to do to actually deploy a technology and make it useful. And that really only falls into place around 1870.

Gene Tunny  18:23

Right, okay, yep. And what about this modern corporation or the modern corporate form? So corporations have existed in some form since well, the first few centuries? I mean, the East India Company, the Dutch East Indies Indies Company, yes, yeah.

Brad DeLong  18:40

No, no, but still, they were relatively, they were relatively small things and they were tight have very special the fact that anyone could kind of organise a form in which us have a special royal charter as well. And the idea that anyone could set up a framework which would be a a large, internal, centrally planned division of labour, which could expand and copy itself, but also which had all of these interfaces with the market economy so that it was focused on producing the things that people wanted or at least that people with money wanted. This is something that allows once you have a good idea, and once you’ve built it in one factory, you know, it’s then very natural for the corporation to say, Okay, let’s build it over in the next town. And let’s expand the factory, let’s licence it, let’s move it to another country. You know, all of that only happens to all of what you know, management. The Business School professor Herbert Simon used to call these red islands of central planning, you know, in mesh to connected with the green lines of market exchange. Those are very characteristic of the modern economy. And we really need to have those islands in there and working very well, you know, in order to be even nearly as productive as we are.

Gene Tunny  20:09

Right, and what would be the exemplars of that modern corporate form Brad, are you thinking of General Electric or DuPont of those sort of companies

Brad DeLong  20:18

In the early days, in the early days, it was things like the great farm machinery producers. Were I think the first because, you know, once you figure out how to make a Reaper or a harvester, or later on a combine, you know, demand for it is absolutely huge. And so you don’t want to have one small workshop, you know, one small workshop in some small town in Illinois or something, you know, making a Reaper when the Reaper can be put into use from the Murray Darling River Valley all the way to Argentina and up there. Yeah. Later on, it was Ford Motor Company and General Motors that were the classics. And now of course, I think it is, you know, Apple Computer, which is simultaneously the most to market economy and capitalist driven thing in the world, but also the orchestrator of this enormously complicated, and centrally planned division of labour all over the world with all of its suppliers, in which a relatively small number of people in Cupertino, California, can conduct an economic division of labour, that dwarfs that of the centrally planned Soviet Union at its most prosperous, in terms of how much money and resources are moved around in a way in which in response to commands and to requests issued by Cupertino, to produce the more than a billion iPhones that currently populate the world.

Gene Tunny  22:01

Yeah, yeah, absolutely. It’s extraordinary for sure.

Brad DeLong  22:04

And, you know, we haven’t even gotten into its role as the pusher forward of electronics technology of modern semiconductor, whereby your Apple Computer pays the Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Corporation $30 billion each year, which it then turns around and uses to invest in pushing semiconductor technology forward to make circuits smaller and chips faster and bigger, which it then sells to Apple, which then puts into iPhones so it can earn the $30 billion it needs for the next round.

Gene Tunny  22:40

Yeah, yeah, for sure. And I mean, Apple is still innovating even though Steve Jobs is no longer around.

Brad DeLong  22:47

Jobs is gone. Yeah, yes.

Gene Tunny  22:51

Okay, we’ll take a short break here for a word from our sponsor.

Female speaker  22:56

If you need to crunch the numbers, then get in touch with Adept Economics. We offer you Frank and fearless economic analysis and advice. We can help you with funding submissions, cost benefit analysis, studies, and economic modelling of all sorts. Our head office is in Brisbane, Australia, but we work all over the world. You can get in touch via our website, http://www.adepteconomics.com.au. We’d love to hear from you.

Gene Tunny  23:25

Now back to the show. Can I ask you about full globalisation? You talk about that? And then you talk about what happened later in the 90s with what you call re globalisation, I think and then there’s hyperglobalisation. What I think what your book reminded me of was just those the large flows of people, and also capital that occurred in the late 19th century and before World War One, and that’s something I think Polanyi wrote about, could you talk about that please Brad?

Brad DeLong  23:54

Oh, well, one thing is to say that, that kind of from 1870 to 1914, 50 million people leave Europe and also 50 million people leave Asia. The people who leave Europe by and large go to you know, Argentina, Chile, southern Brazil, United States, Canada, Australia, New Zealand. They go there they bring European biotechnology crops and animals and so forth. In Australia, they find at least before the great drought of the 1890s that there is not a better place for European sheep than Australia. And so Australia before the drought of the 1890s becomes the place with by far the highest standard of living in the world. As you know the equivalent of the equivalent of OPEC instead of oil. It’s sheep. And instead of shipping petroleum and container ships, they ship out wool in steam powered ocean going ships and they produce the you know an amazingly rich and prosperous middle class civilization of its day, something that I don’t see know very much about. Except for the things I see are the backgrounds I see on Mrs. Fisher’s murder Mr. Rene Fisher’s Murder Mystery Show, which my wife says the clothes the clothes at does extremely well. And then Australia with its large middle class, you’ll powers the demand for Australian factories and Australia industrialising and becomes and remains an extremely rich and prosperous country. Brazil might have seen the been on the same trajectory. You know, Australia has land that’s wonderful for sheep. You know, Brazil in the second half of the 19th century was the best place for rubber. It was the place rubber came from. And so you know, you have the rubber tappers of Brazil making a good living, you have the growth of the Brazilian economy, you have the construction that European singers like Enrico Caruso or Jenny Lind, when they went on world tours, they would go up to Amazon to Manassas and performing them in Manassas Opera House and things worked very, very well, except that the British arrived and they grabbed some rubber plants from Brazil and they carried them back to Kew Gardens. And then the Belgians got a hold of them and they took them down to the Congo and then King Leopold began cutting off the hands of people who didn’t bring in enough rubber from the villages. And in Malaysia, the British Empire brought down workers from China combined it who were desperate to get out of China, given how small farm sizes were and how poor China was, combined it with British capital, and this Brazilian biotechnologies, so that Malaysia, Malaysia, the Malay Peninsula becomes the world’s biggest rubber producing centre in the world by 1914. And the enormous crash, and the enormous crash of the Brazilian rubber industry as well, because the rubber plant had left all its pests and parasites behind in Brazil. And so it grew like a weed on the Malay Peninsula. And, you know, the Chinese plantation workers brought down from the Pearl River Delta, were extremely happy that the British could pay them a quarter of what the Brazilian rubber tappers were used to getting. And they would still say we’re much better off than they would be back in China. That is, and this transfer of all kinds of tropical goods and plants around the world, right that Yemen finds itself suddenly faced with enormous competition from coffee grown in Indonesia, and in kind of Costa Rica as well. Which means that if you were in the tropics between 1870 and indeed, up until 1950, you’d find that whatever you export, its price was dropping like a stone because there was all of this extra competition from all of these extra sites for production opened up by this Asian migration. Well, the rich first world countries did quite well and did quite well in large part because immigrants from India and China were by and large kept out of Australia and the United States. And so wage levels in Australia and Australia and the United States stayed very high. And they got the middle classes in the middle class demand needed to provide the demand so that they could industrialise you know, while Brazil or Malaysia or Congo really didn’t have a chance to industrialise because, you know, no middle class large enough to buy the manufactured goods and no ability to export given how cheap and how good at manufacturing Britain was back then and how eager Britain was to export. 

Gene Tunny  29:09

The story we tell ourselves is that it’s, it’s all about it was all about good governance as well. I mean, in good institutions.

