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Why fiat money means higher inflation & why a radical Reserve Bank review is needed w/ Darren Brady Nelson – EP179

In his recent Spectator Australia article, Darren Brady Nelson argues for a radical, not a reserved review of Australia’s central bank, the Reserve Bank of Australia (RBA), which he describes as reckless. In Economics Explored episode 179, Darren provides an Austrian economics perspective on central banks, fiat money, and inflation. Show host Gene Tunny wraps up the episode with a discussion of the historical evidence on different monetary systems and inflation, evidence which confirms economies with fiat money are much more inflation prone. Gene then discusses whether a return to the gold standard would be desirable. 

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You can listen to the episode via the embedded player below or via podcasting apps including Google PodcastsApple PodcastsSpotify, and Stitcher.

What’s covered in EP179

  • Darren’s thoughts on the current review of the Reserve Bank of Australia [1:46]
  • How the RBA interprets the stability of the currency objective [6:54]
  • What is the Austrian School? [10:19]
  • Would the Austrians recommend abolishing the central bank? [21:08]
  • The Bank of England’s report on modern banking [25:54]
  • The need for a broader review of the Reserve Bank of Australia [30:35]
  • Fiat money systems are much more prone to inflation than commodity money systems [34:20]

Links relevant to the conversation

Darren’s bio on the Economics Explored website:

https://economicsexplored.com/regular-guests/

Darren’s opinion piece on the Spectator Australia website:

The RBA (reckless bank of Australia) needs a radical, not reserved, review

Bank of England paper on money creation:

Money creation in the modern economy | Bank of England  

Minneapolis Fed paper on fiat money, commodity money, and inflation:

Money, Inflation, and Output Under Fiat and Commodity Standards | Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis

US Gold Commission Report 

Minority report of the Gold Commission, co-authored by Ron Paul:

The Case for Gold: Minority Report of the US Gold Commission 1982  

Alan Greenspan’s autobiography discusses his advice to President Reagan regarding gold:

The Age of Turbulence

Another great book on Greenspan which discusses Friedman’s views too:

The Man who Knew: The LIfe & Times of Alan Greenspan

*You can help support the show by buying a copy of either book via the links above. 

Transcript: Why fiat money means higher inflation & why a radical Reserve Bank review is needed w/ Darren Brady Nelson – EP179

N.B. This is a lightly edited version of a transcript originally created using the AI application otter.ai. It may not be 100 percent accurate, but should be pretty close. If you’d like to quote from it, please check the quoted segment in the recording.

Gene Tunny  00:06

Welcome to the Economics Explored podcast, a frank and fearless exploration of important economic issues. I’m your host gene Tunny. I’m a professional economist and former Australian Treasury official. The aim of this show is to help you better understand the big economic issues affecting all our lives. We do this by considering the theory evidence and by hearing a wide range of views. I’m delighted that you can join me for this episode, please check out the show notes for relevant information. Now on to the show. Hello, thanks for tuning in to the show. This is episode 179. In this episode, I chat with my old friend Darren Brady Nelson about his recent spectator Australia opinion piece on the Reserve Bank of Australia. Darren’s piece is titled The RBA reckless Bank of Australia needs a radical not reserved for review. Although Darren’s article focuses on Australia’s Central Bank, the issue is considered irrelevant to central banks around the world such as the US Federal Reserve and the Bank of England. Before we get into it, I should note that Darren is coming from a non mainstream school of thought known as Austrian economics. While it’s outside of mainstream economic thinking, I think the Austrian perspective is valuable. Nonetheless, it’s forced me to confront some of the things I take for granted about the modern mixed economy, such as fiat money and the existence of a central bank at all. I’ve had to think more deeply about whether they make sense. Please stick around to the end for some additional thoughts from me. Okay, let’s get into the episode. Darren Brady Nelson, welcome back to the show.

Darren Brady Nelson  01:46

Thank you. Thank you. It’s been a while now actually.

Gene Tunny  01:48

It has Yes, I’ve given you a breakdown. And I’ve tried to get here a broad range of guests on the show. But yes, sir. Good to have you back on the show to chat about some recent work that you’ve done. So work in both public finance or fiscal policy, you could say, and monetary policy. Darren, so we’ve got a monetary policy review in Australia at the moment, and you’ve written a piece on the monetary policy review. And could you just tell us what your thoughts are on that review, please?

Darren Brady Nelson  02:21

Well, look, just to step back slightly from that, you know, I’ve kind of been disappointed over, you know, probably the course of a decade or something like that, that, you know, obviously, it’s good to have a variety of different takes on things like the Reserve Bank are obviously, you know, this review, that’s, you know, nearing the end, I believe the reporting to government next month. But, you know, there’s, there’s this never been, you know, look, I’d love to see kind of more of an Austrian take on things, at least once in a while in the Australian media, or even in Australian think tanks. To tell you the truth, I’d settle for a bit of a Chicago take on things and you just don’t get really neither of those takes for the most part, certainly not in the media. You know, look, I’ve never had a chance to read our friend, Tony, Megan’s take on the Reserve Bank. I know, he wrote an article for spectator, just like the article I’ve just written is meant to be published soon by the spectator, Australia. So I’m not sure his his exact take, and maybe you can tell me if you’ve read his article, I’m not sure, Gene, if you can give a little bit of overview of what how he viewed things, but so I just wanted to kind of bring a little bit of a, you know, an Austrian, take two things, in terms of, you know, linking sort of, you know, the Reserve Bank, the money supply and inflation, in a nutshell. And also, I found that people often didn’t kind of step back. And they, they vaguely mentioned what the Reserve Bank is supposed to do, and kind of leave it at that just kind of go into in to have a very different take than what I wanted to give. So, as not only an economist, but also a former law student, I also wanted to kind of start out and go, Hey, this is, you know, this is what, you know, the legislation says, for instance, about the Reserve Bank, and what they’re doing what they’re supposed to do, and then kind of jump in to, you know, like I said, sort of an Austrian economics take on things and, and also kind of stir the hornet’s nest a little bit, you know, by using a little bit of satire at the beginning and at the end of the article.

Gene Tunny  04:29

Right, okay, so yeah, we might get into a few of those things. So what does the law say? What, what does the what was your analysis of the, of the legal underpinnings or what they’re supposed to do under the is it the Reserve Bank act?

Darren Brady Nelson  04:45

Yeah, I mean, some people really just don’t understand what it is, you know, exactly, you know, sort of made that clear this, this is a central bank, you know, they, they basically have a monopoly control over currency in Australia. And you know, people kind of vaguely maybe understand that, but just to make that kind of really clear, you know, this is what it is. It has some other roles, of course, it has, you know, kind of these other banking, regulatory functions, but they really, you know, those are really to support the main goal, which is, obviously, Reserve Bank’s not unusual, it’s a central bank, very similar to the other central banks around the world, like the Bank of England or the Federal Reserve. But just to remind people, Hey, this is, you know, this is a government entity, it has a monopoly on on money, essentially, but at the same time, it’s required to do, you know, in that context, it’s, it has, you know, some of these broader sort of things, it’s three main things, you know, where it goes under Section 10, A, the stability of the currency, the maintenance of full employment, very, you know, 1940s 50s sort of thing that was thrown in, because the, you know, the Reserve Bank act is from 1959. So, you know, very Keynesian sort of thing there. And the other one kind of, you know, somewhat more vaguely, but, you know, still important, obviously, the economic prosperity and welfare, the people of Australia. Now, you know, look, there’s only so much you can say, in an in an article, even though my article is a bit longer than your average op ed, if you like, but there’s even within that there’s so much you could say, and I couldn’t say, but, you know, obviously like to say the audience, I think they got some issues, because these things conflict, or, you know, you can interpret these things and quite different ways. You know, clearly, I think, you know, I would argue, and I do to some extent, at least I think in my piece is, you know, certainly printing the sort of amounts of money that they have, and not just not just recently, and not just since COVID, but actually over a much longer period of time. is, you know, quick, you know, I would question that that really helps the stability of the currency. You know, that seems to me to be at least something questionable. I think it harms the stability of the currency, but I think it’s at least questionable. It also argued that it actually helps out the other two, I don’t think it may help with statistical, full employment. But does it really help with economically efficient, full employment, much less, you know, actual economic prosperity and welfare? Yeah, sorry. Go ahead.

