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Podcast episode

America’s Retirement Crisis: The Pressing Need to Address Social Security’s Financial Woes – EP233

Michael Johnston, CFA of WealthChannel and show host Gene Tunny dissect the pressing issues facing the US Social Security system. Amid predictions of future insolvency, they discuss the demographic trends, financial realities, and policy adjustments needed to safeguard retirement incomes for generations to come.

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About this episode’s guest: Michael Johnston, CFA

Michael Johnston, CFA is a financial industry veteran with a passion for improving outcomes for retail investors.

Following stints in corporate finance and investment banking, Michael founded ETF Database (ETFdb) and grew it into the largest independent media property covering exchange-traded funds (ETFs). Under Michael’s leadership, the company achieved a commanding position within the ETF industry and played a key role in the “low cost revolution” that saw hundreds of billions of dollars flow from expensive mutual funds to low cost ETFs.

ETFdb is now a part of TSX Group, a publicly-traded financial services company that operates the Toronto Stock Exchange.

Michael co-founded WealthChannel with a mission of helping investors achieve financial independence by radically simplifying retirement planning and investing. Michael is responsible for WealthChannel’s content and education initiatives, including its flagship WealthChannel Academy.

Michael graduated from the University of Notre Dame with a degree in finance, and now resides in Oregon with his wife and son. He is active in his community as a member of the Board of Directors of the Lane Regional Air Protection Agency (LRAPA) and a volunteer at Hosea Youth Services.

What’s covered in EP233

  • [00:02:59] Sustainability of Social Security.
  • [00:03:52] Retirement crisis in America.
  • [00:09:43] Americans living longer.
  • [00:13:25] Social Security trust fund depletion.
  • [00:17:38] Social Security sustainability.
  • [00:18:59] Social Security Funding Solutions.
  • [00:24:36] Frankenstein policy solutions.
  • [00:27:50] Immigration and Social Security.
  • [00:30:46] Retirement age and social security.
  • [00:35:54] Retirement savings statistics.
  • [00:38:19] Retirement and financial literacy.
  • [00:41:26] Retirement savings options in the States.
  • [00:45:02] Social Security explained.
  • [00:50:26] Social Security and retirement accounts.

Takeaways

  1. Social Security Sustainability: The Social Security program in the US faces sustainability challenges due to changing demographics and financial dynamics.
  2. Retirement Crisis: There is a retirement crisis in the US, with nearly half of Americans having no retirement savings and relying heavily on Social Security for income in retirement.
  3. Potential Solutions: Various solutions were discussed, including raising the retirement age, adjusting cost-of-living adjustments, and increasing taxes to shore up the system.
  4. Individual Retirement Accounts: The US offers tax-effective retirement savings options like 401(k)s and Roth IRAs, but many Americans are not effectively using these tools.

Comparison with Other Countries: The discussion highlighted differences in retirement systems between the US and countries like Australia, where superannuation accounts play a significant role in retirement planning.

Links relevant to the conversation

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Transcript: America’s Retirement Crisis: The Pressing Need to Address Social Security’s Financial Woes – EP233

N.B. This is a lightly edited version of a transcript originally created using the AI application otter.ai. It may not be 100 percent accurate, but should be pretty close. If you’d like to quote from it, please check the quoted segment in the recording.

Michael Johnston  00:04

It seems as if the entire system is going to collapse, it’s still gonna be you know, it’s still gonna be generating. Like I said, 2033 will be the best year ever in terms of inflows into Social Security. The problem is that the outflows are also going to be at their their highest level ever.

Gene Tunny  00:24

Welcome to the economics explored podcast, a frank and fearless exploration of important economic issues. I’m your host gene Tunny. I’m a professional economist and former Australian Treasury official. The aim of this show is to help you better understand the big economic issues affecting all our lives. We do this by considering the theory evidence and by hearing a wide range of views. I’m delighted that you can join me for this episode, please check out the show notes for relevant information. Now on to the show. Hello, thanks for tuning into the show. My guest this episode is Michael Johnston, who has a strong track record and corporate finance and investment banking. Michael co founder at ETF database and latent wealth channel. At wealth channel he has dedicated himself to demystifying Retirement Planning and Investment. In this episode, we dive deep into the intricacies of the US retirement income system, focusing on the Social Security programmes sustainability challenges. Michael sheds light on the pressing issues confronting this critical component of American retirement planning, and explores potential pathways to ensure its viability for future generations. This episode of Economics Explored is brought to you by Lumo coffee, which has three times the healthy antioxidants of regular coffee Lumo coffee offers a 20% discount for economics explored listeners until the 30th of April 2020. For details are in the shownotes, you check out Lumo seriously healthy organic coffee at Lumocoffee.com. Righto, we’d better get into it. I hope you enjoy the episode. Michael Johnson from wealth channel, welcome to the programme. Hey, great

Michael Johnston  02:08

to be with you.

Gene Tunny  02:09

Excellent. Michael, looking forward to chatting with you today. I know that you’ve been doing a lot of thinking about the retirement income system in the US, and particularly the Social Security system. So I mean, we’re hearing all sorts of concerns about sustainability of that scheme. What it all, you know what the implications are? So, to start off with, I’d like to ask, what do you see as the the big issue with Social Security in the US? What’s the state of the retirement income system?

Michael Johnston  02:48

Yeah, great question. So to jump right into it, the state of it is it will not exist in its current form, and 10 years, it cannot. And that’s, that’s not a political statement. It’s just a mathematical one, like the way that the numbers work. And I’m sure we’re gonna dive into this. It cannot exist, the way that it’s existed for the last 40 or 50 years, something’s got to change. And something pretty significant has to change, because the math of it just just no longer works. And we can dive into why why it no longer works. And this is a big issue, because here in the US, I mean, we have we have a retirement crisis, people don’t have enough money for retirement. So Social Security becomes a big piece of that. And it’s I think it’s similar around the world to varying degrees, what extent this is a crisis. But here in the US, you know, depending on which numbers you use, in which year in which survey, it’s close to half of folks have no money saved for retirement, they just have nothing saved. Wrong. And that’s, you know, I don’t need to explain why that’s bad. But as folks, you know, sometimes retirement isn’t isn’t voluntary, you something becomes you get an injury, you lose your mental acuity, you can no longer work. So I mean, obviously, that’s, that’s, you know, in my mind, it’s a crisis. It’s a crisis that no one’s talking about is that no one’s prepared for retirement anymore.

Gene Tunny  04:05

So that means that half of Americans retiring, yeah, they’re going to be solely reliant on the Social Security check from, from the US government. Yeah,

Michael Johnston  04:16

that’s right. It’s Social Security. And this is why it’s so important is because they don’t have any retirement savings of their own, I should have, I should have qualified that they didn’t have retirement savings of their own or they don’t have nearly enough. So when when they do retire, for whatever reason, and at whatever age, they are, to your point there for a lot of folks, Social Security is a primary or the primary source of income in retirement. And it’s kind of a rule of thumb. You know, I always tell folks, you know, it’s not it’s not designed to replace your pre retirement income. It is designed to replace a portion of it, but it’s typically 25 to 35% of your pre retirement income that it’s designed to replace. So it’s a big piece, you know, and a lot of folks You know, even folks who have been doing their own saving, who have been doing all the right things, a lot of those folks are still counting on Social Security to be a big piece of their retirement puzzle. So, so that’s why this is why this is so critical here in the US is because it’s this, it’s a huge component. It’s a huge part of most people’s retirement plans. For some people, it’s the only part of it essentially. So to hear that it’s in jeopardy here that it’s it’s not on sound, financial footing or something needs to change. It’s going to impact literally hundreds of millions of people. And it’s their, you know, their livelihood, the way that a lot of them are going to put food on the table in what should be their golden years. Yeah.

Gene Tunny  05:37

And so how does it work? So you make, is it FICA contributions through your lifetime? Is everyone covered by it? How does it actually work in practice? Yeah, so

Michael Johnston  05:49

essentially, what happens is, every American has, for each paycheck, there’s there’s deductions from their paychecks, so they have their gross pay what they make before any deductions, one of the deductions is something called FICA, the Federal Insurance Contributions Act. Long story short, every American has 6.2% of their gross wages withheld as as a Social Security tax. And then their employer matches that their employer chips in another 6.2%. So 12.4% of your gross wages is put into Social Security on your behalf each year. And then once you hit a just kind of some, some nuances, and then some complex formulas and some options, so essentially, you pay into it during your working years. And then you have the option starting at age 62, you can push it back as late as age 70. If you want the formula switches and you start withdrawing from the system. And again, there’s a formula for what you can expect to get each month, it’s based on how much you put in. So the more you make, the more you put in, the more you can expect to receive, there is a what I call a progressive formula applied, meaning that essentially, the less you make, the greater percentage of your income is going to be covered. But yeah, at a high level, you pay into it during your working years. And then somewhere between age 62 and 70, the tables turn and you start pulling out from the system. And for a long time, this was great, because there were more more money flowing into the system, more money flowing into Social Security in the form of these payroll taxes, the FICA, payroll tax that you mentioned, there’s more money flowing in from that than there was going out to beneficiaries. So essentially, for the last several decades, we’ve had this surplus, and we built up this nice rainy day fund, what I like to call it this rainy day fund. But now the rainy day has come. And it’s going to be around for a while, unfortunately. So the tables have kind of turned here. And unfortunately, now the outflows are starting to outpace the inflows by by quite a bit, actually.

Gene Tunny  07:53

And that’s because the we had the big baby boomer cohort after the war, and they made a lot of contributions, but now they’re going to be relying on Social Security. So I mean, what happens? So if you don’t work? I mean, it’s, I guess most people will work to some extent, over their lifetime, but there will be some who, who have limited work history, or won’t or there’ll be in? I don’t know, you know, gig work or informal work. So are they covered as well, or they’re not covered?