Brad DeLong  29:17

Yeah, no bad governance can make something very country very poor very quickly. That and indeed, Arthur W. Economist, Arthur Lewis, you know, all those used to say, look, Australia and New Zealand are not just cousins of Canada and the United States, but also of Argentina and Chile, and in some ways South Africa. And, indeed, come 1914, Buenos Aires looks a lot like Melbourne. But then governance falls apart in the 1920s and 1930s. And even more so after World War Two. And now, you know, no one thinks of Argentina as being a country that is kind of on the same level of development of the Earth, Australia or Canada, because it simply is not. And yet, it certainly has the land, it certainly had the resources that had the education in 1914 it had the technology base, but bad governance can do terrible things. You know, you see this most with respect to communist, right that when the Iron Curtain failed in 1990, we could actually look, and we could see that those countries that had been ruled by the Communists were only 1/5, as rich as the countries immediately outside, immediately across the border. And you know, where that border was, was principally determined by where the Red Army had managed to march in 1945. Yeah, what’s the difference between Czechoslovakia and Austria? Yeah, yeah. Or Yugoslavia and Italy?

Gene Tunny  30:59

Yeah, very good point. I’d like to ask now about the what you call the is it the long 20th century? You talk about this period from 1870 to 2010? And is that the period where we were Slouching Towards Utopia?

Brad DeLong  31:15

Yeah, where every generation, we were doubling humanity’s technological competence. And it was really clear that we were solving the problem of baking a sufficiently large economic pie. And we were trying to figure out how to slice and tastes how to distribute and utilise it. And that was kind of flummoxed more sometimes than others. And people were trying various things. Some of them reasonable, and some of them absolutely horrible and genocidally destructive. Yeah, yeah. I’d say that’s what gives 1870 to 2010 its unit, you know, that we’re solving the what people thought was the big problem, but not at all solving what people thought were, but people back before 1870 had thought would be smaller problems.

Gene Tunny  32:03

Okay, and so 2010, that’s in the aftermath of the financial crisis. So that’s a pivotal event, in your view.

Brad DeLong  32:13

Except it’s not really a pivotal event, okay. It’s more like a pivotal 20 years. Maybe it starts on September 11 2001, when all of a sudden, a willingness to kill people because they worship God differently that we thought was over in 1648, at the end of the 30 Years War in Central Europe, after which people said, let’s not do that, again. We’re back. Maybe it continues in 2003, you know, when the United States stops acting like a relatively cooperative leader of the world, and instead says, We’re another great power, and we’re going to act like great powers do, maybe it’s 2007, when it becomes very clear that in the attack that an ideological attachment to the view that I’m rich, because the market has rewarded me, therefore the market must be a good thing. Had that that idea had hobbled the regulation of finance, and then come 2010 It’s clear, that same idea keeps people from responding to the Great Recession, by saying we need to get back to full employment rapidly instead, all over the globe, people are saying, well, you know, the market is a good thing. And the market has been doing this for a reason. And so you know, we shouldn’t artificially we shouldn’t artificially stimulate the economy. 2008, seemed to see the engine of technological progress itself to drop into a lower gear slow down by half or more. Starting in 2012-2013, we see the rise of anti democratic movements all over the world from you know, Modi’s version of national Hinduism to Viktor Orban and many, many others. And last, I’d say, come 2022, we have the return of major power war. Right, the idea that big wars rather than wars that are kind of a civil war component are a way to solve things. You know, even though if I wanted to convince the Ukrainians that they weren’t a separate nation, but only a Russian ethnicity, you know, I would send the Bolshoi Ballet and I would send orchestras to play the works of Tchaikovsky and I would send poets to read the poems of Pushkin in the general streets of Ukraine. I would not say send killer robots flying overboard to drop overhead to drop bombs and kill but you know the return of a major power war. Add to that global warming is now We’ll go not a distant threat. But lots of people were underwater in Pakistan early this summer and lots of people saying, Why is the Yangtze River five metres below where it’s supposed to be? It’s now a thing. And a thing for the three and a half billion people of Asia who live in the great river valleys and the monsoons and some with the coming of global warming. We have a different and more complicated and I don’t think we yet understand what the post 2010 story is. But it isn’t the technological progress is pulling ahead extraordinarily rapidly making us potentially all prosperous, and we only need to figure out how to distribute and utilise our wealth. Instead, the world faces other and probably bigger problems, and certainly more of them. So that’s why I bring it to an end in 2010.

Gene Tunny  35:56

Okay, okay. I’d like to ask you about what you call the I think it’s the neoliberal turn in your book. So you talk about how we changed or the philosophy the I don’t know, the dominant philosophy and government and politics change from social this, we’re talking about advanced economies change from social democratic, or whatever you want to call it to, starting in the 70s, and 80s, with Thatcher and Reagan. And we also had a variant of it here in Australia. You call it this neoliberal turn and would you be able to be good if you could explain what you mean by that? And also, I’d like to ask you about your this is great, one of my favourite quotes in your book, you wrote that Hyack. So Frederick Hayek, the Austrian economist Hayek, and his followers were not only Dr. Jekyll, side geniuses, but also Mr. Hyde side idiots, I love that. So if you could explain what you’re driving out there, please, that’d be great.

Brad DeLong  36:56

1945 to 1975 or so are absolutely wonderful years. peace, prosperity, the most rapid growth, at least in the Global North that has ever been seen before. Middle class society, everything seems to be going right. But come and after 1975, you know, there’s inflation, which leads to the general consensus that there’s something wrong with social democracy, that it’s handing out too many tickets to things more tickets to things than the economy and society can produce. And when you hand out more tickets, and there are seats, the result is going to be the tickets get the value that is also going to be inflation. And so social democracy needs to get a grip, and become, you know, more responsible and less willing to simply hand out tickets to anyone who asks, add to that the idea that it’s greatly over bureaucratized that the government is doing too much, and there are too many forms to fill out. Add to that, the idea that too many people have taken advantage of the social democratic system, you know, to grab benefits to which there were not in title. I remember in the late 1970s, as a young teenager, there were people who would come around with maps of where the people in Australia drawing unemployment benefits were. And the claim was that they were on the beaches. Yeah, you know, that you get unemployment benefit. And you say, Okay, I won’t look for another job for two months, I’ll go to the beach for two months, and then I’ll look for a job. That all kinds of things in which too many people were saying too many union members and welfare recipients were getting away with too much and not working hard enough. Yeah, that benefits for the slackers were too great than the taxes on the actual productive members of society were too high. And that the tax system was greatly discouraging investment. And thus, economic growth. And thus, the inflation and the slowdown of economic growth that we saw in the late 1970s. Were a result of the fact that social democracy had tapped out and it needed very much to be a rethink. And the rethink takes the form of Thatcher in the United Kingdom and Reagan in the United States. You know, the idea that taxes need to be lower, that the job creators need to be properly incentivized that, you know, the non rich need to be a little bit poor, so they’re a little bit hungrier and work harder. That sources of rent seeking, you know, people who have claims to income but who are not productive, need to have those claims erased , especially if they’re welfare recipients on the one hand, who haven’t been able to maintain a stable family, or if they happen to have lucked into a particular union that manages to have its kind of hands around the throat of some important part of the distribution system. You know, Ronald Reagan’s saying, I’m going to destroy the, Jimmy Carter in fact, Jimmy Carter was, in fact, launched the Airline deregulation effort in the 1970s. One big purpose of which was to make the lives of airline pilots a little less cushy. And Ronald Reagan followed that up by breaking the strike of the air traffic controllers. It was Jimmy Carter, who by deregulating trucking in the United States, you know, applied the same medicine to the then powerful teamsters union, saying, once deregulated trucking, you’re going to be exposed to all kinds of rail and non union competition as well, you know, in your ability to extract an extremely cushy life go. And the ability of the collected organised crime gangs of the United States to draw on the teamsters pension fund is going to be sufficiently reduced. So you have this great wheel around 1980. So much so that in 1994, Bill, Bill Clinton, who really is a Social Democrat at heart, wants to win another term, he feels he has to go out there and say that the era of big government is over. That just as Dwight Eisenhower, a very conservative person could only govern in the 1950s. By saying the New Deal, social democracy is a good thing, but I’m going to be a much better manager. Because I can say no to interest groups that are demanding too much while the Democrats are relying on those interest groups to turn out the vote. So you should elect me to be the president to run the new deal rather than let a Democrat. Yeah, so Bill Clinton was having to say that I’m going to be because I understand how valuable government can be, I’m actually the one who will do the best job of cutting it. So it’s so to do the most good. And that kind of lasted that kind of era in which neoliberal, this neoliberal view, that the market should be doing more, and the government should be doing less? You know, it really lasted up until the great recession since then, since then, we’ve had a time of confusion.