Gene Tunny  07:19

I was just thinking it was an interesting point you made about stability, the currency. And you don’t think that the growth of the money supply we’ve seen that the RBA has overseen is consistent with stability of the currency, they have essentially redefined stability of the currency, they now we now define stability, the currency is not zero inflation, we define it as a two to 3% inflation on average over the economic cycle. So we’ve accepted a certain, a small well – I won’t make any judgement a lower than average historical average rate of inflation as the target. That’s what they’re going for. And over the last 30 years, they would argue that they’ve achieved that. And it’s much better than the performance in the post war period prior to that. So they would argue that they’ve done a good job at achieving stability of the currency in that regard. But yeah, it just occurred to me that when you said that that’s in the Reserve Bank act, that they’ve redefined what stability actually means, in turn, using that inflation target.

Darren Brady Nelson  08:24

Yeah, look, I mean, it’s fairly easy to pull up what, for instance, CPI looks like, and it’s an, even though CPI is only accounting for, you know, something like 40% of the economy, and we, you know, it’s a big chunk of the economy, but people have this impression that accounts for 100% of the economy or something like that. So even in that context, it’s not a pretty picture, you know, and we’re not talking about just like, oh, for a quarter or two, or for a year or two, we’re talking over, you know, quite long, you know, timeframes, you know, we’re talking from the basically the 1970s, with some flattening out, I would argue, do some pretty good counter reforms, if you like more that counter reforms that, you know, reforms that, you know, would counter some of the bad effects of, of just, you know, kind of having fairly loose monetary policy. And that not equally loose throughout that whole period of time. But, you know, it’s really, really hasn’t had a Volcker, for instance, you know, that I’m aware of, in the same sort of timeframe that, you know, since Volcker appeared on the scene in the late 70s, and has since left it. So putting aside, you know, again, my pieces and obviously, to go, so, do some technical thing to go like, Well, did they meet their own sort of technical requirements, and then just criticise them that way? Because there’s plenty of articles like that. You know, my aim was to point to the broader thing that just looks money like this. And if you look, I mean, CPI doesn’t look good over time. But if you start looking at money supply, whichever one you want to pick, it’s not a pretty picture.

Gene Tunny  10:00

right. Okay, so can I ask what do you mean by an Austrian Economics take?

Darren Brady Nelson  10:05

Yeah, look at that. So for those who don’t know, Austrian Economics is, I mean, I mean, a lot of people even economist for some reason don’t fully are aware that there’s actually different schools of thought, quite a few different schools of thought. And one of them is the Austrian School. It started with Karl Menger, in the sort of mid to late 1800s. He’s also, you know, attributed along with a couple other economists is kind of starting the marginal revolution as well. In the end, they call it Austrian School, basically, because he is actually from Austria. And then some of the other sort of people who followed him like Bomba Virk, Mises, Hayek, etc, they were also literally from the country of Austria. So I guess that stuck, obviously, is the name of the school of thought. I mean, I mean, the very free market, I argue that the there’s certainly the most free market oriented, I’d argue that they’re not the most free market oriented because they have an ideological stance. So you can always say that, you know, certainly, like someone like Mises, certainly, you know, went to great pains to go like, this is what I think the logic and even the data, even though they’re not sort of like the, they’re not, they use data, they’re not they don’t think data, without theory tells you anything, but they would argue that, you know, they take a scientific approach to things like, you know, like other schools of thought would also argue, and, you know, they have very, they, they have the most comprehensive take on understanding money, basically, including, you know, I mentioned Bomba Virg actually Menger even before that, that even from the start Menger Bomba, Varick and Mises were, were and still are kind of, you know, the greatest thinkers on money. Some may argue that you could put Keynes in that category, you know, that was one of his, you know, one of his big sort of focuses prior to him writing the general theory. But, you know, the Austrians certainly have a lot to say, and I think, a lot of credible things to say, with the, you know, you ultimately agree with them or not, you know, I just want to get those kinds of ideas, you know, out there in the Australian public.

Gene Tunny  12:20

Okay, and what are those ideas, Darren, and how are they relevant to the RBI review?

Darren Brady Nelson  12:25

Well, look, I mean, in a nutshell, and, you know, I’ve used this quote, a million times, it seems, you know, using Milton Friedman, who’s not Austrian, but Chicago School, who him and Anna Schwartz, you know, sort of took a an empirical approach if you like, I mean, I don’t think you’re setting out to, if you, like, test the theories of Mises, and people like that as such, but they confirm that, you know, inflation, it’s a monetary phenomenon. And it’s always in, at least in practice, you know, you know, maybe the Chicago school don’t necessarily agree that in theory, things like central banks, are really the root cause of inflation. They certainly agree that in practice, that’s what actually happened in history. So but the Austrians, like I said, they go, they go one step further, they go in great detail, to set out the case of why central banks are at the centre of, of why we have ongoing inflation. And the only way you’ll ever solve the inflation problem is to do something about central banks, and they would argue you have to do something stronger than just holding them within certain bounds. As you know, the Chicago school would argue,

Gene Tunny  13:38

Rod, okay, and I mean, fiat money is relevant to isn’t it? So you’re yes, you’re saying the the issue is that you’ve got a central bank that has the monopoly on fiat money, the monopoly control of the currency, which is fiat money, and they can just print it, they can create it out of thin air. And we saw that during the pandemic in Australia, when they finally the RBA, finally engaged in quantitative easing, the Federal Reserve had done it previously, the Bank of Japan and Bank of England and ECB, but we hadn’t actually gone that we hadn’t taken that step yet. But we did during the pandemic,

Darren Brady Nelson  14:15

well, the Austrians were there to drag, you know, central banks always are involved in a process and printing money out of nothing. Now, quantitative easing, took it to new levels, makes the new mechanisms, new levels, and then obviously, modern monetary theory sort of opens the floodgates to go further than, you know, quantitative easing, but if you like allow within that sort of framework of thinking, and we may get onto this later on, but, you know, the Bank of England produced a couple, you know, excellent papers that an Austrian or a neoclassical or a Keynesian or Chicago can all appreciate. It takes something out of just like, you know, just clearly setting out how does the central bank work, but also You know, just as importantly, how does the banking system more broadly, in cooperation, if you like, with the central banks operate, you know, How is money created? I mean, I think the, the title of the paper is money creation in the modern economy, you know, that sets it out quite nicely, they have a different view of that, the course they don’t think that’s an issue as such, you know, it provided obviously, or you stay within certain bounds and all that type of thing. But it does set out the fact that, you know, money is being created from nothing, which is quite a different system, to what, you know, say, for instance, the gold standard, you know, the classical gold standard with all its whatever foibles it had, because Austrians would argue that there could have been a better gold standard, but fine, there was a gold standard, and even central banks. Were part of that system previously, if you like, and the Bank of England also nicely sets that out that history as well. Yeah. So basically, again, coming back, you know, the Reserve Bank’s not any different from the Bank of England Federal Reserve, largely speaking, I mean, there are differences, you know, obviously, you know, the Federal Reserve, obviously, they’re different sized economies, different sides, sizes of the Australian dollar, the US dollar being traded around the world, obviously, the US dollar is special in the sense that it’s still the reserve currency for the world. So you know, their, their prolific money printing, they can get away with it a lot better than, you know, a smaller economy or economies, it’s not the reserve currency of the world, you can get away with Australia being does punch above its weight, and its currency is traded a lot more than you would expect for a small country. Because of you know, obviously, Australia is a big player in commodities, for instance. And that kind of part of the reason is, Australia, punches above its weight if you like.

Gene Tunny  16:45

Okay, we’ll take a short break here for a word from our sponsor.