Michael Johnston  08:29

Yeah, it’s, it’s a great question. So kind of to two parts of that. So if you don’t, where there is a minimum work requirement, you said, you have to work for 40 quarters, or for 10 years, you have to pay into it to be eligible. But that is that essentially has to be any above the table form of work. So if you’re doing gig work, you’re still paying into this. If you’re self employed, you’re still paying into this, you’re just paying the employee and the employer piece of it. So yes, there is a minimum requirement that you or your spouse has to work for, has to work for 10 quarters to be eligible. But you know, even if you’re self employed, or it’s gig work, or it’s it’s hourly work, you’re still paying into it. It’s regardless of your income level. It’s kind of different from our income tax system here. So so it’s, you know, it affects the vast majority of people, the vast majority of people are eligible for Social Security. They’ve done the minimum requirements that met the work requirements paid into it enough, worked long enough to be eligible for these benefits. And then I just want to go back quickly, quickly, gene is something you mentioned about, well, what’s what’s kind of happened here, like why have these tables turned? And there’s a couple things and one of them’s one of them is a great thing is that in America, people are living longer like they are around much of the world and that’s fantastic. Right? The life expectancy has has gone up quite a bit over the last 50 years more so for women and for men, but for both women are living a lot longer men are living quite a bit longer. And that’s that’s wonderful, right but From a fiscal perspective, that means that they’re collecting benefits for longer, you know, five years of life expectancy means another 60 monthly payments of Social Security. So that kind of threw a wrench into some of the plans. And then as you mentioned, people having fewer kids back in the 1960s, the average woman here was having something like 3.6 Kids, essentially fallen in half. And that’s just a massive, massive decline. And I know that similar things are happening around the world, some places more acutely than in America, some places less acutely, but similar issues playing out all over the place. Yeah,

Gene Tunny  10:34

yeah, exactly. So just thinking about this. So this dates back to FDR, doesn’t it to the days of the New Deal, and they set up a trust fund to to fund this, the Social Security benefits? I mean, I guess, you know, maybe there was some modelling done back in the 30s. Whenever they said it, set it up the actuarial modelling you need, but I mean, the issue is the issue that there’s an act of Congress, which sets out the entitlements, to Social Security, what you’ll get paid, but that doesn’t bear a close connection with, you know, the actual financial health of this game. Is that the issue?

Michael Johnston  11:15

Yeah, so the, I mean, this year, as of this programme, kind of, it kind of stands alone, and it has one source of income. It’s this, this payroll tax, that we talked about this FICA, the 6.2%, that the employee pays and the 6.2% that the employer pays. So it has essentially one source of income. And that source of income is dependent, essentially, on how many people are working, how many people are entering the workforce and staying in the workforce? So it’s, you know, there’s not, we can talk about this a little bit more, there’s a few levers you can pull there, but it’s essentially very dependent on how many people are working, and how much are they paying into the system. And that has been, I think, under it’s been less than what was initially projected, or was kind of projected a long time ago, for the reasons, for one of the reasons we talked about starting in, you know, in the mid 1980s, like in the mid 1980s, the birth rate had fallen quite a bit because similar to now inflation was really high interest rates were really high, it was not a great time to be having kids from a financial perspective. And so the birth rate had fallen, and now you fast forward. From there 2030 years, there weren’t enough babies born 20 years ago that are now entering that are now entering into the workforce. So, you know, that’s the issue is that there’s there’s not enough. But essentially, it’s kind of coming at it from both sides. There’s there’s more beneficiaries than were anticipated, because people are living longer. And I want to emphasise again, that’s a great thing. And on the other side of it, there’s not enough people who are now just coming into the workforce who are able to essentially pay into the system through this payroll tax. So that’s the issue is that those those two things again, for a long time, it was kind of the reverse, there was more money coming in and there was going out. And unfortunately, now, now it’s it’s flipped.

Gene Tunny  13:05

Yeah. And do you know, the and what are the projections? So like, it’s got a there’s a balance, and you’re saying that the outflows are exceeding the the inflows and so therefore the balance is going to be running down? Do you know what the roughly what the current balance is? And when it’s projected to get to? to zero?

Michael Johnston  13:24

Yeah, so it’s, you know, it’s been for the last 4050 years, there’s been, like I said, this the surplus, and we’ve done all the right things, right, we set it into this trust fund into this rainy day fund. Because that’s, that’s what you should do in that situation is exactly what you should do. So let’s see, I’m pulling up the reserves here. And it’s almost peaked out at almost $3 trillion. We had in this rainy day fund that was built up over the course of 4050 years of these these surpluses, the problem is now this has just flipped within the last couple of years. And we’re depleting that that $3 trillion at a pretty incredible pace. So it’s going to run out somewhere around 2033 2034, based on the current projections, so less than a decade. So I mean, you could call that good news or bad news, right? We kind of see this calming theory, we’ve got time to do something about it. It’s not going to happen tomorrow or next year. We’ve got time. But it’s pretty incredible that, again, just the rate at which this has been depleted, considering that it was built up over many, many decades. And this just slipped by the way within the last couple of years was the first time we had more money going out than coming in. But it’s it’s hundreds of billions of dollars a year that it’s going to be about 150 billion this year that we deplete, and that number is only going to go up so we’ve got this massive rainy day fund, but unfortunately, it’s just been depleted very, very quickly.

Gene Tunny  14:51

Yeah. And Michael would you know what’s, what would actually happen is it if it did run out of money with the Treasury So you have to inject funds into it? Or would, or would it just be? Oh, well, we’ll just got to make do with what we’ve got. I mean, do you have any thoughts on what? what would actually happen in that case? If it didn’t have enough money?

Michael Johnston  15:13

Yeah, it’s, it’s a great, it’s a great question. So there’s, there’s kind of a couple of ways to, to answer that question. I guess I’m not actually sure gene statutorily, or, or, you know, mechanically, what would happen if, if nothing else changed, and we hit that point. So, you know, a lot of people have this misconception that Social Security is going bankrupt, and it’s not going to be around, you’re not going to get anything from it. So that’s partially true. But it’s actually this, it’s this trust fund, more specifically, that is going bankrupt. So in 2033, I said that this trust fund is going to run out of money in 2033, Social Security is gonna have more money than ever before coming in. The problem is, it’s also going to have more money than going out. Yeah, right. Yeah. So this this trust fund right now that we’re dipping into, that’s only covering a portion of the benefits, the lion’s share of the benefits are still coming in each year from these payroll taxes. So that’s a misconception that a lot of people have a lot of really smart people have, you know, part of it’s due to these these fear mongering headlines, you see, Social Security is going bankrupt. Yeah. Can I get your benefits anymore? So So yes, it’s, it’s, it’s certainly not on financial flooding, like I said, it’s not going to exist in its current form a decade from now something needs to change, but it’s not as if it’s, it’s not as if the entire system is going to collapse, it’s still gonna be you know, it’s still gonna be generating, like I said, 2033 will be the best year ever, in terms of inflows into Social Security. The problem is that the outflows are also going to be are also going to be at their their highest level ever. So. So as far as what would happen, well, like something’s gotta give, right, we’ve got to either get more money into the system, or we’ve got to cut benefits and stop spending less essentially, the only expenses is benefit payments to retirees. So there’s actually there’s a lot of different levers that that could be pulled there, at a high level, you’ve either got to raise taxes and bring in more money, or you cut the cut the benefit payments, but it wouldn’t be cutting it by 100%. It would be cutting it by 10 to 20%, essentially. But that’s again, I don’t want to minimise that that’s a big deal for a lot of people who have been counting on this, and they’ve been paying in each month each week, whatever it is, and kind of counting on having this in their retirement all of a sudden tell them actually we’re going to cut it by 20%. Put a lot of people on a pretty tough situation. Yeah,

Gene Tunny  17:38

yeah. I mean, it sounds. Yeah, politically. I mean, it sounds like it’d be very difficult to do that. And I know that this is an issue in the it’s been an issue in the political debates. And one of the I think, saga and Jerry made this point on the breaking points channel, he said that, you know, this was one of the reasons that Trump was popular with a lot of people in middle America, because in 2016, he came out and said, I actually support social security, and I won’t cut those benefits. I think it’d be very challenging to do that. Would you ever feel for how much the contributions would have to increase Michael to actually make put it on a sustainable footing?

Michael Johnston  18:17

Yeah, it’s a it’s a great question. So yeah, I think that Well, first of all, you’re absolutely right, that this is a couple of ways to look at this, that if you want to, if you want to look at his glass half full, there’s a lot of ways to fix this, right? There’s actually kind of a lot of levers you can pull, and we’ll talk more about those. The bad news is they’re all terrible options, like they’re going to they’re going to really anger, one group of people or another. Like there’s no good options here. There’s no easy fix. And politicians generally like to stay away from from problems that have no easy fix, it’s kind of guaranteed to piss off someone in one way or another. They like to stay away from those for as long as possible. So I’d expect this Ken to kind of get to kind of get kicked down the road. Now towards kind of more specifically answer your second question there. If we were to say, you know, if we were to say, Okay, we can’t cut benefits, that’s, that’s off the table. And I tend to think that’s the case because that would upset retirees who are counting on this. And in the US one thing retirees do pretty consistently, one thing they’re pretty good at is they show up on election day. And the candidate who says, Hey, I’m cutting your benefits by 20%. Like, I just don’t think that’s practically viably an option. I don’t know maybe I can be proven wrong. I don’t have a great track record of predicting political outcomes. But that just sounds like you generally don’t get elected here. And I think in most places by kind of angry and or upsetting the retirees. So that kind of puts you to the other side of the equation. Well, if we’re if we’re not going to cut benefits, if we’re not going to slash benefits, how much do we have to increase taxes? So the estimates that I’ve seen are I’d have to go About 12.4%. So again, right now that’s 6.2% coming from employees, their employers match that. So you get to 12.4. I’ve seen estimates that if we increase that to 16%, so presumably eight and eight, that would shore this up for 75 years or so. Now, that’s I think that’s, that’s a big ask to to tell people in this current environment, when when inflation has already taken a huge bite out of their paycheck, you know, hey, by the way, we’re going to take another, we’re going to take another 2% out of your paycheck, and by the way, employers, your payroll cost just went out by it’s a lot more than 2%. Because it’s, it’s, you know, instead of paying 6%, they’re paying, they’re paying 8% here. So, I mean, that’s a tough sell to right. So you kind of say, retirees, I’m not going to cut your Social Security, that’s one way of hearing that message. The other way is, well, the only other option then is to increase taxes. So right to kind of to two bad options there, at least in my mind, those are our two bad options that I think would be difficult sells politically to different groups of people for different reasons. But but still tough sells politically. Yeah.