Gene Tunny  42:28

Yeah, yeah. Yeah, for sure. I’m just interested. I’m interested in your thoughts on the that neoliberal term? Because I mean, you’re someone you’ve got, you know, people who are very prominent in our time, and you worked with Larry Summers you’ve written and you’ve done research with, with Larry Summers, who was US Treasury secretary. I mean, how do you feel about all because Would you say there was some benefits to it? Because, I mean, Airline Deregulation, and I mean, that was good for consumers. How do you think about it now?

Brad DeLong  42:58

As they say, you know, in some ways Friedrich von Hayek really was Dr. Jekyll. Yeah, in that if you have a, you know, if you have a command and control system, you know, there’s somebody at the top, who’s issuing orders and everyone else is kind of not really using their mind that they’re kind of robots doing what the person at the top orders. And, you know, if you’ve ever worked in any large organisation, you know that the person at the top has very little idea of what’s actually going on down at the bottom. And will often be issuing commands about what you should do next that are best nonsensical, and that are worst highly destructive. You try to have a committee solve that problem of central command by establishing it by writing a rulebook. And then you have a bureaucracy because God knows the rulebook only covers about a third of the cases, it’s simply not possible for any small group to think about. But um, assign people private property and let them trade and exchange in a market. And all of a sudden, the people who are actually on the ground in the situation, you’ll have the ability to do things because the property is theirs. And also, as long as market prices are in accord with social values, they have a very strong personal incentive to do the right thing. Or at least the thing that makes money and then there’s the well, but our market price is in accord with social values problem, but if you can solve that problem, then a properly tuned market economy with private property is the best possible anti bureaucratic, you know, anti authoritarian crowdsourcing mechanism for helping people to organise themselves in order to do what is needed for the common good. Did you know much better to impose a carbon tax and say, you know, gas filling up your car was going to be expensive. Then too, as Jimmy Carter said to say, if your licence plate ends in an even digit, you can only fill your car with gas on even days and with an odd digit, you can only fill your gas on odd days. Friedrich von Hayek was a Dr. Jekyll positive genius and seeing this and seeing this very clearly. But as I say, he also was on Mr. Hyde style idiot. Because you’ll Hayek, having grasped on to this value of the market, he couldn’t think of anything else. And so he reached his position, which is the market economy will take modern science and technology and make us all prosperous, full stop, we need to be happy with that. We should not ask for anything else, we should not ask for an equitable income distribution or any form of social justice. Because if we do, we’ll find ourselves monkeying with the system. And when we monkey with the system, we will destroy the ability of the market to actually be productive and to make us rich. And ultimately, we’ll wind up on the road to serfdom. We won’t get social justice, and we will be at our we will make ourselves poor. And so the one thing we definitely need to do is whenever anyone starts talking about social justice, or income distribution or their rights to something that isn’t, that aren’t property rights, we need to tell them to shut up, you know that the only rights that matter are property rights, and that’s how it should be, you know, and yes, this is not social justice. You know, the market gives most things, not the people who deserved them, but instead of the people who are lucky enough to own the valuable pieces of property. But if you can’t accept that you don’t have any business doing politics or speaking in the public square. Yeah. And, you know, that’s profoundly unhealthy. That’s profoundly unhealthy in actually figuring out how we should utilise and distribute our wealth, but you know, Hayek stuck to that to the end. So much so that he was an enthusiastic supporter of Augusto Pinochet. Believing at some level that you know, Pinochet would reform Chile. And then once Marxism and Social Democracy had been stamped out, then you know, he could retire and the Chilean people could be allowed to go back to electing their governors again. But in the meantime, you definitely need it. You know, he called it the Lycurgan moment. And the myth of the semi mythical dictator, yeah, even though not a king of Sparta had established what people said was the Spartan system of government and war back in the Classical Age.

Gene Tunny  48:03

Yeah, I was shocked by that. Brad, when I read that in your book, I’ll have to go back and look at where Hayet wrote that because I mean, it’s quite shocking to think that someone who is a champion of liberty, and I mean, he’s inspired there’s a think tank in Australia, the Centre for Independent Studies, which I have a bit to do with which is inspired by Hyack. And so I mean, I’ve read Road to Serfdom, but I don’t remember anything like that, but I’ll definitely go back and look.

Brad DeLong  48:31

He gets cranky, he gets cranky or as he gets older. That, you know, in 1944, when writing the Road to Serfdom, he’s chiefly interested in trying to persuade a future British Labour Party government not to be really stupid with respect to nationalising everything in sight. But you know, he ages and as my father says when you get older, you discover that you are more like yourself and it’s not necessarily a good person. That back when you were younger and had to pretend not to be yourself and weren’t quite as much as yourself, maybe we’re better off right, Yeah. Yeah. There is a letter from Maggie Thatcher back to Hayet saying thanking him for one of his and indeed saying but you are recommending the use some Chilean and methods and do those are unacceptable given our constitutional traditions, and I haven’t been able to find out what this is in response to.

Gene Tunny  49:29

Right, okay

Brad DeLong  49:32

In the context of a world that is drifting towards Central planning and very heavy bureaucracy, it’s more understandable than as account. You know, Hayet’s, crankier parts are more understandable and useful as a counterweight than they are as you know, an accelerator, an accelerant for a kind of neoliberal era.

Gene Tunny  49:56

Yeah, I think you definitely make some I mean, a lot of what you’ve you’ve written I think is great. And I mean, I’ve been thinking about this myself, I think we’ve I feel it in Australia, we’ve probably managed things better than in the States. I mean, there’s definitely. And then the way I’ve thought about it is that some of the neoliberal policies we’ve enacted, I think, have been good for consumers, we cut tariffs, I mean, we used to have this very high tariff wall. So I think it was as late as 1988, or 89, we had a 57% tariff on motor vehicles. And so cars were, in real terms, much more expensive. So they benefited a lot. But there has been dislocation, but we seem to have manage that, because we’ve had a Social Security system and a public health care system. And I look at the states. And I mean, I mean, I think Americans, I think the US is a great country. But the lack of a public health care system, and the lack of a social security system, I think, is making things very difficult. And that’s meaning the politics becomes very, I mean, it’s just, it looks awful at the moment from over here. So yeah, that’s just a comment. But if you have any reflections, that’d be great.

Brad DeLong  51:09

Things are never as awful as they look on YouTube. Still, it’s still strong and rich, and you know the sense of a very, very strong sense of one nation, and we should all be pulling for each other. Which you won’t see if you go on YouTube or Twitter where it is indeed, the politics of you know, Ezra Klein says you get clicks only if you make enemies. And that’s really not how most people normally live their lives. But yeah, there’s a great book that’s getting some considerable play now by Elizabeth Berman called Thinking Like an Economist, you know, how efficiency replaced equality in the US public policy, which I think definitely could use a dose of the good Dr. Jekyll Hyatt, right. That says that demanding equality, demanding one size fits all rather than letting people crowdsource solutions on an individual level, is something that we should value greatly. And yet Elizabeth Popp Berman doesn’t value it at all.