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Gene Tunny  17:20

Now back to the show. Now I’m just on the what the RBA review is doing it’s it has rather than a narrower terms of reference is looking at the monetary policy framework inflation targeting is looking at the governance the board, whether we have a separate Monetary Policy Committee, I think that’ll end up being one of the recommendations. And the way that John Humphrys described it to me on his Australian taxpayers Alliance live stream, he just said, Well, look, there’s an Overton window of what it’s going to look at, right? I mean, there’s things that are in the Overton Window, there’s things that are outside, and I think you are advocating that they should they should go outside of that window, they should go outside of what’s conventional and actually think about the role of the the RBA as a central bank, is that the type of thing we need? Is that working for us? Or Are there alternative approaches? Is that what you’re you’re arguing? Darren?

Darren Brady Nelson  18:18

Yeah, look, I think I’ve I pull out some recommendations I did. When for Liberty works at the request of Senator Malcolm Roberts, you know, did a submission to his rural banking inquiry, because he wanted to get on the record. And so did I just kind of some of these broader issues of monetary policy and how they do impact the kind of the more narrow review that he was doing at the time. And, yeah, basically suggests, you know, kind of a three pronged approach, you know, sort of, in a shorter term, doing something, you know, a bit broader than what this current review is doing, but nothing, you know, something that might still be within the Overton Window, as you say, and then, you know, what I’m suggesting over the medium term in the longer term are certainly things that, you know, I guess the average policy person, monetary policy person would think, would be outside the Overton Window, like, you know, the Overton window. It’s a good thing to understand in terms of what is, but it can be a very big obstacle to what should be, but because, because I can point to, you know, the reforms, the Hocking Kingdom reforms of the 19, mid 1980s were, you know, not particularly within the Overton Window, national competition policy when it came along in the early 1990s. Not quite in the Overton window. There’s been a lot of good reforms that that are not in the Overton window. Obviously, you know, there’s obviously a politics involved and making sure that even though it’s not quite the Overton window that you know, you don’t scare the horses too much. And people who who’ve been pushing things In the direction of more and more government interference in the economy, including if you like the more draconian stuff, you know, the the over the top lockdowns, the the censorship, all these sorts of things. Putting aside the fact that no a lot of censorship are done by private companies, but they’re done by the best of government, they’re done by the best of government, if you don’t do it, you know, there’ll be trouble for you, private company. So, you know, it’s it’s certainly not, I don’t think, you know, the libertarians have suggested that, so it’s private property, so doesn’t matter. That’s not right. So, you know, people on the left, in a nutshell, don’t care, a rat’s butt about the Overton window for the most part. They keep on plugging away. And they are largely winning. So which is why I wanted to point out some of these reforms, if you like, went more in the direction of the right centre, right, for instance, including, you know, a Labour Government and including, you know, some liberal governments in the past, things can be done. So the Overton window, you got to be aware of it, you got to understand it. And it’s something you need to deal with, but it shouldn’t be something that just stops you from doing

Gene Tunny  21:08

something. Right. And so what would, what would the Austrians recommend abolition of the central bank? I mean, what would happen? What would you recommend?

Darren Brady Nelson  21:18

But look, you know, look, the Austrians there’s quite a variety of views, even within the look, you know, there’s sort of a high IQ, sort of, like competing currency approach, there’s the Roth bar, it’s more, let’s do a new and improved version of the gold standard, if you like, obviously, these things are digitised. No one’s ever suggesting that, you know, that we carry hunks of gold. That’s fine. If you want to carry hunks of gold with you. You know, it’s probably not going to be a huge market for that. That’s going to be but I mean, they recognise that centuries ago anyway. So like, you know, the gold standard, really, there were people running around with bits of gold with them all the time that that was never the case. You know, because the goldsmith’s figured it out before the official gold standard came around today, certificates, it seemed to be a little bit more convenient, you know, which that’s where actually money came from your paper money, I should say, sorry, paper came from from those certificates. So have John freeze. It, he always has a bee in his bonnet about Murray Rothbard. In particular, his argument that he considers, you know, today’s system of fractional reserve banking to be fraud. You know, from a, from a common law perspective, you know, is that Rothbard is arguing literally, in the laws on the books, that it’s actually fraud. He’s saying, under common law, this would be considered fraud. Yeah, okay, maybe, maybe not. But certainly the market would allow a whole lot of fractional reserve banking, I’m sure there won’t be like a one to one alignment all the time, you know, between, you know, reserves and loans and all that sort of stuff, that’s fine. But there wouldn’t be such a huge disconnect that we have, you know, we’re talking 90% and above disconnect between, you know, safe savings and what’s being lent out, getting back to sort of Rothbard is not given sort of credit for being more practical than he was. Yeah, he goes like, here’s the ideal I want. Yeah, you get rid of central banks, and fractional reserve banking. But any little step in that direction, could be pain. How about is a start? What’s just what’s just audit this thing? And, you know, like they talked about in the US sometimes, so let’s just audit the Federal Reserve. Yeah. What are they up to? How do they do things, but the public know, this is what it is, you know, are you happy with this? Is this make sense? You know, yeah. Do you? Are you happy with the consequent the inflationary consequences? Are you happy with the fact that I mean, this thing is very inexorable. You know, like, it causes the booms and busts as well, at least from an Austrian perspective, because inflation and bubbles, it’s the same thing. Inflation doesn’t uniformly happen. It goes, it ends up in asset bubbles, it goes over here, it goes over there. Some people can make a killing out of really not being very good at what they do. They just, they’re just in the right place at the right time. Now, we’re not talking about discouraging proper entrepreneurialism, sometimes, you know, this is kind of like, you know, sort of not very good, sloppy, property oriented sort of entrepreneurialism. And there’s a lot of it, there’s a lot just, it’s a lot of just kind of transfers from, from the poor to the rich. I mean, let’s just get that all out there and report, I’ll be happy with multiple views, you know, red versus blue type of project, Hey, what are the Keynesian think of this, you know, what are the Austrians think of this, whether neoclassical think of this, you know, you know, get it all out there. And, you know, just make it more transparent would be a great start, rather than this kind of, you know, tweaking at the edges. There’s basically a lot of people in political and business power, who, who obviously liked the system as it is,

Gene Tunny  24:55

or they or they don’t want to, I mean, yeah, they haven’t really thought too deeply about Got it? Yeah, they don’t want to rock the boat too much, perhaps. I think we might have to come back to Rothbard views. That sounds interesting. And because it’s probably we probably don’t have enough time to go into it now. That yeah, I think it’d be worth coming back to that. Because yeah, I’m all for a more wider ranging review. I think it’d be fascinating. I think we chatted about this last time we caught up, but we hadn’t seen the terms of reference yet to the review. And I think you’ve predicted that it’d be quite narrow. And it’d be very, you’d get standard sort of mainstream economists on it as we ended up doing, as we ended up doing. I’m not critical of any of them. I think. But yeah, they could have had a broader terms of reference. For sure.

Darren Brady Nelson  25:44

Just one thing to say that the Rothbard you know, some people go look here, you’re kind of in your libertarian utopia, you don’t understand how the system works. He wrote the very best book on how banking works. modern banking, what’s the book called modern banking, is it? No, it’s called the mystery of banking, the mystery of banking. Okay. It’s in great detail exactly how so it’s basically the Bank of England, you know, they they don’t refer to the mystery of banking, they, but they did a very good job of doing something smaller. Got some really good graphics, you know, in the Bank of England report bits, they’re very much aligned. They just have different conclusions. You know, obviously, they don’t come to the same conclusion that Rothbard does.

Gene Tunny  26:26

Right. Yeah. I mean, that’s the article where they describe how the banks essentially, they’re at the vanguard of creating money, or they’re the, the money supply is endogenous to an extent, because the banks are extending credit. And when they’re extending more new loans and paid back then that’s an expansion of the monetary money supply. Now, the central banks involved, the central bank can influence the money supply. But the banks are heavily in the private banks are heavily involved in it. And I think that’s what they’re arguing with they it’s that endogenous view of the money supply. And yeah, I think it is worth reading. What What was the main takeaway for you out of it, Darren, what the Bank of England wrote, I’m just trying to remember what they what was in those articles.