Gene Tunny  21:11

And so these contribution taxes are these payroll taxes, they’re the same, regardless of the person’s income, is that right? And in terms of the rate, there’s no, there’s not a progressive rate at all?

Michael Johnston  21:24

Correct. It’s not a progressive rate. So so it kind of starts at your first dollar and it goes up. So there is actually kind of the opposite of that there is a cap on it. So I think for for this year, it changes each year, I believe that only your first it’s about $168,000, you pay this 6.2%. And then after that, it drops to zero. So only the first bout $168,000 of income is subject to the Social Security taxes. So I think you’ve touched on here, you’ve kind of got the two extreme options, you raise taxes to 16%, you slash benefits by 20%. Those are like the two easy extreme options. And then you get into kind of all these little things you can do around the edges that kind of nibble away at this. And you just you just touched on one of them with that last question. That’s one of the things you can do, you can say, okay, it’s no longer only your first $168,000 Look, bump that up, it’s the first $250,000 Or it’s the first 200,000 Or you know, you can move that up and down, you take the first million dollars in social in, in your, your income is going to be subject to Social Security taxes, and you kind of start nibbling away a little bit at the edges. It’s not quite as big of a lever to pull as just saying, we’re going to increase the tax rate to 16%. But I don’t know, I think personally, my opinion here. I think that’s a lot more palatable politically to say we’re going to make because it kind of targets high earners, right. So we’re going to say, we’re going to raise this this limit from 168 to 250. It’s going to bring in a little bit more money, like yes, it’s a tax increase. But it’s it’s only really affecting people who make more than $168,000 a year. So then you kind of start getting into these, like I said, these little things that they kind of chip away at the problem. They don’t they don’t fix it in one fell swoop. But you kind of start to nibble away at it. Yeah,

Gene Tunny  23:16

I’m wondering, I’m wondering, too, is whether it’s a bit technical. I could I might, I can look it up later. I’m just wondering, has that 100? And was 168,000. Has that been indexed to inflation? Or does it get regularly adjusted for inflation? It

Michael Johnston  23:31

is, yeah, it’s been indexed for inflation. So it is it is going up, you know, which I think makes it a little bit harder to it’d be easier to sell if it had gone up 20 years, right. And it was at this level that was last set and 9090 or something, but it has gone up, which I think makes it you know, a little bit of a harder sell. But I still think that’s probably one of the least one of the least controversial ways to do this. Or it’s going to upset the the fewest number of people here. And I think there’s some other options too. And maybe we can talk about the like, I think there’s other ways that you kind of, I call it you kind of Frankenstein together a solution. You don’t you don’t take this drastic action of slashing benefits or this really visible significant tax hike. But you can kind of I think string together a few of these things that kind of maybe start having that effect.

Gene Tunny  24:19

Yeah, yeah. Well, I mean, I think in a lot of the, the policy outcomes you see, or the you know, the attempted solutions are Frankenstein solutions in a way. So yeah, I’d be interested in your thoughts on that marketplace.

Michael Johnston  24:35

Yeah, so I think you know, one of the things you can do is you can increase the retirement age. So right now in the US, we say that the full retirement age is 67 years old. So people are living longer. I mean, you could say, well, you’re not going to start getting your benefits at 67. Now we’re going to bump that up to 68 or 69 or 70. And we’ve actually done this before like the the starting age for Social Security used to be 65. And then it went up to 66. And now we’re kind of gradually phasing it up to 67. So, you know, that’s, that’s one of those things that again, kind of kind of nibbling around the edges. And it means that you kind of this is on the other side of the equation. Now, on the benefit side of the equation, that means, well, next year is justice, security’s not gonna have to pay out to 67 year old, you got to wait till you’re 68 6970. I think that that kind of chips away at it a little bit, you could also tinker with. So to your point, you asked about indexing for inflation. So Social Security benefits go up each year, they get adjusted a cola adjustment, a cost of living adjustment, so those benefits go up each year to account for inflation. So you can tinker with that a little bit. And that’s effective, like, it’s the same thing as cutting the benefit, like you’re effectively cutting the benefit, right, because you’re gonna have less of a cost of living adjustments. So it’s it, but I think it’s my point, I guess is I think it’s more palatable. Even if the the bottom line effect is the exact same, you’re effectively cutting benefits to say, we’re going to rein in those cost of living adjustments every year, we’re going to do them a little bit less than the general rate of inflation, and we’re gonna change the methodology of how we calculate those. So we’re gonna lower we’re going to rein in our benefit payments or outflows a little bit, but in a way that maybe isn’t quite so offensive, politically raw, stringing together some of these and you kind of start to have, I think you start to get to shoring up this programme, or at least kicking the can a little bit further down the road. You know, another option and to just get into, like a political lightning or out here is another another lever level here is immigration, right. Like, if you need more people to pay into the system, one way to do that is to bring in to loosen the immigration restrictions and say, Let’s have let’s have a lot more people coming into the country who are going to work, who are going to pay into Social Security. And that kind of offsets the fact that people are having so few kids 2025 years ago. So, you know, again, I don’t think any of these is this is the fix on its own. And there’s there’s issues with all of these things that I’ve proposed here. But you know, it’s kind of done in moderation, you get to start putting stringing together, something that moves the needle.

Gene Tunny  27:26

Yeah, yes. I was just thinking about that, Michael, I mean, immigration, I guess the issue is that, you know, that could help you maybe for 20 or 30 years within the immigrants themselves retire. So if they’re not having, you know, if their fertility rates not much higher than the existing population, then yeah, that that may not be it’s

Michael Johnston  27:48

a great point, right, like, absolutely. You would. And I think that’s, you know, that’s kind of a problem with all of these solutions is, I don’t know that any of them kind of get to the structural issues here. There are ways to, to kick the can down the road a little bit further. And I think that’s kind of an interesting conversation as well, if we’re going to tweak this, do we tweak this towards an off ramp? Like, do we start steering this towards that call this essentially a failed experiment? And say, Well, if we’re going to tweak it, let’s tweak it in a direction that starts to kind of wine this thing down and eventually get us get us off of this? Or do we kind of double down on it and make it more entrenched? And, you know, I have, what kind of my preference would be to go towards the the former of those, I think that’s extremely unlikely. Again, I think these these are all pretty politically unpopular decisions. So I think we’re more likely to double down on this than to kind of, if I were steering the ship, I would kind of steer us off of this, I’d say, pick the intentions were good, but that the math of it just just just no longer works, right? Wrong.

Gene Tunny  28:55

Yeah. Just don’t go ahead. And

Michael Johnston  28:59

I say that because I kind of think it’s an interesting thought experiment of if this were optional, right. Like, that’s the thing. And maybe I should have mentioned that the beginning like this is mandatory, you have to do this. It’s essentially a forced retirement programme. But it’s a forced retirement programme that has pretty bad returns, like the effective return, like, like I’ve paid in hundreds of 1000s of dollars, or my employers have into Social Security, and I’m affected like, I’ve run the numbers, I’m effectively earning a 2% return on that. If you look at the numbers of the money, I’m going to pay in between age 21 and 67. And then what I’m going to get out between 67 and whenever I die, like the numbers are not great. It’s essentially like a 2% return on investment during a period where the stock market has returned eight nine 10% a year. So it’s it’s it’s not it’s mandatory, but unfortunately, like the results are just not good the way that it was set up. So in a perfect world, people would be setting aside this money on their own but you know, of course, that’s That’s not easy for other reasons to think that people are going to, to kind of magically change their behaviour and start planning on their own for retirement. So I hope we’re not depressing people out there too much Jean, I keep saying there’s no good answers here. Right. And this is a messy situation and sticky. But I think it’s fascinating to look at kind of how we’ve gotten here, what went wrong, and, and to kind of explore these different reasons why, why there is no good reason and what, you know, what becomes most acceptable and kind of the least bad option out there. Yeah, but no one was hoping for a super uplifting, rah rah conversation here.

Gene Tunny  30:36

Yeah, I think the the issue the problem is in the states is that is the politics around it on the retirement age. So I’m just thinking. I mean, there’s one option, I mean, sure, you can raise the retirement age. But what about could you grandfather, the recipient, so draw a line in the sand and say, Look, if you’re, for those people who haven’t turned 18 yet, or people who were born in, you know, in 2005, or whatever, you’re going to get much less benefits from Social Security is just going to be a safety net, and we’re going to push you into this new scheme, we’re going to have individual retirement accounts, compulsory individual retirement accounts. Could something like that work? Yeah, I

Michael Johnston  31:24

think I think it could, like you’ve got to make, you’ve ultimately kind of got to make, you’ve got to make the numbers work. And, but but I think like that is, that is what I would prefer, we steer towards a steer towards a way where we kind of, we kind of get off of this, and it’s going to upset, you know, it’s going to upset, it’s gonna upset someone, right, you’re gonna have like you said, you’re gonna have to draw a line in the sand somewhere. And there’s gonna be a lot of people who are just on kind of the wrong side of that line in the sand, who who are maybe going to, you know, do worse than that 2% number I mentioned. But yes, I think that you, I think that you could do that, I think we should do that. Honestly, I think we should steer more towards kind of these individual retirement accounts, instead of just throwing all this money into into one bucket. And then kind of dishing it out of that one bucket. Yeah, I think you know, the devils in the details on that. But I think that that’s, I think that would honestly be the responsible thing to do.

Gene Tunny  32:23

Okay, we’ll take a short break here for a word from our sponsor.

Female speaker  32:29

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Gene Tunny  32:58

Now back to the show. Gonna ask on this retirement age to i One concern that people have is that we’ll look lifting the retirement age, that’s, that’s fine for professionals. For, you know, it’s but what about for manual workers who, you know, they really look forward to retirement and, you know, manual work is challenging as you get older. I mean, what, what happens if someone can’t I don’t know enough about the US Social Security system. But what happens if someone you know, they’re in the late 50s or early 60s, and then they really can’t work for medical reasons, they feel they can’t work in a manual job. Is there any coverage for them?