Gene Tunny  52:21

Right. Okay. Okay. I’ll have to check that out. I might have to wrap up soon. But the final final question i’ve good is just referencing one of your quotes in your book where you talk about the power of some individuals, and you talk about the power of Keynes and FDR? Yeah. How do you think they would want to know it’s almost an impossible question, but how would they be diagnosing where we are today? And what needs to be done? Do you have any thoughts on that?

Brad DeLong  52:53

With respect to the Great Recession, Keynes would certainly say, I told you so. And with glory in it, because he was at some level of British upper class twit of the early 20th century. With respect to the rest, he would say that, by and large on my number with the predictions he made in a 1930 speech, he gave on economic possibilities for our grandchildren to have indeed come true. And that at least the global north is approaching the stage in which we do indeed have enough. And then our problems are that we’re kind of hag written by ideas and ideologies that were useful and essential in past poor age, you know, avarice, usery, and precaution. And that we’re also facing the prominent problem of the human race, which is how to take your wealth and resources and live life wisely and well. And he would say that he had hoped that we would have made more progress on learning how to live life wisely, and well than we have, and would have hoped that we were less hag written by you know, avarice, usury and precaution. By kind of not realising how wealthy we are. And you know, how broad open our possibilities should be, but being instead do to mean and ungenerous to ourselves and to others.

Gene Tunny  54:17

Yes, yeah. Okay. And what do you think? I mean, what would you have any thoughts on? I mean, what’s, what’s to be done, particularly in the US or in other? What other advanced economies? I mean, I mean, one of the challenges we’ve got here in Australia is how we pay for this National Disability Insurance Scheme. So we’ve got this permanent structural deficit in our budget now of about 2% of GDP. And the current government when it was in opposition committed to these what we call over here, these stage three tax cuts that are kicking in in a few years, where there’s, they’re more geared well, because the wealthier pay more tax just because of the way the system is set up. And the way these tax cuts work is that the bulk of the benefits go to the upper end. And there’s a big debate about whether it’s appropriate or not to have those tax cuts at the moment in Australia, but what are the levers? Is that you see, is it around? Is it taxation? Is that one of the levers for redistribution? Or is it regulation? What what do you see as the levers?

Brad DeLong  55:22

Well, you know, I think, I think the biggest and the best lever and in fact, the one in which the United States and Australia have historically been most successful, you know, is immigration, right. That over time, we have been very, very good at taking in people from elsewhere whose parents were not Americans, Australians, and making them into, you know, Americans and Australians. Like, I remember Maine Senator George Mitchell, you know, the guy who negotiated the Good Friday Accords in Ireland. And, you know, he looks like one of my great uncle’s, someone all of whose ancestors had been in Maine since 1750. And, you know, talked with an extremely strong accent, you know, um, and so actually, he’s simply a second generation immigrant, he’s half Irish, half Lebanese. He just looks and sounds exactly like my great uncles with their eight generations of, you know, hardscrabble time in the soil. But, um, we have enormously powerful and strong cultures, ideologies, and forms of Nash forms of national unity, that are actually not based on us all really being the descendants of our founders, and both countries willingness to take in large numbers of people from elsewhere. You know, Australia, taking in an enormous number of refugees after World War Two have been huge sources of national strength. And we are still largely empty countries, and you can move someone from Mexico to the United States, you know, from Malaysia to Australia. And you know, you are going to triple their productivity just by doing that alone. And that will generate a huge amount of potential wealth from a well we grow by immigration. Otherwise, the problem is that, you know, we had a steam power economy in 1870. And, you know, an electricity and diesel and chemical economy in 1900, and a mass production economy in 1940, and you know, a global value chain economy in 1990. And now we’re headed for info biotech economy and whatever worked in the sense of, you know, politics, economics and sociology, 30 years ago, back when the technological foundations of the economy are different, it’s probably not going to work well now. So anyone who says we need to go back to X is probably going to wind up unhappy. And so we should try to move forward into the future rather than trying to pick up models from the past. Although what those forward and the future models are, you know, that’s beyond me.

Gene Tunny  58:19

Okay. Okay. You’re telling the economic history story, the policy and then that’s, that’s for someone else.

Brad DeLong  58:28

But the big lesson of history is that trying to maintain social and economic systems past their sell by date as the technology changes underneath it just doesn’t work.

Gene Tunny  58:39

Right. Yeah. Yeah. Interesting point about immigration. We one of the one of the challenges in Australia we have is that, I mean, everyone wants to live in one of the big the three major capital cities. I mean, I’m in one of them, I’m in Brisbane, and Nick’s down in Melbourne, then Sydney is the, you know, the biggest, but the concern is that everyone wants to live in those cities. And there’s just not enough housing. I mean, we’ve got, I mean, I guess, it’s around. It’s in other advanced economies, too. But there’s a housing crisis and property prices have surged, although they are falling out, because the of the dynamics of the lending and what’s happened with the monetary policy, but they’re still very high rents are going up. So we’ve got concerns about housing availability. And in the short term, I think, if we’re bringing immigration back, I think that’s going to cause a lot of pressure. So we’ve got to manage that better and harder. No, there’s the environmental issues about allowing development. So I think, yeah, I agree with you about immigration providing benefits. So just see that in the short term. There are a lot of these absorption issues that we have to deal with.

Brad DeLong  59:48

A lot of people who think they have rights that things need to stay as they are. Yes, yes. And do you know to this, there’s a great Italian novel called I think Lampedusa, no written by Lampedusa, called Gattopardo, called The Leopard about Sicily in the 1860s, in which at one point, the young guy yells at his uncle, the count of Selena, you don’t understand in order for everything to stay the same. Everything has to change. Yeah, yeah. As the young guy goes off to join Garibaldi in the Italian revolution. And so I do think we need to look much more at the things that need to change. He says, sitting in a house built in 1897, we think, at a time, but it was surrounded by pear orchards. And now when it is half a mile or two thirds of a mile south of the university campus and two thirds of a mile north of the subway line. And so is a, that something so close to so many extremely desirable places, should house only three people right now. Rather than have been turned into a 10 storey apartment building is in some sense, an offence against land planning.

Gene Tunny  1:01:08

Yeah, well, I think we’ve got to find a better balance. I mean, who knows. That’s, that’s an issue for another episode, I think.

Brad DeLong  1:01:17

It is, you know, and we did actually build a cottage on our lot as soon as we were allowed to do so. But still. Yeah, so we did add to Berkeley’s housing stock. Yep. Still, you know,, the San Francisco Bay Area has seven and a half million people and looking back at the past 450 years of history, it’s easy to say how if we’d had a 1800s view toward development, we now have 20 million people, you know, we the size of Los Angeles in population. And it would probably be a better world I must say, because those other 12 and a half million people who aren’t here are in other places that are kind of less great to live in, and where they are likely to be less productive than they would be if they were here.

Gene Tunny  1:02:14

And just just finally, probably, you know, you’ve I don’t want to take too much of your time. But have one more question is, in your view, what are the most what’s the most important factor there is the governance, it always the agglomeration effects when they move countries because I know that Lant Pritchards crunched the numbers on this, and there’s this huge gain from moving people around the world. What’s the benefit? Where does it come from? Do you have thoughts on that?