Darren Brady Nelson  27:16

The main takeaway wasn’t like, wow, I’m surprised. This is how they do it. My main takeaway was, Wow, I’m surprised he said it. And I guess another WoW is Wow, thank you. That’s, you know, they explained it really well. It was a really clear, I mean, rock bards. Book mystery. bankings really big, you know. So, you know, it’s, it’s a tome, it’s huge. So, you know, the Bank of England’s report has both an introduction, if you don’t want to redeem read the more detailed report, but even the more detailed report is nowhere near the size of the mystery of banking, but they’re all saying the same thing in terms of like, describing the process, right. You know, you know, what is central banks do what do the commercial banks to? I mean, so basically, the thing, you know, when right away when someone gets gets a loan, that’s money already. So you’ve just increased the money supply right there. Yeah. They don’t need things to happen. It’s right there. They whack it in your bank account. Obviously, people do all sorts of different things with that. Yeah. But yeah, the right there. So there is one thing I must admit, I figured, you know, fractional reserve banking, or those banks creating money, I knew that I was, you know, over time, I was trying to understand that they were actually printing most of the money. It wasn’t the central banks themselves. But when I saw when I saw the Bank of England, I didn’t realise the percentage was quite as big as it is. They said, 97% 97% of all money. Yeah, in the UK. And it wouldn’t be very different from you know, going to any Western country, it’s probably all gonna be the 90s to some extent, was this, you know,

Gene Tunny  28:54

they actually used the term fountain pen money. Yeah. Okay. So I guess I was even surprised at the size. Right. Yeah. Okay. And so you see that as a, as a confession or just acknowledgement of the Bank of England by the Bank of England of, of how the money supply can grow. And in you’re taking from that, that the system that we have naturally leads to expansion of the money supply into inflation. Is that what you’re inferring? From that, Darren?

Darren Brady Nelson  29:27

Yeah, but basically, it’s, it’s that it’s even more than that. It is literally inflation. But, but obviously, there’s certain levels of inflation, the other can be vary quite a bit. I think it incentivizes, you know, high inflation or certainly, it’s certainly incentivize booms and busts. Yeah, I wouldn’t say necessarily there was a confession or anything like that, but they do actually, early on in the report. Take the method that I certainly read in my economic textbooks, you know, that basically banks are just purely these intermediaries who get savings and then lend them out. Obviously take a little bit of a cut. Okay, fine. That’s, that’s, that’s fine. I don’t have a problem with that as a business. Yeah. They basically knock that on the head. Yeah. But interestingly enough, they don’t do it in a way that they say this is bad. But for me, I read it and go, you know, because of my kind of Austrian take on things I go, Well, that’s not good. You know, they’re just kind of, they’re just saying, This is what it is basically, it’s not this. They’re not just simply intermediaries. This is what these banks are. And this is how we, as a central bank, interact with those banks. Again, I think any any economist of any school of thought would find it, you know, an informative paper.

Gene Tunny  30:42

Oh, absolutely. I’ve talked about it on the show before I’ll put some links in the show notes. I think it’s good paper. And yeah, I’ll link to your spectator article. Once it’s out. Gee, Darren, there’s so much to talk about. Really appreciate your time, we dealt with some big issues, and we’ve still got more to talk about. Certainly, I want to come back to Rothbard. Yeah, that’s, uh, I’ll have to have a read of his of his book, and mystery of banking. And, yeah, I really appreciate your time. So thanks once more for coming on to the show.

Darren Brady Nelson  31:15

Thank you for having me.

Gene Tunny  31:26

Okay, I hope you found that informative, and enjoyable. I welcome Darren’s call for a broader review of the Reserve Bank of Australia. Given the importance of the Reserve Bank in the economy, we should be thinking about what presuppositions were making about the bank, and we should subject them to critical thought. The current review of the bank appears to take for granted that the reserve bank should continue as an entity and it should retain its extensive powers under the Reserve Bank Act. The review focuses on the appropriateness of the inflation targeting regime and the governance of the bank, but it should be much broader. The reviews Terms of Reference noted explicitly that the review will exclude the RBS payments, financial infrastructure, banking and bank note functions. Arguably, it would have been desirable to review even these functions of the RBA. So I think Darren is on the right track here. Even if I disagree with him over what a broader review would recommend. There are at least two big related questions that a wider review would consider. First, do we need a central bank? That is Do we need a government owned or authorised bank which acts as a bank for other banks and is ultimately responsible for the currency. Secondly, would commodity backed money where money is convertible to gold at a fixed rate? Would that be preferable to fiat money, where money is decreed to be the legal tender of the land by the government and the money supply is the responsibility of the central bank. In a Wi Fi at money presupposes a central bank or an arm of government such as the Treasury which effectively acts as a bank. But a central bank can exist in a commodity money system too, and indeed several such as the Bank of England and US Federal Reserve. They did exist during the years in which the gold standard was in place or some of the years in which the gold standard was in place. A central bank can perform an important role regardless of the monetary standard in place. As the 19th century British polymath Walter Badgett illustrated in Lombard Street, a central bank and perform an important role by acting as a lender of last resort. That is lending to banks when they temporarily get into trouble. And, you know, saving those banks from collapsing and causing lots of hardship. My view is that a central bank is an indispensable part and an unavoidable part of a modern economy. Regarding the second big question, I wouldn’t recommend a return to commodity money by say reintroducing the gold standard. But I will concede that advocates of a gold standard have some good arguments on their side. These arguments are even more appealing in times of high inflation such as the time we’re now living in. Most importantly, in my view, it is clear that fiat money systems are much more prone to inflation, then commodity money systems. A 1998 study by economists at the Minneapolis Fed found that the average inflation rate for the Fed standard observations so this is observations and the data set they’re analysing the average inflation rate for the Fed standard observations is 9.17% per year. The average inflation rate for the commodity standard observations is 1.75%. That’s a big difference. The data set they use contain data on 15 countries including In the US, UK, France, Italy, Germany, Spain, Argentina and Brazil, among others. Every country in the data set had a higher rate of inflation under a feared standard than a commodity standard. What’s going on is that obviously, there are physical constraints on the amount of commodity money available. It’s limited by the rate at which it can be discovered dug up and produced. Under a feared standard, new money is virtually costless to produce. As Darren and I discussed, the central bank and commercial banks are both involved in new money creation. And it’s possible for the money supply to expand faster than the productive capacity of the economy, leading to inflation, there can be too much money chasing too few goods. This is not to say that you can’t have inflation in a commodity money system. For example, there was prolonged inflation in Spain in in the UK in the 16th and 17th centuries, due to new silver mining and Mexico and Peru following European conquest. Still, as the Minneapolis Fed economists point out the average inflation rates over the period in these countries, it was only around one to 1.2% over 100 to 150 years. That’s one to 1.2% per annum. I’ll link to that study in the show notes so you can check it out. To me, it really clearly shows that fiat money systems are much more prone to inflation and you end up with inflation at higher rates than under a commodity money system. While a commodity standard would yield better inflation outcomes and a feared standard, it would be very difficult to return to say the gold standard. US President Reagan appointed a Gold Commission in 1981. To consider whether the US should return to the gold standard. The majority of the commission rejected such a move, and prominent economists such as Milton Friedman and Alan Greenspan, they advised Reagan against the return to gold. GREENSPAN did, however, suggest issuing some US Treasury bonds backed by gold, something which would provide some fiscal disciplined. He did not, however, advocate a full return to the gold standard. GREENSPAN thought that a return to the gold standard would be impractical given the nature of the modern economy with a large role for government and a welfare state. A gold standard requires fiscal discipline for several reasons, which I might have to cover in a bonus episode. One of these reasons is that under a gold standard, a government can’t rely on future inflation to erode the real value of the debt it owes. In his 2007 autobiography, The Age of turbulence, Greenspan wrote the following. I have always harboured a nostalgia for the gold standards inherent price stability, a stable currency was its primary goal. But I’ve long since acquiesced in the fact that the gold standard does not readily accommodate the widely accepted current view of the appropriate functions of government. In particular, the need for government to provide a social safety net. The propensity of Congress to create benefits for constituents without specifying the means by which they are to be funded, has led to deficit spending in every fiscal year since 1970. With the exception of the surpluses of 1998 to 2001, generated by the stock market boom. The shifting of real resources required to perform such functions has imparted a bias toward inflation. In the political arena, the pressure to make low interest rate credit generally available, and to use fiscal measures to boost employment and to avoid the unpleasantness of downward adjustments in nominal wages and prices has become nearly impossible to resist. For the most part, the American people have tolerated the inflation bias as an acceptable cost of the modern welfare state. There is no support for the gold standard today, and I see no likelihood of its return. Austrian economists would say that Greenspan gave into big government into inflation, and there may be some truth in that. But Greenspan’s position is entirely pragmatic. I’ll put some links in the show notes so you can learn more about this fascinating episode of the Gold Commission, and about Friedman’s and Greenspan’s advice to Reagan. I’ll also add a link to the minority report of the Commission which recommended a return to the gold standard. It was co authored by Ron Paul, the noted libertarian politician. I’ll leave it there for now, but I recognise there are several aspects of monetary economics that I need to explore and explain some more. I think the process of money creation and how the central bank can influence the money supply would be good to go over in some depth, as it’s challenging to understand. My conversation with Darren also reminded me that it would be good to look at how we ended up with inflation. targeting in the first place? Why do we think it’s sensible to have a two to 3% inflation target rather than a zero target? I hope you’ll forgive me if I leave these questions to a future episode. Among other topics in coming episodes, I’ll have a closer look at the growing US China tensions and the rise of authoritarianism around the world. geopolitics obviously can have a big impact on economy, so I think it’s important that I cover it on this show. If there are topics you’d like me to cover in future episodes, please let me know. As always, feel free to email me at contact at economics explored.com Thanks for listening. rato thanks for listening to this episode of economics explored. If you have any questions, comments or suggestions, please get in touch. I’d love to hear from you. You can send me an email via contact at economicsexplored.com or a voicemail via SpeakPipe. You can find the link in the show notes. If you’ve enjoyed the show, I’d be grateful if you could tell anyone you think would be interested about it. Word of mouth is one of the main ways that people learn about the show. Finally, if your podcasting app lets you then please write a review and leave a rating. Thanks for listening. I hope you can join me again next week.