Michael Johnston  33:48

So there’s, there’s a couple of parts of this system that I think are designed? And I think do I’ve been kind of beating up on the system a little bit, but there’s some, I think, some some good parts of it, too. So one of them is we’ve kind of been talking about people who retire voluntarily for the most part of this conversation. Social Security does also the other people who get to security are those younger than retirement age, who had some sort of disability. So there’s, you know, there’s a process for verifying that and for applying for those benefits. So that’s a part of this programme. It’s a pretty small part of it. But But yes, that that that does exist. And then kind of the other nice, I guess, flexibility that’s built into this system right now is so at age, by default, your full retirement age is 67. That’s when you’re going to start receiving your benefits. You can say, You know what, I’d like to start benefits at 62. That’s the earliest you can do it, and you’ll get a smaller benefit payment. But if if for whatever reason, whether you want to or you’re you’re forced to, you can say I’m gonna start at 62 I don’t want to wait till 67. I’ll take my smaller amount, and I’m going to start getting it earlier. And you’re able to do that. And I think for the reasons that you mentioned that type But flexibility is important. And you can go the other way too, you can say, I’m going to, I don’t need to start at 67, I can rely on my personal savings or I’m still working. I’m going to wait till 70. And to incentivize that behaviour, the Social Security Administration will give you a little a little bump then. So instead of, you know, getting it’s effectively for each year, you delay receiving benefits, your benefit increases by 8%. So, if you said, I’m going to push it back from 67 to 70, voluntarily, they’ll say, Great, thank you for waiting to start receiving benefits, you get an extra 24% Bonus, essentially. And then the reverse the math is a little bit different. But essentially, if you want to bump it forward by by five years, you’ll get only 70% of the benefit you would have gotten otherwise. But you get to start it earlier. And actuarially, these numbers kind of all work out pretty similarly to the amount you expect to receive. Between when you over your lifetimes. Yeah,

Gene Tunny  35:54

I’m quite stunned by the number that we started at that we started the conversation with this 50% of Americans don’t have any retirement savings, I guess, what do we know if there actually is probably it’s bad, it’d be bad, even if you looked at added at a household level to because that’s individuals, but you’re going to have some people who are you know that you’re in a couple. So maybe one partner doesn’t have any savings, but the other partner is, has reasonable savings. But that probably doesn’t help the number too much. I’m just trying to wrap my head around what it all means. So it means that it

Michael Johnston  36:34

means well, so I think I think there’s kind of a couple of reasons for this. Like, how did this happen. So if you go back a generation or two generations, like my grandfather worked his entire career at General Electric. And when he retired, he got a pension, he got a guaranteed what’s called a defined benefit plan. So there’s a formula for calculating it, he worked there, let’s say you worked there for 40 years, and for every year, he got 2% of his salary. So he retired and he got a check every month from General Electric, even though he was no longer working there. And that used to be the norm here in America is that these pensions were what funded a lot of people’s retirement plans. And those have gone away. Like, at least in the States, the number of so called defined benefit contribution plans where you get a check each month from your employer in retirement, there’s still some, it’s mostly public sector employees, it’s cops and firefighters and teachers, some university employees will still have those defined benefit pension plans. But for the most part, those have gone away. And, and I think the idea was was well, you know, if employees, the individuals will step up, and the employers will fund these another way, but like nothing’s really stepped in to fill that gap. So it used to be fine to not save money for retirement because your employer was effectively doing it for you, and you are going to continue to get a paycheck from them after you retired. And that’s, that’s, that’s not the case anymore. And then I think just you know, culturally, like just to call it what it is, or to give my opinion on it, we’ve got a very consumer focused culture here, people spend money, they don’t have a lot of they spend money on status symbols that they don’t really need. You know, there’s a lot of of not great financial literacy and financial behaviour that goes on. We still don’t teach financial literacy in most schools here. And I think it’s a, you know, that’s a cultural problem. Like, I think that this is solvable, but it involves understanding the concept of, of spending more than you make, and compound interest and the, you know, the, the stigma of having debt, it requires understanding all these things and making it kind of a part of our culture, which unfortunately, right now, it’s very, very focused on, on spending and on the status symbol. So and I think there’s there’s similar issues around the globe, probably, to different extents. Yeah.

Gene Tunny  39:04

I mean, just as an outside observer, one thing that I think is, you know, does make it difficult for some people in the US is that you don’t have a well, you’ve got Medicare and Medicaid, but you don’t have a single payer or public health care system the same as we do in Australia or in in other OECD economies. And because I know that so many people in the looses the impression I get from the media that a lot of people in the US, they lose their savings, they get driven into bankruptcy because of medical debt. I mean, I don’t know if you’ve got any thoughts on that. But that just seems to me is something that is, you know, makes the situation in the US more difficult than in other countries.

Michael Johnston  39:47

Yeah, I think I think there’s a couple of things. I think there are plenty of those. I’ll call them acute instances where someone unfortunately has a significant injury and they kind of one off In this acute instance, they acquire a bunch of medical data, they have kind of massive one off costs. But then I think there’s a lot of kind of death by 1000 cuts to our cost of health care. And that in the States has gone up here. It’s way outpaced the cost of inflation just over the last 20 years, the cost of health care has skyrocketed. So even if you don’t have this acute event where you have an unfortunate accident or disease that requires huge outlays, I mean, you’re kind of like I said, you’re getting you’re getting paper cut to death, right, just with the the metric the premiums that you have to pay and kind of all these things that that add up. You’re absolutely right. It’s both those those kind of acute instances as well as healthcare in general, just counting for a big portion of a budgets here of household budgets.

Gene Tunny  40:48

Yeah, that’s we probably can’t tackle health care as well as social security day, unfortunately, it’s it is a big issue. I’ll have to cover it again on the show, because I know it’s a huge, a huge challenge there. Like, I want to ask you about it again, on this low level of savings. Or it’s extraordinary, because from my understanding, there are good tax effective retirement savings options available in the states aren’t there, I had a guest on who was talking about the 401, Ks and Roth, IRAs, the individual retirement accounts,

Michael Johnston  41:26

ya know, those are two incredibly powerful vehicles that allow you to essentially defer and eliminate a lot of taxes. So yes, and it’s a great question. And I think that these were introduced in kind of response to a lot of corporate employers cutting pensions with the idea was, okay, well, if pensions are going away, let’s give Americans these tools so that they can invest in a tax efficient manner, they can shield a lot of their significant portion of their assets and their income. And, you know, the trade off is the way that these accounts work at a very high level is you can defer, you can defer your income tax and instead put the money into this tax advantaged account. And you can shield it from from dividend and capital gains taxes. In the meantime, the trade off is you can’t just pull out money, if you want to go to if you want to go to a basketball game, or you want to go gamble, if you want to buy a sports car, you can’t just pull the money out, you’ve got to keep it in there. In most cases, it’s until just before age 60, age 59 and a half. So the idea here is let’s incentivize good behaviour, let’s give you these great tax advantages, if you invest in this account that you cannot touch until you’re 59 and a half. And you’re going to therefore kind of remove the temptation to blow this all on on something frivolous and something unnecessary. And we’re going to force good behaviour. So yes, those tools are there. And that’s part of the frustrating part of the frustration here is that they’re not being utilised to the extent that they should be I think part of it is folks are are unaware of them, it still requires level of discipline, even if you even if you are aware of them. It’s not that you know, it’s not that exciting right now to to put money in your 401 K when the alternative is you go buy something flashy that you don’t really need. So kind of comes down to delaying gratification. But yes, absolutely. These tools are available. And I You’re preaching to the choir, that more folks should use them and kind of take ownership here.

Gene Tunny  43:26

Yeah, I mean, what we do in Australia is we have I guess, we’ve got an age pension, which is, is funded out a consolidated revenue, and it’s not linked to what you contribute at all. It’s just available depending on eligibility, you get to a certain age, there’s an asset test to for, for assets other than the family home. But otherwise, it’s you know, it’s different. And then we also we brought in individual retirement accounts, I think that’s how you what you’d call them in, in the states the the superannuation, and that’s, you know, that there’s a huge pool of super assets as that’s been built up. Now there are, there’s a big debate about whether we should let people withdraw from that to get a deposit for a home. I think that’s probably a good idea. And then there’s, you know, concern concerns, maybe we’re paying too much into it, maybe the unions have got too much control of the funds. There’s all those sort of issues, but broadly, I think it sounds like, you know, relative to where the states is, I mean, we’re probably in a better position here. But everything’s, you know, it’s not all doom and gloom. Like I think you were saying, Well, this is a depressing conversation. I’m not, I think it’s actually quite, it’s been good for me, because it’s given me a good appreciation of what those levers are, that could be changed and because one of the things that that you often hear is that it’s called a Ponzi scheme. What do you think? and give that characterization. Well,

Michael Johnston  45:01

I would say that a Ponzi scheme is is fraudulent, right? It’s, it’s illegal. It’s inherently fraudulent. And for anyone listening who’s not familiar, essentially it means so let’s say Jean invest his money with an asset manager. And then I invest behind him. And this asset manager pays him out with some of my money. So essentially, it’s a fraudulent way to inflate returns. And Gene says, holy cow, this manager did a great job for me, I got a 50% return in just two years, I’m gonna go tell all my friends, and essentially relies on your it’s not actual games, you’re kind of paying them out with other people’s money. It’s fraudulent, it’s very clearly illegal. There’s nothing about Social Security that at least to my knowledge has been fraudulent or illegal or anything shady like that. It’s incredibly transparent. It’s working exactly like it was designed to there’s no kind of shady cooking the books things that are that are going on. So now, having said all that, essentially, is, you know, it’s not totally baseless claim, because it relies on kind of the same mechanism that a Ponzi scheme does. It relies on new people coming into the system. In this case, they’re, you know, new employees entering into the workforce. If they were all go away. We have no money to kind of pay out the retiree. So the mechanism is the same. But I want to make I think it’s important distinction that, you know, there’s while there are some similarities, there’s, you know, I’m certainly not I don’t think anyone’s accusing Social Security of being fraudulent or deceptive in any way. It was maybe just kind of poorly designed, I guess you could certainly accuse it of being that but to my knowledge, at least there’s there’s no serious accusations of any any kind of fraud or any misdoing in that way. Yeah.