Brad DeLong  1:02:38

A lot of it is agglomeration, thick market agglomeration effects that we don’t really understand that appear to be extremely large. And, but that also can very quickly turn into pollution and crowding effects if the local government is not competent at handling the process.

Gene Tunny  1:02:59

Yeah, I think that’s right. I think that makes sense.

Brad DeLong  1:03:03

And a lot more is that, you know, it is, throughout history, it’s always proven much, much easier to move people that where institutions are good, and where they can be productive than to somehow move institutions to where the people are, that attempts to build prosperity or build democracy in places where it does not seem to be strongly established, that those rarely go very well. And I would say, I do not really understand why that is the case. And I used to have a guru, a classmate of mine, who I went to about that, Alberto Alesina, to teach me. But alas, he dropped dead of a heart attack a few years. And I haven’t found another guru who I trust.

Gene Tunny  1:03:48

Okay, I might try and cover that in a future podcast episode. It’s a fascinating question. It just occurred to me then.

Brad DeLong  1:03:57

I love what Lant has to say about his numbers actually why his numbers are what they are.

Gene Tunny  1:04:05

Yes, yes. Yeah. I’ll put a link in the show notes to some of that work. Okay. Very good. Okay.

Gene Tunny  1:04:11

Well, I’m Professor Brad DeLong. It’s been a real pleasure. I’ve really enjoyed talking with you very much about your book and I’ll put a link in the show notes. And so if you’re listening in the audience, and please, I’d suggest getting a copy. Yeah. I’ve got it on Kindle. But I mean, it’ll be in bookstores and major bookstores in Australia I’m very sure. And yeah, Professor DeLong. Any final thoughts before we wrap up?

Brad DeLong  1:04:38

Just thank you very much. And I think be hopeful right that even though individually, each of us is just a jumped up East African plains ape who often forgets where he left his keys yesterday. Together, there are 8 billion of us and if we talk to each other together, we can be a very smart anthologie intelligence.

Gene Tunny  1:05:02

Absolutely. I think that’s a great note to end on. Professor Brad DeLong thanks so much. Okay, that’s the end of this episode of Economics Explored. I hope you enjoyed it. If so, please tell your family and friends and leave a comment or give us a rating on your podcast app. If you have any comments, questions, suggestions, you can feel free to send them to contact@economicsexplored.com And we’ll aim to address them in a future episode. Thanks for listening. Until next week, goodbye

Thanks to Josh Crotts for mixing the episode and to the show’s sponsor, Gene’s consultancy business www.adepteconomics.com.au

Please consider signing up to receive our email updates and to access our e-book Top Ten Insights from Economics at www.economicsexplored.com. Also, please get in touch with any questions, comments and suggestions by emailing us at contact@economicsexplored.com or sending a voice message via https://www.speakpipe.com/economicsexplored. Economics Explored is available via Apple PodcastsGoogle Podcast, and other podcasting platforms.

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Podcast episode

How the Australian Bureau of Statistics prepares the National Accounts w/ Robert Ewing – EP162

The National Accounts is the comprehensive data set on a country’s economic performance. It gives us GDP growth estimates and a whole bunch of other important indicators. Australian Bureau of Statistics Principal Advisor Robert Ewing takes us behind the scenes at the ABS and provides some great info and insights into how the GDP figures are prepared. Learn about the huge range of economic data from households, businesses, and governments that go into the National Accounts, the roles played by algorithms and judgment, and how the numbers are crunched using the time series database FAME, short for Forecasting Analysis and Modeling Environment. 

Please get in touch with any questions, comments and suggestions by emailing us at contact@economicsexplored.com or sending a voice message via https://www.speakpipe.com/economicsexplored

You can listen to the episode via the embedded player below or via podcasting apps including Google PodcastsApple PodcastsSpotify, and Stitcher.

Links relevant to the conversation

Robert Ewing’s LinkedIn profile:

Economics Explored EP153 which also considered the National Accounts

Transcript: How the Australian Bureau of Statistics prepares the National Accounts w/ Robert Ewing – EP162

N.B. This is a lightly edited version of a transcript originally created using the AI application otter.ai. It may not be 100 percent accurate, but should be pretty close. If you’d like to quote from it, please check the quoted segment in the recording.

Gene Tunny  00:01

Coming up on Economics Explored.

Robert Ewing  00:04

It’s the work of hundreds of people across the ABS once you count the people in the survey divisions, the data acquisition divisions, all the other publications such as the balance of payments, the capital expenditure, the business indicators publication, which all feed into the national accounts.

Gene Tunny  00:24

Welcome to the Economics Explored podcast, a frank and fearless exploration of important economic issues. I’m your host Gene Tunny. I’m a professional economist based in Brisbane, Australia, and I’m a former Australian Treasury official. This is episode 162 on how the national accounts are put together, my guest is Robert Yuen from the Australian Bureau of Statistics, the ABS. Rob is the principal adviser to the ABS statistical services group. In this episode, Rob takes us behind the scenes of the ABS and provide some great info and insights into how the GDP figures are prepared. While Rob and I chat about the Australian National Accounts, I hope this conversation is useful for you, wherever you’re living. statistical agencies around the world will be using similar data and procedures to the ABS as they prepare their own GDP figures. Please check out the show notes relevant links Information and for details of how you can get in touch. Please let me know what you think about either Rob or I have to say in this episode, I’d love to hear from you. Right now for my conversation with Rob Ewing on the national accounts. Thanks to my audio engineer, Josh Crotts for his assistance in producing this episode. I hope you enjoy it. Robert Ewing from the Australian Bureau of Statistics, good to have you on the programme.

Robert Ewing  01:42

Very happy to be here Gene, always keen to spread the gospel of the great work that the ABS is doing statistics and trying to tell people the story of what’s going on in the economy.

Gene Tunny  01:53

Excellent. Well, I’ve been really impressed, Rob, that you’ve been communicating on LinkedIn, you’ve been talking about the data and giving us some insights into how the ABS compile the data. And I mean, one of the sets of data I’m really interested in is the national accounts and GDP, which is the statistic that measures the amount of economic activity in a certain period of time. And I’d be keen to chat with you about GDP given that you’re at the ABS and you’re involved in, in collecting the data and, and crunching the numbers to create the GDP figures. I chatted previously with a colleague of mine, Brendan Marquis Taylor, we chatted about the three different measures of GDP, would you be able to kick off by telling us what those measures are, please Rob, why do we need three different measures?.

Robert Ewing  02:48

Sure, so I should just say at the outset that, you know, today, I’m going to skip over an awful lot of the technical detail. And so I’m sure that the more statistical methodology knowledgeable are going to be screaming occasionally. But it is very complicated. The manual for the national accounts is several 100 pages long, and you know, can take a lot to get into. I think to start with, I tend to think of the GDP as it’s one concept that you can measure three ways. So GDP, as you say, is the measure of all economic activity. But we have to get a bit more specific than that. One of the things I’ve been talking about on LinkedIn is this idea of the production boundary, we have to put boundaries around GDP, because really, anything you could think of could be economic activity, we have to narrow that down a bit. And so we focus on market activity. And we focus within market activity on production. So GDP is a measure of the total value of production for the market sector in an economy over a period of time. It turns out that the way that the national accounts frameworks are set up, and it very clever frameworks developed over you know, more than 50 years by international groups. You could also measure this two other ways. So the first way is to measure how much income everybody in the economy has gotten from these productive activities. So if you measure the total amount of money that goes to labour, what’s called compensation of employees in the national accounts, and if you measure broadly, the national accounts concept of profit, what’s called gross operating surplus. And so if you add those two together across the entire economy, then you also get a measure of GDP. And that’s because if you think about production, well the measure of production is how much what you produce is worth minus how much you had to buy, in order to produce it, or the two things that are left over after that are income and profit. So it’s quite easy to see how those two match up. The third way, which is the expenditure method of GDP, is to think about it from the other side and think that will, we know, in economies and in markets, that there’s both a supply the production, but also a demand the consumption of the goods. And so the expenditure approach looks at where all this production of goods and services in the economy gets used. And so it adds together, the total amount of money spent by households, the total money spent by governments, some of the things that we produce gets sent overseas. And so we count the exports. Some things go into a warehouse, even though be produced, so we count inventories. And then we didn’t produce all the inputs that we use. So we subtract imports. And so that also gives you that same measure of how much was produced in the economy. And so those are the three measures of GDP, which are normally called the E measure, the I measure and the P measure in Australia. In theory, if you have measured everything absolutely perfectly, they will be equal.