41:26

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Credits

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Categories
Podcast episode

Normalization of interest rates & monetary policy – EP173

Last year we saw the beginning of the normalization of interest rates and monetary policy, as central banks responded to accelerating inflation. Show host Gene Tunny talks about the current tightening cycle and when it might end with his colleague Arturo Espinoza. Among other things, Gene and Arturo discuss what history tells us about typical interest rates and returns on capital, referencing UK bank rate since 1694, interest rates on UK government consols, and returns on land written about by Jane Austen and Honoré de Balzac. They also consider whether we might see 17-18 percent interest rates again in Australia, rates which were last seen in 1989-90. 

Please get in touch with any questions, comments and suggestions by emailing us at contact@economicsexplored.com or sending a voice message via https://www.speakpipe.com/economicsexplored

You can listen to the episode via the embedded player below or via podcasting apps including Google PodcastsApple PodcastsSpotify, and Stitcher.

What’s covered in EP173

  • What’s been happening with interest rates? [3:00]
  • What is monetary policy normalization? [6:00]
  • How many more interest rate increases will be needed? [11:11]
  • Will we have a recession this year? [19:12]
  • Is there a risk that we could get back to the crazily high interest rates seen in 1989-90 in Australia? [24:00]
  • What is the equilibrium rate of interest? What is the real interest rate? [26:54]
  • The main takeaway from this episode: monetary policy is still in a tightening cycle because inflation is too high [38:43]

Links relevant to the conversation

Data released since the episode was recorded

Australian retail trade fell 3.9% in December, suggesting interest rate increases are starting to bite, meaning the RBA faces an even more difficult challenge in deciding how many more interest rate increases to make:

https://www.abs.gov.au/statistics/industry/retail-and-wholesale-trade/retail-trade-australia/dec-2022

CBC article “U.S. inflation and consumer spending eased in December, new numbers show”:

https://www.cbc.ca/news/business/us-consumer-spending-holidays-1.6728173

Nine News story “Inflation in Australia rises to higher-than-expected 7.8 per cent”:

https://www.9news.com.au/finance/australia-inflation-consumer-price-index-december-quarter/9ef0ed13-e606-4c9e-b7db-feaccfae39fb

Inflation targets

US: 2%; see https://research.stlouisfed.org/publications/economic-synopses/2022/09/02/inflation-part-3-what-is-the-feds-current-goal-has-the-fed-met-its-inflation-mandate

Australia: 2-3%; see https://www.rba.gov.au/inflation/inflation-target.html

UK: 2%; see https://www.bankofengland.co.uk/monetary-policy

Bank of Finland article on monetary policy normalisation:

https://www.bofbulletin.fi/en/2022/3/what-is-monetary-policy-normalisation/

Chatham Financial article on US tightening cycles:

https://www.chathamfinancial.com/insights/historical-interest-rate-tightening-cycles

Jo Masters, Barrenjoey Chief Economist on how “Everything must go right for Australia to dodge a recession”

https://www.afr.com/markets/debt-markets/australia-will-dodge-close-call-recession-20221216-p5c71b

Chart on historical UK bank rate:

https://drive.google.com/file/d/1NDH7WjQBY0ZjWDWgY430qZdrrIf017_4/view?usp=share_link

Chart on central bank policy interest rates since 1960:

https://drive.google.com/file/d/1Mrzre-ijAKAvrU0j4YeQt71FkTr-gzob/view?usp=share_link

Chart on inflation in the US, UK and Australia:

https://drive.google.com/file/d/11lp880Wwb9bk_GI5wJ0EQ975h-ZkAuDK/view?usp=share_link

Wikipedia article on the Fisher equation:

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fisher_equation

Wikipedia article on UK consols:

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Consol_(bond)

Guardian article on “UK bonds that financed first world war to be redeemed 100 years later”:

https://www.theguardian.com/business/2014/oct/31/uk-first-world-war-bonds-redeemed

What Jane Austen can tell us about historical rates of return:

https://janeaustensworld.com/2008/02/10/the-economics-of-pride-and-prejudice-or-why-a-single-man-with-a-fortune-of-4000-per-year-is-a-desirable-husband/

Transcript: Normalization of interest rates & monetary policy – EP173

N.B. This is a lightly edited version of a transcript originally created using the AI application otter.ai. It may not be 100 percent accurate, but should be pretty close. If you’d like to quote from it, please check the quoted segment in the recording.

Gene Tunny  00:00

Welcome to the Economics Explored podcast, a frank and fearless exploration of important economic issues. I’m your host Gene Tunny. I’m a professional economist and former Australian Treasury official. The aim of this show is to help you better understand the big economic issues affecting all our lives. We do this by considering the theory evidence and by hearing a wide range of views. I’m delighted that you can join me for this episode, please check out the show notes for relevant information. Now on to the show. Hello, thanks for tuning into the show. This episode I talk about the normalisation of interest rates and monetary policy with my colleague Arturo Espinoza. Please note, the episode was recorded on the 11th of January 2023. Now, obviously, we weren’t able to cover any new economic data released after that date. So I’ve added some info into the show notes about important developments since then. One of the most important bits of data was the December US inflation rate. It came in at 6.5% yearly down from 7.1% in November. This figure was interpreted by economists as supporting the view that the US Fed will slow the pace of interest rate hikes in 2023. No longer increasing the federal funds rate in increments of half a percentage point or three quarters of a percentage point. Interest rates still need to increase because inflation is still too high and well above the 2% target. On the first of February, the Fed will probably increase its federal funds rate target by a quarter percentage point from the 4.25 to 4.5% range to the 4.5 to 4.75% range. If it doesn’t do this, I’ll release a short bonus episode looking at what’s going on. Economists expect there’ll be at least another interest rate rise in 2023. Beyond the quarter percentage point increase on the first of February, a view supported by the stronger than expected fourth quarter 2022 GDP figure that came out on the 26th of January. Unlike in the states in Australia, our latest inflation figures surprised on the upside coming in at 7.8% over 2022. I must say I was stunned yesterday when I noticed a 560 gram jar of Vegemite now cost $9 at Woolworths. The Reserve Bank of Australia really has no choice but to continue with its interest rate increases until it sees inflation falling or the economy crashing. As I noted my conversation with Arturo so much depends on how rapidly the economy slows down over 2023. Okay, let’s get into the episode. Please stick around to the end because I have additional thoughts after my conversation with Arturo. Okay, this is episode 173 on the normalisation of monetary policy. So, I’m joined by Arturo, my colleague at Adapt Economics. Arturo, good to have you with me today.