Gene Tunny  46:51

And a point that Ryan Grim on counterpoints, which is part of that breaking points network he made the other day because they look at this issue quite a bit. From time to time, he was saying, well, let’s never missed a payment in over 80 years or something, whereas a Ponzi scheme probably would have been that times that would have collapsed. So it’s just a matter of Yeah, to me, it looks like it’s a matter of getting those benefit levels, right. Maybe they do need to be adjustments, increasing the retirement age, looking at the rate of contributions, but again, the politics that are difficult, just seems to me that there seem to be more focused on this or or there seem to be more practical policy work going on to try to resolve this in the 90s. And, and up until maybe, I don’t know, 10 years ago, I think was Paul Ryan, looking at some stage. But even Joe Biden, Joe Biden, when he was in the Senate was looking at this is Is there anything actually going on behind the scenes that you know, have to fix this?

Michael Johnston  47:55

Yeah, it’s it’s a great question. I’ll be honest, I don’t know how serious or how advanced you know, a lot of times in the states here, we you kind of have the the idea that that people are working on things, but it’s effectively a campaign mechanism to kind of talk about it at a very high level. I don’t know the extent to which there are, you know, aides behind the scenes, sharpening pencils and running calculations and kind of actually trying to find a viable path forward here. I think that it is, I don’t think we’re at that point, I think that this will continue to get this Ken will continue to get kicked down the road. Like I said, we’re still you know, we want to look at glass half full. And some good news here. We have time here, right? We have time to fix this. We’ve got a decade still. So I think that there are more pressing issues. And this is going to be fixing this is going to be a thankless job, because it’s going to upset guaranteed to upset someone, there’s no easy way to do this. And I think that thankless jobs that don’t need to be solved tomorrow, tend to get tend to get pushed down the road, probably quite a bit, which is unfortunate, because that’s uncertainty for investors, right? Like not knowing. In theory, the more warning you have, and the more clarity you have, the more time you have to react to this, to change your behaviour and to kind of come up with a solution. But to the extent that you’re kind of left guessing into the last minute how this is going to play out is you know that that ultimately hurts the investors. But I think that’s what’s going to happen here. Yeah.

Gene Tunny  49:28

Well, it’s a very important issue, because as part of the whole, I mean, you need to get Social Security fixed up. And then there’s a broader budget challenge. There are concerns about, you know, growing federal debt and what that means, whether that’s sustainable or not, and what that means to the global economy if there’s a fiscal crisis in the US, so I mean, that would have huge ramifications. So it’s something that I’m looking at very closely. Michael, is there anything else on this on this issue that We haven’t covered that you think would be good to, to inject into the conversation before we wrap up? Yeah,

Michael Johnston  50:06

I think I think we’ve kind of covered it here, we’ve kind of been pretty, we’ve been pretty wide ranging here. The one thing I was I was just thinking is we kind of talked about this, this Frankenstein solution where no one thinks the lover moves the needle, but you kind of stitch together enough of them and you start to get there. I think another thing that I’ve seen discussed, is you remove the tax benefits from some of these things like our IRA, or Individual Retirement arrangement, our 401 K plan, I’ve seen that discussed, as well as that’s another way to raise some incremental revenue for the system here is a, you’re no longer gonna get the tax benefits from contributing to a 401k from contributing to an IRA. And we’re gonna funnel that money towards social security instead, it’s a little bit, you know, robbing Peter to pay Paul like to kind of write trying to solve the retirement crisis and saying, Well, we’re going to penalise this type of retirement account to bail out this type of retirement account. But it’s, you know, it’s more it’s kind of more politically palatable, maybe so, you know, I guess in closing, I would say, I hope that this is one of those issues. It’s widely misunderstood. And, you know, I hope that we could kind of have an honest discussion about the merits here, or the merits of the system, where it’s working, where it’s not the pros and cons of the different approaches. I know, that’s incredibly naive, I can kind of feel people rolling their eyes at me saying, you know, this guy thinks we’re gonna have an intelligent conversation about this heated issue. So I know that it’s gonna, it’s going to be political. And it’s going to be a major point of all the campaigns probably for the next several years, but in my heart of hearts, I’ll hold out hope that we can have a an adult conversation and, and fix this sooner than sooner rather than later and come up with a compromise. Yeah,

Gene Tunny  51:54

yeah, I hope so too. Okay, Michael, before we go, your wealth channel, wealth channel Academy, your pitch is becoming or your tagline becoming a millionaire, is easy. And I’ll put a link in the show notes to your site, you say there’s seven basic concepts to understand. So I think, are there any? Is there anything you’d like to say about, you know, what you’re doing with wealth channel that? Yeah,

Michael Johnston  52:25

they Thank you, Dan, I just, I guess, I just like to say, we encourage people to take ownership take ownership of your financial future. So you are not dependent on Social Security, take advantage of these 401 K’s these HSAs IRAs. And, you know, assume you’re gonna get nothing and from from Social Security and take ownership of your financial future. It sounds complicated, it’s really not that complicated once you dive into it. So I’m kind of on a mission to simplify this process for people help them feel more confident with this process of planning for retirement, understand what’s actually going on what they actually need. So, and this is, you know, a great illustration of why so that you hope Social Security will be there, and the full amount you’re expecting, but if it’s not, you’re covered anyways. Right? Yep.

Gene Tunny  53:09

And so if you start saving at a young enough age, and I mean, the math of compound interest shows it’s you know, the earlier you start, the better, and you get so much benefit from starting in your, in your 20s as soon as you’re getting a good or even earlier, or getting a good salary saving, or any sort of salary saving a bit a little bit, or as much as you can, and then that just builds up and compounds over time. And you could be in a situation is it right, where, you know, if you get you could get some social security, but the majority of your income will be from those those assets earnings from those assets. That’s right.

Michael Johnston  53:44

That’s right. It’s you know, there’s, there’s a path for a lot of people to retire with a million dollars in your 401k or a million dollars in your IRA. And exactly what you just said Albert Einstein said that compounding returns are the eighth wonder of the world and he was a pretty smart guy. So good advice to follow. Start, start early. start young and do what you can. Very

Gene Tunny  54:05

good. Okay. Michael Johnson from the from wealth channel. Thanks so much for the conversation. I really enjoyed it.

Michael Johnston  54:12

I did as well. Pleasure to be with you.

Gene Tunny  54:15

rato thanks for listening to this episode of economics explored. If you have any questions, comments or suggestions, please get in touch. I’d love to hear from you. You can send me an email via contact at economics explore.com Or a voicemail via SpeakPipe. You can find the link in the show notes. If you’ve enjoyed the show, I’d be grateful if you could tell anyone you think would be interested about it. Word of mouth is one of the main ways that people learn about the show. Finally, if your podcasting app lets you then please write a review and leave a rating. Thanks for listening. I hope you can join me again next week.

55:02

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Podcast episode

The future US fiscal crisis and how to avert it w/ Romina Boccia, Cato Institute – EP159

The Cato Institute’s Romina Boccia explains why she’s concerned about a future US fiscal crisis. She explains how entitlement programs such as Social Security and Medicare are the source of the problem. 

This episode’s guest Romina Boccia is Director of Budget and Entitlement Policy at the Cato Institute, where she specializes in federal spending, budget process, economic implications of rising debt, and Social Security and Medicare reform.

Please get in touch with any questions, comments and suggestions by emailing us at contact@economicsexplored.com or sending a voice message via https://www.speakpipe.com/economicsexplored

You can listen to the episode via the embedded player below or via podcasting apps including Google PodcastsApple PodcastsSpotify, and Stitcher.

Links relevant to the conversation

Romina’s Cato Institute profile

Romina’s first post for the Cato Institution: Joining Cato to Restrain the Federal Budget Leviathan

Council on Foreign Relations article containing deficit projections which Gene mentions: The National Debt Dilemma

U.S. News article: How Much You Will Get From Social Security

Transcript: The future US fiscal crisis and how to avert it w/ Romina Boccia, Cato Institute – EP159

N.B. This is a lightly edited version of a transcript originally created using the AI application otter.ai. It may not be 100 percent accurate, but should be pretty close. If you’d like to quote from it, please check the quoted segment in the recording.

Gene Tunny  00:01

Coming up on economics explored,

Romina Boccia  00:04

The better solution is to realise that we are on a highly precarious fiscal trajectory even under the best circumstances. And now is the time to adjust our fiscal scenario to reduce the growth in spending.

Gene Tunny  00:21

Welcome to the economics explored podcast, a frank and fearless exploration of important economic issues. I’m your host Gene Tunny. I’m a professional economist based in Brisbane, Australia, and I’m a former Australian Treasury official. This is episode 159 on the US federal budget and debt. My guest is Romina Boccia, Director of budget and entitlement policy at the Cato Institute. Romina is concerned that the US is on a path toward a fiscal crisis. We chat about why this is so and what can be done about it. Please check out the show notes, relevant links and details of how you can get in touch. You can send me an email or a voice message. Please get in touch and let me know what you think about what either Romina or I have to say in this episode, I’d love to hear from you. Right now for my conversation with Romina Boccia about the US federal budget. Thanks to my audio engineer Josh Crotts for his assistance in producing this episode. Hope you enjoy it. Romina Boccia, a director of budget and entitlement policy at the Cato Institute. Romina, great to be speaking with you today.

Romina Boccia  01:26

Thanks so much for having me on your show, Gene.

Gene Tunny  01:29

Oh, it’s, it’s excellent. So you’ve joined Cato in recent months, haven’t you Romania. And I read one of your pieces in which you are introducing yourself at Cato. And you wrote that, today I am joining the Cato Institute, to do my part to prevent a severe US fiscal crisis by restraining the federal budget Leviathan. I’ll write and speak about federal spending, the budget process, the economic implications of rising debt, and Social Security and Medicare reform. So really big topics there. To start off with, could I ask you, what do you mean by a fiscal crisis? Just how bad do you think things currently are? How bad could they get in the US?