Gene Tunny  05:58

Yeah, conceptually, from the way that they’ve that just because of the theory, and there’s a national accounting framework, isn’t there. So you were talking about this has been developed over 50 years? I mean, that’s since the you’re talking about since the UN codified it, I think, did they try and codify it in the late 60s? And then there’ll be various iterations of that approach? And we follow that there’s an international methodology.

Robert Ewing  06:27

Yeah, that’s right. So there’s the system of national accounts. So I think the first one was 1968. And that was building off kind of a lot of international cooperation. But I believe 1968 was the first time they really sit down like a consistent set of international rules. There was an update to it in 1993, and update in 2008. And if you do the math between those, you won’t be surprised to know that there’s an update currently underway thinking about further changes to the system of national accounts. And that will be due out for hopefully for endorsement by the UN statistical commission in 2025.

Gene Tunny  07:04

Yeah, yeah. And I remember from my time being on ABS reference committees for different things, or the technical reference groups, just all of the the issues you have to think about and R&D is a tricky one. I remember that, but we don’t need to go into into that today. I’m keen to understand what sort of data go into this Rob. I mean, you mentioned there’s production, there’s, there’s income, there’s expenditure. So is the ABS collecting data on all of these different transactions? You’re collecting data from businesses, you’re collecting it from households? What sort of data go into the mix, Rob for GDP?

Robert Ewing  07:46

Well, I think the short answer is anything that you can get your hands on. So a good national accountant is a bit of a data scavenger, because we’re only ever looking through kind of little windows into the economy. Kind of weird, we only have these narrow snapshots. So probably the two absolute most core measures of that production side, firstly, the annual economic activity survey. And so that’s a quite a large survey that we do once a year. And we go out to businesses, and we asked them quite a lot of questions about what they produce, how much money they made, you know, kind of how their money was spent, and so forth. And that allows us, in particular, to do what is quite a complicated little fiddly job, which is to try and convert things from the world of business accountancy, into national accountancy, because there are some things where there are some very, very important differences between the way that GDP is measured. And the way that business accounts are put together. The two most important are probably the concept of profit, which can be measured quite differently to that concept of gross operating surplus I talked about before, and also the concept of depreciation, and the differences between economic depreciation and accounting depreciation. But, you know, there are a lot of very complex nuances about that. And so a lot of the economic activity surveys asking the questions that allow us to take the business’s accounting estimates and convert them into economic estimates. So that’s absolutely kind of a foundational piece of us understanding that business side of the economy. So at a quarterly level, then its equivalent will be the quarterly business indicators survey. So that’s a somewhat smaller survey and asks a much smaller set of questions was kind of trying to give us a bit of an idea about what’s happening quarter to quarter, as well. And that’s kind of a very important survey there but the range of inputs is enormous. I’m household final consumption expenditure quarterly uses something like 15 or 20 different input data series, including retail trade, data from APRA, data from various private sector organisations who provide information, data from the quarterly business indicators surveys. So there’s a, an absolute broad range, because things like those big economic activity survey or the quarterly business indicators survey don’t necessarily cover everything. And so we bring the other bits of information to kind of tell us about, particularly the expenditure side of GDP, but also thinking about the role of government, where we have a lot of data that comes directly from federal, state, territory and local governments and tells us about their activities. We have detailed trade information, probably some of our most detailed data sets on the trade side, which allows us to get a pretty good idea of what’s going on with exports and imports. We rely very heavily on the consumer price index and the Producer Price Index publications, because they give us an idea of prices in the economy. And they allow us to convert those current price numbers into volume estimates of what’s going into GDP. So the real GDP as it’s often called.

Gene Tunny  11:17

Right, okay, yep. And that’s, that’s what’s often reported, that’s the that’s seen, that’s the data set that are the item that is looked at to determine whether the economy is going into recession or not. It’s that real GDP number, that volume number where you’re trying to abstract or control for inflation that occurs? Okay, so you’ve got less data for quarterly GDP than annual, it seems, is that right? So you’ve got detailed estimates, annually, you’ve got this other survey, quarterly, you’ve got, I mean, you still got a whole bunch of data. And what are you doing? You’ve got all of these models? You’ve got I mean, Is it done in spreadsheets? Are we able to go into that, or is it in R or or Python? And then is there some way of describing what goes on?

Robert Ewing  12:10

Well, so it is, fundamentally, it’s a very large code base, in our language and computer stuff, piece of software called Fame. And if anybody listens here, knows Fame and doesn’t currently work at the ABS, please immediately make a job application, we’ll fast track you, we need as many people who know this fairly obscure computer language as possible. And so we have here that’s 1000s and 1000s, of lines of code across all sorts of different modules. The basic approach is we’re trying to build things up from the absolute base level estimates. So we’re trying to look at the lowest level of the information that comes in and when we build the GDP up from that, so it’s very much a bottoms up approach to estimating it. The approach that we take is quite different in different areas. So in some cases, we get pretty good information, quarter by quarter on what is happening in the economy. So exports and imports, as I mentioned, is a pretty good case. We know, not perfectly but you know, we have almost census level data, we know almost every transaction that’s happening with imports and exports, there are some complexities around imports and exports of services where we don’t have as strong information. But we have a pretty good idea about what’s happening there. And so all we really need to do is just make some conceptual and timing adjustments and add everything up at the other end of the spectrum would be something like imputed rent. This is a really interesting kind of concept here in GDP. So one of the really important parts of the overall economy is the service we all get from the houses that we live in. Now some of us pay for that to the rent that we send to our landlord, kind of once every week or fortnight or month. But if you own your own home, we still want to count that value, because it’s still an economic service that’s being provided in a market like environment. And so for that we have what’s called imputed rent. So we impute how much rent is there. The data set that we have for that is primarily the Australian census. So every five years as part of the census, we go out and measure every household in Australia. And that also gives us an estimate of how many households they are there are and in what type of houses and in what locations. And so putting that into a model allows us to estimate imputed rent. But between censuses, we don’t have a solid survey or a data point. And so we have to model that. So it’s really a form of nowcasting. We’re using the information that we have about changes in the population, information about household formation and information about kind of your building construction. estimates of how much demolitions are happening to us forget how the number of households are changing and we obviously have information about rents from other series. And so at that end of the spectrum, it’s really a model, which is using a bit of data. But it’s not a massive amount of data compared to like its base, which is set every five years with the census. And that will be something the team will be turning its mind to very shortly having just had the second set of census results released.