Arturo Espinoza Bocangel  02:58

Hi Gene, it’s my pleasure to be here.

Gene Tunny  03:01

Excellent. Arturo. So I thought for our first episode of the year, it would be good to talk about interest rates. So one of the big developments last year was the, you know, the increases in the interest rates by central banks, their policy interest rates. So the cash rate here in Australia, the federal funds rate, we had some rather unexpected increases in interest rates, all unexpected by many people in response to the high inflation rates that we’ve been experiencing. And so this did catch quite a few people by surprise, and our RBA governor here in Australia, Philip Lowe, as late as I think November 2021, he was saying that, he thought they’d probably be able to keep their cash rate at 0.1% until 2024. So that was his central case scenario, as he was calling it. But it turns out that inflation was ended up being higher than the Reserve Bank expected. And you know, perhaps they should have seen it coming because you would seen inflation accelerating in 2021 in the US and the UK. And so maybe the central bank should have seen it coming, but they didn’t. And we ended up going from a 0.1% cash rate. And now it’s at 3.1%. And that was over a period of from May 2022 to December 2022. And they had the last cash rate increase. So the same three percentage points over seven months or so. So just an extraordinary rate of increase. And similarly in the US, we had high rate of increase. And what we’re seeing is that interest rates are responding to the high inflation. And one thing I thought it’d be good to talk about is, well, where do we think these interest rates are going? Is there any guidance historically, or is there any guidance from theory regarding what’s a normal level of interest rates? So that’s one question we could ask. And how I came to think about this is that I saw increasingly these references to normalisation, so normalisation of monetary policy, normalisation of interest rates, and, and it got me thinking, Okay, well, what’s normal? So I thought that’d be good to explore. Do you have any thoughts on that, Arturo? Does that sound like a reasonable thing to talk about?

Arturo Espinoza Bocangel  05:51

Yeah exactly, that is gonna be an interesting topic, to know, what will be the normal interest rate?

Gene Tunny  05:59

Yes, well, this is a bit of a spoiler, but I think the key message will be that there really isn’t any normal interest rate that we can say that the interest rates are adjusting to that’s one of the challenges it’s it just depends on a whole range of factors, variables that we’ll talk about in this conversation. So to begin with a lot I’d read this article I found from the Bank of Finland, this was back in October and I thought this was really quite a neat way of talking about this normalisation. So they talk about the articles called what is monetary policy normalisation. And so they’re written in monetary policy normalisation, key interest rates or policy rates are once again becoming key instruments of monetary policy. At the same time, the central bank is gradually withdrawing from asset purchases and other unconventional measures. Monetary policy normalisation may also involve adjustments to forward guidance, normalisation leads to a tightening of financial conditions, helping the central bank reduce the inflationary pressures in the economy. Okay. So what they’re talking about there is that during the pandemic, when all of those policy interest rates were effectively cut to zero, our cash rate here in Australia got cut to 0.1%. Right, so it’s effectively zero. That’s what economists call the zero lower bound. So there’s nowhere else for the that policy rate to go, then what central banks what the Australian Central Bank did for the first time. So this has been done previously by the US, and the ECB and Bank of Japan, in response to the financial crisis back in the late 2000s. But we hadn’t done this yet. We did the quantitative easing, what they call quantitative easing, which is printing money. well printing money electronically, and then using that to buy bonds or other financial assets to drive down yields to drive down borrowing costs, with the idea of stimulating the economy that way. So that’s unconventional monetary policy. So what the Bank of Finland saying is that part of this normalisation story is yes, increasing that policy rate getting it away from that zero, lower bound, and moving away from the unconventional monetary policy. Yeah, that’s essentially what they’re saying in that passage there. Okay. And then they go on to talk about where are interest rates going to settle in the future. And this is where this is where they’re essentially saying that will no one, no one really knows, it’s very difficult to forecast that. They’re saying that the normalisation of monetary policy does not mean that the central bank is attempting to restore its balance sheet and interest rates to a past levels such as that preceding the 2008 global financial crisis. Okay, so what they’re saying is don’t necessarily look to what interest rates have been in the past, rather than the aim of monetary policy normalisation is that the inflation rate should accord with the price stability objective. In the absence of further economic shocks, interest rates should in the longer term settle at a level where economic resources are in full use and inflation is at its target, ie at the equilibrium real interest rate, also known as the natural rate of interest. However, the level of the equilibrium real interest rate is affected by a number of factors unrelated to monetary policy. Okay, so, gee, there’s a lot going on that passage there that I’ve just read. The way I interpret this is that essentially, we’ve got to get to an interest rate. So what the central bank is trying to do, its increasing interest rates to get inflation under control. And after it gets inflation under control, the interest rate is going to settle at a rate whereby it’s consistent with keeping inflation in the target band. So in Australia, that’s two to 3%. On average, other countries have similar target rates for inflation and that sort of 2%.

Arturo Espinoza Bocangel  10:28

Between two and 3%. Yeah,

Gene Tunny  10:31

yeah, yeah. So just, I’ll just put some links in the show notes, clarifying that what they are for all other economies. So we’ll end up with an interest rate where it’s consistent with that. And it’s also consistent with a reasonable level of economic activity. So a stable, well, a sustainable rate of economic growth. And I mean, you could call it full employment, but I’d probably say unemployment at what you’d say is the natural rate of unemployment rather than full employment, which is, I think, a difficult concept to actually to define in practice. So, I mean, what would that be? I mean, it’s hard to know, because it depends on how the economy will first we’ve got to find out how the economy responds to the current interest rate increases, and just how far the central bank has to increase the rates from here. So I think there’s generally agree that well, there’s quite a bit of agreement among commentators among the market economists, that interest rates will have to increase a bit more from where they are now. Because we’ve still got inflation in Australia over 7% Us 7% over 7%, we’ve still got these high rates of inflation or higher rates than we’ve experienced for a long time. We’ve pushed the policy interest rates up to 3.1% in Australia, 4.25 to 4.5%. In the US, I think, is the current target band for the federal funds rate. There seems to be a view that there’s still scope for them to push those up further. So in Australia, we could have another maybe two up to two cash rate increases. That seems to be you know, that’s a possibility depends on what your outlook is for the state of the economy. Some people are thinking that might be too much given that, you know, these interest rate increases are really starting to bite already is having a big impact on house prices. We’re seeing that already. So house prices are really coming off. If I look at the ASX this thing called the ASX 30 Day interbank cash rate futures implied yield curve. So this is based on market pricing for financial market products. So this is this What is it 30 Day interbank cash rate future. So, essentially you can bet on what the cash rate is going to be in the future. And from this, it’s showing that the markets essentially expecting that the cash rate will peak at a bit over 3.8% later this year, and then it starts coming off from a peak around I think that’s October, and then it’s slightly falling. And then by June 2024, it’s down around 3.6%. So the market here in Australia is expecting two to three additional increases in the cash rate it appears of around 25 basis points or a quarter of a percentage point. So the markets expecting two to three more increases. I think other economists would be but there’s debate about just how many and the current state of the economy and how the economy will react to that. That’s one of the great unknowns, how will households react to these higher interest rates. And that’s one of the unknowns too in other countries in the States. It looks like there’s probably there will probably be another, at least one more increase in the federal funds rate in the States. There was a report in the Financial Times yesterday regarding some comments from one of the Federal Reserve officials, Mary Daly think she’s from San Francisco fed and the FT reported that Mary Daly became the latest Federal Reserve official to raise the prospect of the US central bank slowing the pace of its interest rate increases to a quarter point rise next month, even as policymakers backed the benchmark rates surpassing 5% Okay, so if you, I think in the Federal Reserve in their publication when they publish their decisions, they have these charts, which show what the Federal Open Markets Committee members, what they forecasting for future federal funds rate, which is a really interesting way to do it. And it gives you some insight and into how the members are thinking and where federal funds rate could be going. It’s really quite a clever thing to do and possibly something the Australian reserve bank could think about doing. And I don’t know whether this is an issue that they’re considering in their manage their review of the reserve bank that’s going on at the moment, I might have to look into that. But it looks like yep, so. So members are the people who are responsible for monetary policy, and the states are expecting a couple more increases in that federal funds rate. So they expect it’ll end up getting beyond 5%. They’re currently targeting 4.25 to 4.5%. But what this is saying is based on recent data in the States, which suggests that the economy might be losing some of the some steam, its inflation may not be as much of a problem as previously, based on that. They’re saying, well, the Federal Reserve can slow down the rate of interest rate increases. So that’s what’s going on there. Okay, so the general expectation that we’d have is that there will still be a few more interest rate increases this year in the US and the in Australia, maybe two, maybe three? I don’t know, it’s so difficult. Everything depends on how the economy reacts. New data. It’s just very difficult to forecast. But one thing I think we can say is that there will be additional interest rate increases. Do you have any thoughts on that? Arturo?