Romina Boccia  02:26

Yes, you know, the thing with a fiscal crises is a bit like when, whether you’re entering a recession or not that you don’t quite know if you’re in it until you’re in it. And in the United States scenario, there are quite a few factors that make it even more difficult to predict if our when a fiscal crisis might occur, because the United States, of course, as you’re aware, provides the US dollar, which is a world, the primary world reserve currency, which allows the United States government to get away with a lot worse fiscal policy than another nation state might. But that doesn’t mean that lawmakers in the United States can just rest on those laurels. And think that they can spend and borrow as much as they would like in order to satisfy their constituent spending demands, without facing any consequences for that. So what I mean by fiscal crises, and we’ve seen this in various countries over the course of roughly 800 to 1000 years of history. Carmen, Kenneth Rogoff and Carmen Reinhart did an excellent book on this, that, despite a small mistake they made in a research paper, which was corrected later on, still stands in its lessons. And that was over 800 years of history of public debt, and how that affects the countries that accumulate that debt. And so, in, in the scenario of US fiscal crisis, we could potentially face a sudden and very high rise in interest rates, much higher and much more sudden than we’re currently experiencing. And that could result in disrupting productive investments severely lead us into a significant recession. And this could also potentially precede an episode of hyperinflation, which is something that other countries have lived through in the past. I’m originally from Germany, that has a history of hyperinflation after World War Two. And, and that type of rapid accelerating out of control inflation would be very, very damaging to the country, disrupting employment, markets and causing a tremendous pain for US households. And even just, you know, the recent bout of inflation, which was quite severe and not something that the US population has experienced in a long time. Even that doesn’t come close to what we might potentially face in a hyperinflationary scenario. And in the long run, if the US is fiscal standing were to change significantly if the dollar were to lose its prominent status as a world reserve currency, if markets employment investment were severely disrupted, if inflation got out of control, and the Fed wasn’t able to put this genie back in the bottle, it could also have other unforeseen ramifications affecting the security and global standing of the United States as an economic powerhouse as a foreign powerhouse. And also, its, its attractiveness as a destination for immigrants, investment, etc. My point is that lawmakers are playing with fire. And the sooner they come to reckon with that fact and start making amends, the higher the likelihood that we will be able to avert such a fiscal crisis. But it’s it’s a tough pill to swallow because the programmes that are driving us into this large and rising debt, and that could potentially precipitate a fiscal crisis in the future, who knows when those are also the most popular federal government programmes, namely, Social Security and Medicare, which is why in my work, I want to be focused on making reforms to those drivers of growing spending.

Gene Tunny  06:57

Right. Okay, so you mentioned hyperinflation, and we had a, I had a conversation in the last episode about hyperinflation and you refer to the hyperinflation. So Germany had very extreme, it had hyperinflation after the First World War, when the Weimar Republic, and, I mean, there’s a certain set of circumstances that lead to hyperinflation, I mean, a breakdown of your economic system, really your tax, the ability to raise taxes, and then the government turns on the printing press. So that’s the worst case. But short of that your, I think, uh, you’re, you’re concerned about them? Are you concerned about them having to make rapid adjustments, cutting other programmes to be able to service the interest bill or having to raise taxes? Is that the type of scenario you have in mind.

Romina Boccia  07:54

I think that in a, in a lower severity scenario, what we’ve, what we’ll see is much higher tax rates in the United States in the future, which will negatively impact growth and standards of living, and could also undermine the United States as a, as a, as an innovation powerhouse. There’s also a scenario where the debt continues to rise, lawmakers avoid tax increases, and we find ourselves in more of a Japan like stagnation where the economy barely grows, or maybe growth is even negative for some period of time. That’s another, that’s another alternative, which is also not very desirable. Or in, a in a worst scenario. You know, I don’t, I don’t see lawmakers making rapid changes to Social Security and Medicare unless they had no other options left. Yeah, because their primary interest is to get reelected. So I could see us more likely entering into a high inflation scenario in an attempt to continue to pay these benefits, despite there not being the revenue for it. And, you know, the United States can, can and does print its own money. And we’ve seen several bouts of so-called quantitative easing, which are a version of that, where that unfortunately, to me seems more likely than significant changes to entitlement programmes unless we can strike some kind of a grand bargain, which has happened in other nations before. One scenario found quite illustrative is, Sweden went through some significant budgetary reforms. Many of its means tested and other social insurance programmes. And while Sweden still has much higher tax rates than the United States, they’ve, they’ve been able to get to a place where they’re roughly balancing their budget over time. And that is certainly a more stable scenario than the rapid. And at times accelerating increase in the deficit that we’ve seen in the United States. Of course, we’re coming out of a very highly unusual period of time, with massive supplemental spending bills due to the COVID pandemic, and unprecedented deficits. And those are now declining, because we’re not spending as much as we did during the pandemic, but still, us spending as a steep upward trajectory. And most of it, most of that growth will be financed by additional borrowing, which is, which is quite troubling.

Gene Tunny  10:50

Yeah. So you’ve got deficits projected out for the next few decades, if I remember correctly, I think there was a CBO. Or actually, yeah, Office of Management and Budget, congressional and Congressional Budget Office, there’s a chart from the Council on Foreign Relations, I’ll put a link in the show notes. But it’s got the federal deficit, going from several percentage points of GDP, wherever it is now. And then over the next 30 years, it goes, this is all business as usual, if you just assume nothing changes, and I mean, hopefully something changes, they’ve got it getting up to over 13% of GDP, this is the deficit by 2050. Are these the types of projections you’re looking at Romina. And that’s what’s informing your commentary on this?

Romina Boccia  11:42

Yes, so the Congressional Budget Office is a very reliable primary source in the US Congress. It’s a nonpartisan agency that provides information to Congress. However, they are somewhat limited in how they do projections as well. And there have been some questions about some of their assumptions pertaining to fertility and growth, and at times under estimating the potential increase in higher interest rates. So there are some alternative scenarios as well that we consider as fiscal scholars. So we have a range of potential outcomes that we look at. None of them are very good. The current Congressional Budget Office projections are also in many ways, too optimistic. Because the Congressional Budget Office is, is tasked with projecting the deficit and debt and spending levels based on assumptions of current policy. Now, there are many policies, especially tax policies, but also some spending policies in the US context that have been intentionally adopted for a temporary period of time, like certain middle class tax cuts that are slated to expire that were put in place by the Trump administration by 2025. And it seems highly unlikely that Congress will allow those to expire. Because of the families and individuals, middle class families and individuals that would be affected, it would seem like that would not be very politically popular. So if we run alternative assumptions, where those tax cuts get extended, the, the debt scenario going forward looks a lot worse. We’re going from 185% of GDP and publicly held debt over the next 30 years from the current 110% level, to more than doubling to 260% of GDP, and that, again, over 30 years doesn’t take into account that there might be natural disasters, that there could be another war, or the US might get involved in a current active war more so than it has in the past. Or that there could be another pandemic. I mean, lots of things can happen over the next 30 years. And none of those are taken into account with those projections. So again, the better solution is to realise that we are on a highly precarious fiscal trajectory, even under the best circumstances, and now is the time to to adjust our fiscal scenario to reduce the growth in spending. And because that’s what’s driving it, you know, tax revenues are above their historical average level, even with the economy slowing down. And so that’s not what’s driving the growth in the debt and the deficit. It’s it’s very much on spending and primarily spending on so called entitlement programmes and their entitlement programmes, because you don’t have to be poor, you don’t have to. Yeah, you don’t have to be in grave need in order to qualify. Medicare and Social Security are primary or really old age entitlements, with some contributions made by individuals over their lifetimes, but not contributions in the sense of contributions made to say a 401 K, which is the US retirement account that individuals contribute to, they make their defined contributions, and then they own those assets in those accounts. That’s not how these programmes work. There are tax and spend programmes or pay as you go programmes where current workers have financing benefits, health care and retirement benefits for the retire generation. And, of course, lawmakers were able to make promises to these individuals without concerning themselves with how those benefits would be paid. No provision was made to pay those benefits, even social security in the United States context where for some time, there were surpluses, that the programme was accumulating, but they were spend immediately on other federal government priorities. They weren’t saved for Social Security. So now that those bills are coming due, Social Security is already running deficits. Those those those, those prior surplus funds there, they don’t they don’t exist anymore. They would just spend on other priorities. And now Congress would need to raise taxes, or in this case, they’re borrowing more to make up for, for that discrepancy and what they’ve promised current beneficiaries, current retirees, and what they’re able to collect from current workers.

Gene Tunny  17:00

Yeah, I remember reading in the 80s. Or maybe I read the book in the early 90s, that the last time people were worried about the US deficit and debt. This was before the 90s, before Clinton and Gingrich struck some sort of accommodation struck, struck some sort of deal and then managed to get the budget under control for a while. I remember there was a book by Benjamin Friedman, who was at Harvard and day of reckoning. And, and the concern there was because of the tax cuts in the 80s, and the big spending on the, the defence, all of the defence spending, which I mean, arguably lead to the demise of the Soviet Union. So big tick there, but did blow out the deficit. I think the way Friedman described it was that there was a Social Security Trust Fund and the government just took the money out of it and put IOUs in it. So is that right that? Is that roughly right there there? What the I think this is what you were talking about. There was a surplus, but then that money was spent on other purposes?