Gene Tunny  15:21

Yes, yes. Great, great work. Everyone’s excited about that. So I saw your boss, David Gruen who’s well, it was, I mean, we both worked for him and within the various times in Treasury when we were there, and you’re working for him again, at ABS. He’s been getting a bit of media on that on people working from home, which is good to see. So all very good. Rob, can I ask you about this quarterly data? So you’ve got all of these bits of data going into it? And you’ve got these different modules? And there’s all this code? Which was a revelation. So I’ll have to do some research on that. I found that fascinating. What’s the quality of the quarterly data like? I mean, I know you revise it in the future, and there’s a statistical discrepancy, isn’t there? Could you tell us a bit about what the quality of that is like first, and then we might go into the annual data and what you’re doing there? How you’re trying to, yep. If you can tell us about that, please. That’d be great.

Robert Ewing  16:20

Yes, sure. So I think that’s so I think there’s two answers given to the quality of the quarterly data. So this is all in the context of we kind of spent a lot of time and a lot of resources and a lot of effort on making the quality, the highest it can be. But inevitably, a lot of the systems and the data in the economy is fundamentally on an annual, particularly financial year basis. So if you think about the financial accounts of the company, they will be producing kind of view monthly and quarterly financial information. But it’s only at the end of the year, that they really do that complete process of producing a full set of accounts, and making all of the adjustments and thinking about all of the different bits and pieces they need to take into account. And no matter how well you’ve gathered the quarterly data, the annual data is always going to be better. So you’re always going to have this view of the world that is a little bit sketchy. And yeah, and I think that if you look at the revisions, the revisions, they will move the numbers around, they very rarely change the story of what’s going on. So GDP might move up a little point one or point two, down to point one or point two, but very rarely does the story of what’s happening to the economy change very substantially. The other element to that is that even the quarterly estimates get a bit better with time. So we produce the estimates for GDP, roughly nine weeks after the end of the quarter. So our June quarter is published in the first week of September, on the first Wednesday in September. So that is a pretty good amount of time. But there’s still information that continues to come in, there will be businesses that we surveyed, who didn’t have time to respond, there will be data sources, for instance, ATO tax data, some of that won’t even arrive until after the national accounts has been published. So our picture of each quarter gets better with time as we gather more data, and you know, some late returns come in. And so that’s part of what contributes. But the big story is that really, GDP is fundamentally an annual measure that we can do on a finer time horizon using really a combination of different approaches. And for some things, such as household final consumption expenditure, there’s not a massive difference in the quality between the quarterly and the annual household final consumption expenditure has pretty much the same sets of information. But if you’re thinking about production, it’s quite different. And yeah, you mentioned statistical discrepancy. I think this is probably a good, a good way to talk about how we actually measure those three measures of GDP in practice, and how we actually make them equal to each other as they theoretically should be. So when we measure GDP every quarter, we can. It is very rare that the three measures come out exactly the same. Probably has happened once or twice. We were probably very suspicious when it did happen. As of now that can’t be right. There can’t be equal. We do two things in response there. Firstly, we use the differences between them as a way of looking at the different components and models and data sources and thinking about, are there gaps here? Are there adjustments that we should be making? There are other pieces of information that we should be seeking that would allow us to bring those measures closer together, but we’re not going to arbitrate them all together without some source of evidence for that. And so the three measures will be a little bit different from each other. So in order to get the measure of GDP that’s published on the front page of the webpage, what we do is we average the three of them. And so we have what’s called GDP A for average. And that is really just literally you add the three measures, and you divide by three. And you know, for those who are fans of the details, you’d notice, now we’re doing that in terms of the level of GDP, not the percentage change. Now, of course, it would be nice to get rid of that statistical discrepancy. And to do that, we need that information set that we have for the annual publication. And this brings us to, I suppose, what is the core of kind of producing like the benchmark GDP estimates, which is a process that’s called supply use balancing. And so I talked before about the idea that we can match production to income to expenditure at that top level. But in theory, we can also do that for every individual product that’s produced in the economy, that we should be able to say, for every products, let’s say, mushrooms, just picking on that one, because it’s very early in the list. We know, you know, in theory, we know we’ve produced you know, this many mushrooms. And you know, we know this many mushrooms got used by restaurants and other people and food manufacturers, this many mushrooms got sold to households, this many mushrooms got exported. And so in theory, we know well, those two numbers, the supply of the product and the use of the product have to be equal. We’ve defined as the way we’ve defined GDP, of course, the way that we’ve measured everything, through all these different surveys, we haven’t gotten a complete survey of every single person in the economy, we haven’t asked every single household what they consume. So we know there are some errors there and they don’t balance. And so every year, we go through this process of supply use balancing where we look at products, we don’t look at it at the level of every single kind of view, 375 mil Coke can, and 750 mil Coke can, and we have about 300 products that we look at so that we broad categories, like legal services, or metal, steel manufacturing products, or things like that. And we look for each of those products. We want to balance, how much was produced, how much got used by households, by government, how much got exported, how much went into inventories, and how much was used by other industries in their own production. And we make sure across all of those products, the supply and use is balanced. And once we’ve achieved that, then we have the three measures of GDP will be equal, because we’ve now brought those two halves of the measurement of the economy together. And so that’s, I suppose that’s the really, that’s the big work that kind of goes on, after a year is completed. So once we’ve finished the financial year, then the work starts on producing those supply use tables and doing that balancing. And when you’ve done that, the reason that’s important is I suppose it gives you that foundation that you can build on. So when policymakers are looking at GDP, they’re mainly going to be focused on what’s happening to GDP. Right now, they don’t care about what happened to GDP a year and a bit ago, which is about how long it takes us to produce those supply use tables. But through producing them, we make sure we’ve got an accurate representation of how much every different industry and sector and product matters. And so when we take that information, that’s you know, kind of you know, that lesser information set that we have quarterly to update the numbers and say, well, this is how much this bid has grown. We’ve given GDP the best base to sense, put everything together and give you the most accurate information out of the most recent quarter.

Gene Tunny  24:14

Okay, we’ll take a short break here for a word from our sponsor.

Female speaker  24:19

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Gene Tunny  24:48

Now back to the show. So this they supply use tables. That’s what you’d call an input-output table. Is that right Rob? This is an input-output table your developing, how these industries interact with each other, the flows of resources between them and then what goes to sales, what’s exported, etc?

Robert Ewing  25:09

It’s a very closely related cousin of an input-output table. So there are a couple of pretty technical differences between supply use tables and input-output tables. Importantly, in Australia, the input-output tables that we produce are a lot more detail. So I mentioned supply use, we’ve got about 60 industries times 300 products, when we get to the input-output tables, we’re able to expand that to about 115 industries and a bit over 900 progress. So we can give you more detail in the parameters as a couple of other technical details. But it’s broadly that same sort of concept. It’s trying to understand what is produced in the economy, and how it flows through the economy. And they’re a very powerful analytical tool.

Gene Tunny  25:53

Yeah, absolutely and Rob what I think’s interesting is you meant just, I mean, you’ve got all of this data and you’ve got these three measures that on a quarterly basis, you’re trying to get as close as possible. And you mentioned that, look, you have to make some adjustments. I mean, so there’s some judgement involved, but that’s going to be informed as much as possible by other data or whatever information you’re gathering. And you talked about he getting data from a huge range of sources, government and your own surveys, from the private sector. You probably can’t go into this. But what I’ve what I’ve been surprised at now is just how much real time data or up to date data that banks for instance, so the who else is Dun and Bradstreet, they’ve got whatever they’re called now, they’ve got more up to date data about how things are going into the economy, I presume the ABS is, is trying to get hold of some of that data.