Arturo Espinoza Bocangel  17:01

I have a question about, at what point those heights interest rates will cause a slowdown in the economy. What do you think about that? We will face a slowdown or not?

Gene Tunny  17:21

Yeah, yeah, I think that’s starting to occur. All in Australia, I think households are really starting to feel those interest rate increases and, and more households will this year, because we’re seeing mortgages that were taken out. So the home purchases, they borrowed at fixed rates, and that was for a fixed term, a couple of years, or whatever it was. And then after that, these fixed rates reset to another level. And so that’s going to happen increasingly over this year, we’re going to see more people who borrowed at a fixed rate, they will end up facing a higher interest rate. So those rates that they’re paying reset at a higher level based on current rates, and the current variable rate based on that, and they will therefore have, they will have to pay more to service their mortgage. So there are various estimates of what it means it depends on the type of loan you’ve got, it depends on the amount you’ve got outstanding on your home loan, but for many households, the interest rate rises, we’ve seen it could mean an extra thing is $1,000 a month or something that they have to pay in mortgage

Arturo Espinoza Bocangel  18:43

and depending on what loan.

Gene Tunny  18:46

Yeah, it depends on a whole range of things. It depends on what was the deal you got originally and how much you borrowed, how much is outstanding still in, in what you owe and the principal that you are? So look, it’s going to depend, but there’s no doubt that it will be a substantial hit to the budgets of many households. And we should start seeing consumption spending slow. But look, I mean, the last year the Australian economy performed, I think extraordinarily well. And unemployment got down to under three and a half percent, which is just incredible. Yeah, but I think definitely will go we shouldn’t see, nothing’s definite in economics in macro economics. Yeah. Things could judge. You just don’t know what’s around the corner sometimes. But look, I mean, my guess would be that we will start to see the economy slow this year. Will we have a recession? Well, I hope not. I think I’ve seen some forecasts from some of the bank economists might have been Jo Masters, or I’ll have to dig it up. But basically, they, they’ll say, oh, look, we think it’s more likely than not we won’t have a recession. But the probability of a recession is, I don’t know is 30% or something or 40%. I don’t know, I have to look that up. But I know that there are some people saying, Look, yes, it is possible that there could be a recession here, and also in the States. In fact, there were some people last year saying, Oh, the US had already had a risk that it was in recession last year, because they were two negative quarters of GDP. But it turns out that that was a bit of a statistical anomaly or just a freak result, and really didn’t signal that an economy then in recession. So yeah, look, it’s possible, we could see some recessions. But I mean, as always, I mean, I think, given the complexity of the economy, and all of the moving parts and all of the shocks that could occur, it’s just so hard to actually forecast that sort of thing. I mean, I remember when I was in Treasury, and right up until 2008, we were saying, and most macro economic forecasters, were saying, Oh, we’re in this new era of the Great Moderation, and we didn’t have to worry about the business cycle anymore. And then, I mean, then we have the financial crisis, and it’s the worst, worst crisis since the Great Depression. So things can change the I’m always reluctant to to provide any, any forecasts. Okay. So yeah, those are my thoughts. I mean, what do you think, Arturo, do you have any thoughts on it?

Arturo Espinoza Bocangel  21:42

Well, I think that we are under a period of higher certainty than other times after the global financial crisis. Of course, there are a lot of Australians that are suffering with these higher tax rates. Mortgages, as you have mentioned, I think we need to be cautious about this period.

Gene Tunny  22:07

Yeah, exactly. I found that that article by that mentions, recession forecasts by Jo  masters, she’s with think it’s a bank or some sort of investment being Baron Joey, is it. So masters thinks Australia will avoid a recession, but it will be a very close call. So this is an article in the financial review January 3, this year, so we’re recording this on the 11th of January, everything must go right for Australia to dodge a recession. Okay. So she’s one of the people who is concerned that because of these higher interest rates, then yeah, it’s going to have a significant impact on consumption, then she’s saying that offsetting that is the fact that we’re getting all of these international students coming back into Australia. So that’s one thing that’s going to add to demand. Okay. I’ll put a link in the show notes to this article by that mentions, Jo masters, predictions. Okay. So that’s, that’s where to from here. Okay, we’ll take a short break here for a word from our sponsor.