Romina Boccia  18:12

Yes, the, that’s roughly right. The Social Security trust fund is mainly it’s an accounting mechanism. But it isn’t a trust fund, like you would think about it in the economic or investment sense. Because those trust, investment trust funds would hold real economic assets, could be a portfolio of stocks and bonds. Treasury securities, cash, you name it. The Social Security trust fund is an accounting mechanism for internal governmental purposes. It’s basically is a provision in law that allows Social Security to continue to pay benefits, even when current taxes are no longer sufficient to pay for those benefits. And to find the money elsewhere, in this case, from the Treasury through borrowing by selling more US debt in, in open markets. But those Yeah, those assets, there were no assets in it ever. The way it works is when employers pay payroll taxes or self employed individuals pay their payroll taxes, they go to the Treasury just with, with their income taxes and every and all other tax revenue that the Treasury is collecting. There’s no distinction made, whether those are payroll taxes that are supposed to be designated for Social Security or income taxes or, or corporate taxes. It all gets muddled at that point. And then that money just goes out for current government spending. The US federal government doesn’t have a policy of, say, of saving. And, and so that never happened. Now, the best way in my view, to establish financial security in old age for individuals, if you’re going to have mandatory government programme to, let’s say, help individuals to save for their, for the later years, because apparently, we don’t trust individuals to be able to do that for themselves, then the best way to do it is to do it in a defined contribution way, rather than the current system, which is more akin to a defined benefit system, where you qualify for certain benefit, regardless of what you paid into the system or, or how much money is in the system to pay out those benefits. So a defined contribution system, you would actually set up a savings mechanism, you might invest those funds in the market. Now, I’m not really comfortable with the federal government getting involved in that to a great degree, I would be much more comfortable with individuals being able to own and control the funds in their own accounts. Because the government, as always is subject to special interest pressure, we’re seeing this in the United States with pension funds in the state local level right now, where you have special interest groups, especially the environmental left pushing to disinvest, from fossil fuels and, and other areas of the economy that they disagree with, where there’s more concern for pushing a political agenda through these public investments, then the primary consideration which should be gains for the beneficiaries of these accounts, and I would see a very similar risk if the US government adopted a system of private social security accounts, but actually controlled the investments in those so much better for individuals to be able to control and own their own retirement funds. Though in the big picture, I don’t even think that that is necessary anymore in a way for the federal government to get involved with. I think that the best role the government could play as just to provide a minimum level of security in old age, with the goal of protecting older individuals from falling into poverty if they run out of their own, own resources because they live longer than perhaps they were expecting, or they had low incomes all their lives, and were never really able to save a whole lot, or maybe they fell on hard times their business went went bankrupt, you name it, there’s all sorts of scenarios why individuals can find themselves in need of help. But in terms of private retirement savings, we live in an era where it is so simple to set up auto enrolment savings, to have automatic investments through Target Date retirement funds and other index funds where you don’t have to be a financial whiz to manage your own retirement investments. You can, you can do so much more easily than was the case 85 years ago, when a Social Security first originated. So I questioned the need for a forced, a government based force mechanism for individuals to provide for their own security in old age. I think a minimum poverty level benefit, combined with private individual savings that are owned and controlled by individuals themselves, make much more sense and also take those funds out of the hands of the government which of course, spent the money when it was collecting Social Security funds. They didn’t go towards social security in the end, they went to defence, they went to other social programmes. They went to subsidies and corporate welfare and all sorts of places, but not for their intended use.

Gene Tunny  24:03

Okay, we’ll take a short break here for a word from our sponsor.

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Gene Tunny  24:37

Now back to the show. Can I ask about Social Security? So your ,Are you suggesting that the level of social security in the US it’s too generous and that those benefits should be cut? Is that what you’re suggesting? So and that would encourage people to, to save in their own way retirement accounts.

Romina Boccia  25:02

Yes, I’m very much suggesting this. And the benefits are too generous in a number of ways, one of which is that the eligibility age for Social Security has barely budged in light of significant increases in life expectancy. That means that the number of years that have been that individuals are eligible to collect social security benefits has risen significantly. While the number of years that they have to, they’re required to work to qualify for those benefits has not. And so you get an imbalance there, where when Social Security was first launched, the eligibility age was actually above the life expectancy of, of that age, such that very few individuals were expected to ever claim that benefit, it was primarily set aside for those lucky or poor souls who outlive their peers. But today, the Social Security aged early claiming ages is still 62. Right? And, and individuals now live to be roughly 78, which is the current roughly the current life expectancy in the United States. And so there’s many, many more years that individuals can claim those benefits, but they don’t have to work any longer. So that has made the programme more generous over time. And also more unaffordable. Another factor is that the highest income earners receive the highest benefits from Social Security. And they need those benefits the lease. Yeah, so one way to fix the financial picture and also focus benefits on those individuals who need the most. If that was the original intent of old age income support programme, would be to Means test those benefits. Now, I think a fairer way to do this would be by adjusting the benefit formula. So the Means Test doesn’t apply once individuals are in retirement, especially if they’ve done the right thing. They, they work their, their whole lives, they set aside their own funds, so they could enjoy a comfortable retirement. We don’t want to penalise those individuals for doing the right thing for saving for their own needs. But there are ways of making the benefit formula more progressive, that acts as a means test as well. Except it considers lifetime earnings rather than just income in retirement.

Gene Tunny  27:48

Yeah, I think that’s a really good point. Romina. It didn’t occur to me that was the case that the more you earn, the more the government pays you in Social Security after when you retire. So I was just looking on the web. And I’ll put links in the show notes regarding this. So the average social, social security benefit is $1,657 per month, that was in January 2022. So conceivably, there are people getting more than that from the federal government each month as in Social Security. And, yeah, I can see the logic in, in changing that formula.

Romina Boccia  28:31

You’re correct about the average Social Security benefit, but there are some higher income earners can collect up closer to $3,300 per month in Social Security benefits. And that doesn’t account for if you’re looking at a married couple, an additional spousal benefit, that, that would bring their security benefit more than 4500 to $5,000 per month range.

Gene Tunny  29:02

Yeah. And some of these households probably don’t need it because they’ve got other assets, they own their own home, they’ve got investments, etc. Okay. Now, that’s, that’s Social Security. Is that the big? That’s the big programme driving the future deficits, is it or to what to what extent is it Medicare and Medicaid? Do they play a role too?

Romina Boccia  29:25

Yes, Medicare is actually the elephant in the room. Because with Social Security, you’re primarily looking at a fairly predictable benefit formula where you consider demographic factors like fertility rates, the number of new workers in the United States, including immigrants, and then when do, when do people reach the eligibility age roughly in their mid 60s, and what is their life expectancy? And so right now we’re going through a big growth spurt in Social Security as the baby boomers started retiring at, at significant rates, I want to say it was 11,000 per day. 10,000 per day, I think it was 10,000 per day starting in 2011. And over a 20 year period of time, we’re moving through this big bubble of baby boomers entering the Social Security and Medicare systems. Once we’re through that baby boom, bubble, there’s a decline in fertility after that baby boom. And so Social Security roughly levels out at 6% of GDP. And then, you know, fluctuates around around there. But with Medicare, because you’re looking at a health insurance programme, and health care costs are rising steeply, and don’t seem to be slowing down. And what we also know is that health care is a luxury good, where as societies become wealthier, they desire to consume more health care. So wealthier societies tend to increase the portion of their budgets that they spend on health care, not all of which is is very well spend, we also know that much of healthcare expenditures are going towards the signalling or showing that you care, and paying for medical treatments for conditions that that don’t respond well to those treatments for a number of incentives. And that were spending the most during individuals final years of their lives, where perhaps that additional dollar of healthcare spending isn’t doing that much good anymore. But all of those factors are driving up the growth in health care spending. And that seems to be just going up with that with none of that leaving and inside, if you will, for where it will taper off, we can’t we don’t know when or if it will taper off. And so Medicare is the big elephant in the room. And there too, you have very similar issues where, again, the eligibility age is roughly 65 hasn’t gone up, as individuals are living longer. So increasing the retirement age and then indexing the age of eligibility to increases in life expectancy is a very common sense, change that would help alleviate some of the cost drivers. And the other one, again, is that you should consider how much of a health care subsidy you should be giving, if any, to to high income earners. Those individuals who are capable of paying for their own health care, and retirement should pay for a larger share of it. So that you can focus benefits on those individuals who need them to most means testing is one very, very common sense way of adjusting how much you know, the programme spends and who would spend that money on and to get more in line with what incoming revenues and not to drive up the deficit too much. But in the big picture, I think we we’ve come to over rely on a third party payment system where there’s a lot of treatments and even administrative costs are skyrocketing. Because there’s very little consumer interaction in this marketplace. So much is paid. The vast majority of health care expenditures are paid through insurance systems, I think the best use of an insurance system is to pay for catastrophic health care to pay for very expensive chronic conditions to pay for, you know, a big accidents that, that incur large medical costs for individuals, but not for routine healthcare needs. And that’s that’s where we’ve ended up over over several decades of shifting towards a system of third party payment. And, and one of the big reasons in the United States for that is after World War Two, the health care tax exclusion for employer provided health care has really driven up the cost of health care in the United States. And we should have fairer treatment for individuals who are self employed or who choose not to use their employer’s health care to be able to at least get the same tax treatment as their employer. Better yet. My colleague Michael Tanner at Cato has put forth a proposal where instead of employers buying health insurance for their employees, they could provide the funds that they would spend on their employees health insurance through a health savings account, and then the employees themselves could decide how much of that they want to allocate towards health insurance and how much of that they might want to keep in those health savings accounts to pay for out of pocket costs, such as getting A high deductible health insurance plan that’s primarily focused on those catastrophic expenses, while paying for routine health care needs, out of their health savings accounts, that would bring more consumer involvement into this marketplace, which would also help with price transparency, as consumers become more educated as healthcare consumers, and especially for routine treatments start shopping around. Of course, it’s not possible if you are being picked up in an ambulance because you just suffered from an emergency. But there are, there are other scenarios where becoming a more cost conscious patient and healthcare consumer makes a lot of sense and can help to reduce costs.

Gene Tunny  35:47

Hmm, I’ll have to look at Michael’s work. So Michael Tanner, you mentioned his work. Yeah. But I’ll have to, I’ll have to come back to health in a future episode, because I know it’s a very complicated area to look at. On Medicare Romina, do you have any figures on that? I mean, you mentioned it was at US Social Security will get up to about 6% of GDP. Did I hear that right? And do you have any comparable figures for Medicare?

Romina Boccia  36:17

I’m not going to top of my head, but the Congressional Budget Office provides those in their budget and economic outlook. I’m more focused on Social Security, because as you just mentioned, Medicare has its own complex bag of a variety of different policies. So we have a scholar solely dedicated to that.