Robert Ewing  26:52

Yeah, no, absolutely. And we have, for instance, on the bank data, we have a new publication, it’s been running since February this year, which is the monthly household spending indicator. And so that takes information from bank transactions, so credit card and debit card data. And it gives you a much broader picture of what’s happening to household consumption, then the retail trade survey does, the retail trade survey was a great survey. It’s one of the longest running surveys, and it’s very closely watched. But it only tells you about a third of consumption. Because today, in terms of things, you can walk into a store and buy or kind of buy through a retailer online, that’s only about a third of what households consume every day, when we’ve got the amount of the household spend indicator variable to expand out to more categories of consumption. And so that covers a little over two thirds of consumption of households. So that kind of finer grained data is definitely something we’re very interested in. Another example is the monthly business turnover indicator, which is another fairly recent publication. I think that started a little under 12 months ago, that takes ATO business activity statement data, and it gives you a month by month picture of how the turnover is moving in different industries. And so these are giving us that month by month picture of what’s happening in the economy. And that’s something which in the past, we’ve had to rely on the quarterly surveys and the quarterly national accounts for and I think that’s really exciting development with the data becoming more available. And, you know, the ABS showing its capability to transform that data into useful insight for people is definitely something we see is a growing kind of part of the business but going forward.

Gene Tunny  28:51

Yeah, absolutely. And it’s so important as we’re trying to monitor the economy as the RBA and the Treasury are monitoring the economy. And, and you know, that obviously feeds into policy. But yeah, that’s, that’s something for another another time. Right, on the supply use balancing, if you just got some a little bit, a few more minutes, while you’re trying to get these data internally consistent, it’s all about making sure everything adds up. All of these data are consistent. It’s the story makes sense. This balancing, I think I asked you about this on LinkedIn, what do you do, how do you do this, this a some sort of algorithm, is it..

Robert Ewing  29:31

So it’s a mix of things here? So for a lot of the large things, it is a human being looking at the data and looking at the whole picture and making a decision about all based on what I know, this is the bit here that must be wrong. So there’s a lot of it, which we’re not yet able to put into an algorithm. But if you think about I mean, I described that kind of 60 by 300 kind of matrix, you know, it’s an enormous number of cells. Once you’ve got to fill in, and so once we get past those things where you can reasonably make a human judgement. We use an algorithm, it’s a constrained optimization algorithm. And what we do is we tell that algorithm, the same things that we know from the national accounts framework. So we tell that algorithm, things like, Well, we know, you know, this supply has to equal this use. And we can also give it some other parameters, kind of like, it’s rare that the financial sector consumes many sheep directly, for instance, you know, so you can apply a bunch of constraints there, and it can then kind of go away, and it can algorithmically kind of find a sensible solution for you based on that. But the reality is that, you know, right, this second, there isn’t a good solution from a lot of this beyond a human being who can look at and just make a judgement about what makes sense here, you know, does it make more sense to kind of say that the excess rolled steel production is going to be going to export or to households? Because the algorithm is not going to have a view on that one, but the human is going to be able to say, no, no, we must have just mismeasured some exports there. Yeah, let’s have a look at that.

Gene Tunny  31:15

Yeah, gotcha. Okay. Yeah. So some constraint optimizations and judgement. Very good. And right so Rob, this is all fascinating. Is there any, any other points you think would be important for, for us to understand in detail to appreciate just the magnitude of this task? So I think I’m hoping we people understand how important these data are. And I’ve covered that in a previous episode. But is there anything else we should know, in terms of just the, the, you know, what, what are the challenges for ABS in doing this? Because it does take several months, doesn’t it, you do this on a quarterly basis, and it comes out, it comes out two months after the end of the quarter, doesn’t it? So there’s obviously a lot of work involved.

Robert Ewing  32:02

Yeah. And I think I divide that into two halves. So there’s about a month of data gathering and so this is kind of you the various surveys going out and measuring things. So it’s kind of, you know, working with partners, such as the banks and private sector, and governments, and so on to get the information streams. And then there’s about a month of what we call compilation, sitting down, running the pros, running the computer code, seeing how the numbers make sense or not. And then ultimately, you know, writing media releases and producing a publication and getting it onto the website. And just to put it in a plug, also, for our new product, which is, we are each quarter producing a nice little list of, you know, 10 to 15 things you should know about the national accounts. It’s nice and easy to digest. And you can just find that on the ABS web page. So if you find the idea of clicking on a GDP release a little intimidating, we’ve got some much more user friendly products available now. But yeah, it’s as you say, it’s about a couple of months to put it together. It’s the work of hundreds of people across the ABS, once you count the people in the survey divisions, the data acquisition divisions, all the other publications such as the balance of payments, the capital expenditure, the business indicators publication, which all feed into the national accounts, the communications team, the compilation team it’s hundreds of people across the ABS contributing to every quarter. And they are not to forget the 1000s of businesses and households answering surveys out there. I mean, the most fundamental thing is just how grateful the ABS is for the people who take the time out of their busy business and personal lives to kind of give us this data that we need to tell Australia about what’s happening.

Gene Tunny  33:57

Yeah, yeah, that’s a good point. Yeah, absolutely.

Robert Ewing  34:00

And one final point I’d make is, GDP is the figure that gets all the fun headlines. But the national accounts are a very rich publication. They tell you about a lot of different parts of the economy, they can take a bit of expertise to understand. But there’s a lot of information in the national accounts beyond GDP. It tells you about how each state is tracking, it tells you about the consumption of different goods and services in the economy. It tells you about the balance sheets of households and governments and businesses. There’s a massive amount of information beyond that top level GDP figure in there and I think a lot of the criticisms you sometimes hear about GDP not taking into account depreciation or not taking into account other things. An awful lot of that is in there somewhere. But it is a very big publication. I know it can be a bit intimidating to try and find anything in it.

Gene Tunny  34:58

Yes, yeah, but you’re right there, Rob. And, I know that there is work going on. And it may not be in the national accounts, the core national accounts, we do have satellite accounts. I know you’ve, you’ve tried to estimate the contribution of different sectors like tourism. And I’m trying to remember if you’ve done natural, natural capital estimates. So I think there are some other estimates where you’ve tried to estimate them, I’ll have to check. I remember, this is one of the issues or one of the things people are concerned about is that GDP doesn’t take into account environmental degradation. And so but there are estimates, there are people who have looked at those sorts of estimates, I’ll have a look offline and just add something in the show notes if I need to. But I know that that’s one of the issues people are concerned about.

Robert Ewing  35:49

And it looks, it’s there. It’s not my area of expertise. But there’s a whole range of work that the ABS has done on environmental economic accounts, which is really bringing together those two data sources. And I think that’s one of the unique advantages of the ABS is because we kind of sit in the middle of this data architecture, we can bring together the data that we have from these different domains and put them next to each other. And we can see how the story of the environment and particular aspects such of water align with the story of the economy. And you know, it’s something which is still like an ongoing piece of work to fully develop all the products there, but something we’ve been actively developing over the past.

Gene Tunny  36:32

Okay, very good. Rob, in from the ABS. Thanks so much for your time. I really enjoyed that. And, yeah, I look forward to seeing more of your contributions on LinkedIn. I think that I’ve been learning a lot about the work that you’ve that you do over at ABS and I’ve got a renewed appreciation for that work. So thanks again, Rob. Very good.

Robert Ewing  36:53

Thank you very much.

Gene Tunny  36:55

Okay, that’s the end of this episode of Economics Explored. I hope you enjoyed it. If so, please tell your family and friends and leave a comment or give us a rating on your podcast app. If you have any comments, questions, suggestions, you can feel free to send them to contact@economicsexplored.com And we’ll aim to address them in a future episode. Thanks for listening. Until next week, goodbye

Thanks to Josh Crotts for mixing the episode and to the show’s sponsor, Gene’s consultancy business www.adepteconomics.com.au

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