Gene Tunny  36:41

Yeah, yeah. Fair enough. And I mean, my understanding is that the Social Security’s that’s the, that’s the big one. But then you’re saying that yeah, Medicare is a, it’s an important issue.

Romina Boccia  36:52

It’s approaching, yeah, the size of Social Security. So between Medicare and Social Security, more than half of the federal government’s budget goes towards these two programmes. Okay, gotcha. So they make up the vast majority of federal spending now, and they’re projected to grow significantly.

Gene Tunny  37:10

Right, do you have any concerns about defence spending at all? I mean, often one thing that’s often pointed out as well, I mean, the US spends much more than any other country on defence, of course, you’ve got an important role in the, the world economic or the world geopolitical order, or however you’d like to describe it. So have you looked at that? And do you have any thoughts on defence?

Romina Boccia  37:34

No, not just the fence. But so the way that the budget is, is allocated in the US context is that there’s a so called discretionary spending, which makes up roughly 1/3. And then there’s the so called mandatory or autopilot spending and the key differences that discretionary spending has to be voted on each and every year. For example, this week, the US Congress is voting on defence and non defence discretionary spending to avert a government shutdown because we’re at the end of the fiscal year. That is not the case for programmes like Medicare and Social Security and even Medicaid, which which which have authorizations, which have spending allocations that don’t expire, so they can just continue spending even when the resources aren’t there. But both non defence and defence discretionary spending has seen a large increases, especially during the pandemic, there’s been large increases in in nondefense discretionary spending for varieties of things including support for state and local government to weather the pandemic. Various handouts for special interest groups. We just recently saw the chips act pass for the semiconductor industry in the United States. And then the inflation Reduction Act, which had a lot of green New Deal policies to subsidise green energy and electric vehicles, etc. So there’s been a while that spending, it doesn’t get projected out over the extended periods, 30 years 50 or 75 years in the case of Social Security, Medicare, because Congress, allocates, appropriates it every single year. We are seeing a rise in discretionary spending also in the area of emergency and disaster relief with no budget or notional account to control that spending. So it’s often used as a as a loophole to fund other priorities without going through the regular budget process. And, yes, overall, I’m concerned about most aspects of the federal government being on a growth trajectory and defence and non defence discretionary spending very much in that in that sphere. are as well. One of one solution there is to adopt us spending caps and the US has adopted those, with some success in the past, with little less success in the recent past. But discretionary spending caps that set a goal or a level that then lawmakers have to fight over or the public can hold them to account for can be very helpful. We don’t have any discretionary spending caps right now. And I think it sets up a good discussion when you have those to say, Okay, if you truly believe that, that is not sufficient, you need to spend more, what can we cut instead. And then in more likely scenario, lawmakers are not going to want to cut anything. So instead, we get some discussion over offsetting spending cuts elsewhere, say in the mandatory portion of the budget. Or if they increase, it agreed to a spending increase, at least now we have something we can hold them to. So I do think it sets up a productive debate around the purpose of spending limits priorities for the federal government, what are true priorities and what they’re just want to have spore favourite lobbying groups, so that the public can do a better job also of holding their lawmakers accountable. And there is an opportunity for the US Congress, the new Congress in the next year to impose more spending restraint. The debt limit will approach again likely next summer and the summer of 2023. And the debt limit is often a very effective action forcing mechanism for fiscal restraint. Basically, lawmakers can make demands that they won’t increase the debt limit, unless there are offsetting spending cuts or a budget plan is put in place. And I think a spending caps over the entire federal budget would be, would be best so that Congress can budget within so called Unified budget, consider all priorities and needs within context and and make those necessary trade offs. But one, one good start and those are easy to implement would be discretionary spending caps on defence and non defence.

Gene Tunny  42:16

Right. Okay, I’ll have to look back and see some, look for some examples of those spending caps in the past that sounds really interesting.

Romina Boccia  42:28

So yes, we had the, the Budget Control Act of 2011, that imposed spending caps for a period of roughly 10 years, but they were, they were circumvented several times. But there were also some offsetting spending cuts to allow for those increases in defence and non defence. The other thing that has become sort of gimmicky in the US context, under President Obama and the Democrats are continuing to try and push this, this this idea of parity that the defence account and the non defence, domestic discretionary accounts should be getting the same amount of money, which is just a goal that they have set as if it this was some kind of a political game without any consideration for real needs, either in the domestic economy or on the defence side, the threats that the United States face, it’s just an arbitrary target, we just want to get as much money as the other guys. And that just doesn’t make any sense at all. And I think I think the public should, should call lawmakers out for that apparently doesn’t make any sense we should not be allocating any more spending than is, is necessary. And it should also be within the within the bounds of the US Constitution. Because that document has a has a purpose, which is to restrain the government and protect the rights of the, of the individual. And so that should be our guidance for what to spend money on and how much to spend not some arbitrary goal of we just want parody because it’s political.

Gene Tunny  44:06

Yeah, yeah. Okay, final question. Romina. Have you looked at what we do here in Australia or what’s done in New Zealand with retirement savings? Have you looked at our we have a compulsory.

Romina Boccia  44:18

A little bit? Yeah, I was reading up recently on, on the superannuation, I think it’s called. Yeah, I mean, I like the defined contribution aspect, but I also recognise that there’s a push to increase the amount that employers have to pay for their employees superannuation and, and that can create distortionary incentives for how many individuals to employ because you’re driving up the cost of labour, I would see, I would think that that would be an issue, but what are your thoughts on how how the system’s working?

Gene Tunny  44:53

Oh, well, I think overall, it’s, it’s better to have it than not have it. So we did have the problem that people were too reliant on the aged pension here. So you’re, well, what our Social Security programme for the elderly, although there are differences in the, in the the rate and it doesn’t. It’s not, it doesn’t increase if you contribute more over your, your lifetime. So if you have higher earnings over your lifetime, so it’s different in that regard. And yeah, so I think it’s, it’s good that we’ve got a system that takes some of the pressure off the age pension, but we’ve still got rising age pension costs, it hasn’t removed that problem entirely, the future imposed on the budget of our age pension is a lot lower than your Social Security system from what I can just from my quick, the quick look, I’ve had the figures. Yep. So I think it’s good in that regard. But yeah, you’re right, there is that issue of the fact that in the short run the can hit employers, so we’ve had an increase in the contribution rate, it was 9%. And they’ve been increasing it, I think half a percent every couple of years. And now it’s up at 10 and a half percent, if I remember correctly. And so initially, the employer has to pay more each quarter to the Australian Tax Office, I’m an employer. So this is something I’m very conscious of. So I’ve had to increase the superannuation contributions. But over the long term, I think what the expectation is that it will come out of wages of the employees, so the employees will end up paying for it, because it is a form of compensation. That’s how it was initially sold in the 90s, when it was introduced. So it was a trade off. The treasurer at the time, Paul Keating, who was on, he was part of the Labour Party, he was on the, on the left of politics, but it was a very sensible, very moderate government, and highly praised around the world for economic reforms. And the way that he sold it was that you will get this super so you’re getting the super, but it means you have to have wage restraint at the same time. So that trade off was explicitly recognised. So yeah, but in the short run, there’s a, there’s certainly an impact on employers. But there’s a recognition that over the longer term, it really is the employees who will be paying for it. Look, there are a couple of issues with the, the design of, of super, there’s a concern that these industry super funds control, they have too much control or they’re controlling too much money and they’re too dominated by unions. There are people who are concerned about that. There are other people that are arguing that oh, look, it’d be better if people had access to this money. So they could buy a house, there’s a big debate about whether people should be able to withdraw from Super to buy a house. What else? Yeah, and clearly, some people might be better off if they were able to use that money while they, were while they were young. And when we had COVID. During the COVID period, the government did allow people to withdraw from their super accounts. And we saw a lot of people take that up. And I think they pulled 10 or $20,000 out, if I remember correctly, that was very popular. So yeah, overall, I think it’s a good thing, even though, as a someone who’s very sympathetic to classical, liberal views, I think, Oh, well, it’s not good that the government saying you’ve got to do this, but on the other hand, I recognise that for a lot of people, they might not be saving enough for retirement, and therefore in that case, the government would have to pay for it. So look on balance, I think it’s good. We’ve got it there and are some issues with it. Sure. Yep. So that’s my general, Yeah, that all make sense or any questions.

Romina Boccia  49:17

It’s, it’s certainly an improvement over the US Social Security system where it’s the government handling the entire thing, even though there are contributions by workers and their employers. I did read that individuals who pulled funds from their super accounts during COVID on average, spend longer unemployed than individuals who didn’t choose to tap their super accounts. So it indicates just like in the US, we saw that extended unemployment benefits tend to incentivize people to stay home longer and go back to work later. Even in the context of super, that seems to have had a similar effect.

Gene Tunny  50:07

Yeah, I think that’s that’s probably true. We’ll have to look up that, that evidence of that sounds right to me. Right. Oh, well, remember, this has been fantastic. I think that’s been a great overview of the fiscal challenges facing the US. I hope that you’re, they’re inviting you to appear before Congress at some time to testify to get your views because I think they’re really well informed and important views. So that’s terrific. So yeah, if there’s any final points, anything else to add?

Romina Boccia  50:42

Thank you. I just wanted to just looked up Medicare as a percentage of GDP and it’s roughly 4% right now. Going up.

Gene Tunny  50:49

Okay, gotcha. Right. So that is a big deal. Okay Romina Boccia from the Cato Institute. Thanks so much for your time. I really appreciate your insights and really enjoyed the conversation.

Romina Boccia  51:02

Yeah, so fun chatting with you, Gene. Thanks so much for inviting me on your show.

Gene Tunny  51:06

Okay, thanks Romina. Okay, that’s the end of this episode of Economics Explored. I hope you enjoyed it. If so, please tell your family and friends and leave a comment or give us a rating on your podcast app. If you have any comments, questions, suggestions, you can feel free to send them to contact@economicsexplored.com And we’ll aim to address them in a future episode. Thanks for listening. Till next week, goodbye.

Credits

Thanks to Josh Crotts for mixing the episode and to the show’s sponsor, Gene’s consultancy business www.adepteconomics.com.au

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