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Gene Tunny  24:00

Now back to the show. One thing that is concerned some people is wondering, Well, is there a risk that we could get back to some of the crazily high interest rates that have been seen in past periods? So in Australia, for example, we had interest rates at 17 to 18%. At one time, back in the late 80s, early 90s, we had really high interest rates, but that was also at a point in time. When we had inflation of around 8% We had money supply growth of 20% plus. So we had a big boom in the late 80s. This was the age of the entrepreneurs a lot of lending a lot of property, lots of speculation, and I would say that it’s probably unlikely I can’t see interest rates getting back to anywhere near that sort of crazy heights. Given that the macro economic conditions are different today, there was much more entrenched inflation, people expected high inflation. I think if you look one year ahead, some market economists are expecting inflation of over 4% or something like that. But it’s not as if every year we’re expecting inflation of 8% or something like that. So monetary policy doesn’t have to be as restrictive to get inflation under control to to get all of the money creation, all the credit creation that’s leading to the growth in the money supply, it doesn’t need to be as aggressive to get that under control. So my expectation is that we don’t have to, we wouldn’t see that, again, just because inflation is not at those Well, it’s not entrenched at those rates. So we’ve got high inflation at the moment at 7%. If it turns out that the RBA can’t get inflation down, then they will have to increase, keep increasing the cash rate. But I would expect they wouldn’t have to increase it anywhere near some of those really high interest rates that they have in the past, because it seems like your households are already they’re going to start suffering even with the interest rate increases that we’ve seen. So if they increase the interest rates a bit more, say another half a percent, then the hope is that that will start you know slowing the economy taking the heat out of the economy enough that we can get inflation under control. So yeah, we won’t get back to those, those crazy interest rates that have been seen in the past, just because the nature of the economy is different. We haven’t had sustained inflation over such a long period as we had back then over several years. And then having that inflation, getting expected having these entrenched inflation expectations which the central banks have to then act aggressively against. I’ll put some links to some charts on on inflation and interest rates and what we’ve seen in the past, and just so people can see if you’re in the audience, you’re interested, you can have a look at what what these things have been in the past. They what strikes me is when I look at, well, interest rates, which is what we’re talking about today, you look at interest rates historically, and they’ve been all over the place. This is why when we’re talking about normalisation when we’re talking about normalisation to some, what do they call it some equilibrium rate of interest where we’ve got the economy balanced, we’ve got inflation at Target, we’ve got the economy going along smoothly. We don’t know there’s no one interest rate over history, that’s it’s not going to be the same interest rate, it’s going to depend on the macro economic circumstances at the time. There was an estimate that the Reserve Bank put out of what the equilibrium real interest rate is. And the central estimate they came up with, I think it averaged at 1%. Now, that’s a real interest rate. And then if we think about what would the nominal interest rate be, this is something I may not have defined yet, Arturo. But we’ve got to think about, one of the reasons you end up with a 17% or 18% interest rate is because inflation is expected to be about 8% or something, or whatever it is. So the interest rate at least has to compensate for the inflation that’s expected. And then you’ve got the real component of the interest rate, the so called real interest rate. And the inflation gets added to that to get the nominal interest rate. So when this is one of the tricky things with interest rates, it needs to be appreciated. There’s a there’s a nominal interest rate and all of these, these rates that we’ve been talking about the policy, the cash rate, the RBA cash rate, or the federal funds rate, that’s a nominal interest rate. That’s not the real interest rate that has been paid. Because one thing that inflation does, it erodes the real value of debts. So if you’re only earning, I mean, you’d be earning more than the cash rate, if you’ve invested if you’ve bought a you know, an asset of some kind of financial asset. But let’s just say you, the cash rates 3.1% at the moment, the inflation rate 7.1%. Now, you could argue or looking backwards, this is an ex post view of things. So after the fact, if you’re only earning 3.1% per year on your asset and inflation was 7.1% then you’ve gone backwards 4% hit right. Yeah. Now that’s an ex post calculation another way, well, what ends up happening is that the market is going to adjust these interest rates will adjust to incorporate expectations of future inflation. And so, therefore, the interest rate that you see at a point in time, should equal whatever people demand on the market determined real rate of interest, plus the expected rate of inflation, which I think is that’s the Fisher equation, I think, isn’t it? There’s a relationship between inflation and interest rates. That’s called the Fisher equation after Irving Fisher, that I’ll put it in the show notes. Yes. Okay. So that’s a that’s a bit of technical detail. I’ll put some links on all of that. Yeah. And what I find extraordinary is that just over recorded history, there are all these different types of interest rates that we’ve observed. And I always go back to this great passage from John Maynard Keynes, one of the great economists, obviously. And Keynes, in chapter 15 of the general theory, incentives to liquidity wrote that it might be more accurate, perhaps to say that the rate of interest is a highly conventional rather than a highly psychological phenomenon, for its actual value is largely governed by the prevailing view as to what its value is expected to be. Okay, I think that’s quite clever and observation. And, yeah, what he’s getting out there is that it ends up being conventional, in a way, it depends on what it’s expected to be. And I think that’s quite interesting, because for a long time, well, after the financial crisis, there was this expectation of low interest rates, and that was supported by the central bank’s pumping a lot of money into the economy. But now, I mean, who knows, I mean, the expectation could be of higher interest rates. So we’ll have to wait and see where things settle, and what expectations and being and what people, people think as an acceptable interest rate. Historically, we’ve seen interest rates and the ones I’m quoting, they’re going to be nominal interest rates of around three to 4%. On government bonds. And so this can be considered a risk free rate, this could be considered as similar to the the cash rate, although a bit higher due to the fact that there’s a yield curve that if you borrow for, for a longer period, you generally have to pay a higher interest rate. But if we look at what we see in the data, or what we’ve observed in history, these UK consoles, which are perpetual bonds, whereby the government, the UK government borrowed, say, I don’t know let’s say they borrow 100 pounds, and then you get this console, this note that says, The UK government will pay you three to 4% of that. So three pounds or four pounds every year, in perpetuity, on that, that console of 100 pounds. I don’t know if that was the  actual denomination, but this is just to explain it. So these were perpetual bonds that the government never repaid. It just paid an interest rate each year. And historically, that was three to 4%, depending on when they issued the console, and what they thought was necessary to attract the people to buy the console to lend money to the UK Government, it turns out I think was about seven or eight years ago, the UK actually bought back the final consoles that are on issue. So there were these consoles that were that have been on issue for decades or centuries, that were still owned by nothing to various investors in England in the UK that the HM Treasury bought back finally, so I’ll put a link in the show notes there. So if we look at the historical evidence, we see consoles, they were yielding three to 4%. And if we look at the history of what’s called bank rate in the UK, which is the last day, that overnight interest rate, the policy rate, that the Bank of England influences historically, it’s ranged from, if we look at, from when the Bank of England was set up, so in 1694, it was looks like it was 6% or so I’ll put a link in the show notes to the actual data, and then it dropped down to what’s that nearly 3%, around 3%. Then for a long period from 1720 to 1820 it was about it was 5%. And then it fluctuates a bit more, I’ve got a chart that I’ve pulled off macro bond that I think that’s a great chart, I’ll put a link in the show notes. And then in the 19th century, it fluctuates quite a bit. And at times, it gets up to 10%. This must be related to the UK trying to maintain the gold value of sterling. So this is related. I think this is related to the gold standard, and having to maintain that and adjusting bank rate to do that. But I think what’s fascinating about that is for a very long time, so for about 100 years, it had the interest rate it at 5%. And that’s their policy rate. Okay, so we’ve been talking about interest rates, and these are interest rates related to financial securities. And other bit of evidence that is, that is interesting is the evidence, or the data points that you’ll see in novels by Jane Austen or Balzac? So Jane Austen, obviously, right Pride and Prejudice, Sense and Sensibility, etc. Balzac wrote old man glorioso, his French writer, this is something Thomas Piketty pointed out in his book on capital in the 21st century that if you read these novels, you’ll see that it was generally understood that the rate of return on land was about four to 5%. That’s a rate of return on an investment that’s different from the interest rate. But it gives you an idea of what was people were expecting to earn from investments in assets, and there’s some risk associated with land, or owning anything. So it’s not going to be a risk free interest rate. But I think it gives you gives you some idea of what rates of return were so right rate of return on land, historically, 4 to 5%. And it was taken for granted, that land yields 5% is what picket is writing. So the value is equal to roughly 20 years of annual rent. So I think that’s, that’s a really interesting data point. So what we’re getting is that, but another thing to consider is that that’s probably in a time when, historically there wasn’t a lot of inflation. I mean, there was during war time. But generally, until we had this, we adopted fiat currency in the 20th century, inflation wasn’t usually a problem, although you could have episodes of inflation, if there was a crisis of some kind. But I think you could probably interpret that as those is real rates, real rates of return almost. What we could conclude is that, yeah, I mean, interest rates are normalising historically, we’ve seen a range of interest rates, rates of three to 4%, four, or 5%. For risk free rates. That’s something you might expect, where current interest rates and up, it’s difficult to say it’s going to depend on the state of the economy, or how the economy reacts to those rate rises. I mean, this is something we’ll we’ll keep tracking we’ll keep following this year, and provide some more commentary, some more analysis on the future. Arturo, anything else you think we should cover?

Arturo Espinoza Bocangel  38:33

I think you have to cover most of the important things. So that was a good conclusion for this episode of the books.

Gene Tunny  38:43

Okay. Very good. Okay. All right. Thanks so much for your time.

Arturo Espinoza Bocangel  38:47

Thank you for having me.

Gene Tunny  38:50

Okay, have you found that informative and enjoyable. In my view, the main takeaway is that monetary policy is still in what’s called a tightening cycle. Interest rates will have to increase some more because inflation is still too high. It’s hard to know when the tightening will stop. The US experience suggests tightening cycles last a bit under two years on average, according to an informative note from Chatham financial, which I’ll link to in the show notes. The US Fed started tightening in March last year, and the Reserve Bank of Australia started last May, suggesting we could still have many months to go. Of course, this tightening cycle doesn’t necessarily have to conform to the average. Much depends on how the economy responds. In Australia, we’re hopeful we won’t need many more interest rate increases to sufficiently slow demand and get inflation under control. Even though the cash rate hasn’t been pushed up to a very high level in historical terms, the rate increases that we’ve seen could still be effective because of the heavy load of household debt that people have incurred to buy high priced properties. How much will the economy slow down? Will it just be a slowdown a reduction in the GDP growth rate or a contraction in which GDP falls? And we have negative growth for a couple of quarters at least that is a recession. Recessions in both Australia and the US are definitely possible. Indeed, recessions often occur after central banks tighten monetary policy. The 2009, New York Fed paper noted 11 and 14 monetary tightening cycles since 1955, were followed by increases in unemployment. That is, it’s very difficult for central banks to bring about a so-called soft landing. That was me speaking rather than the Fed. I’d note that some economists are even speculating that because economies will slow down substantially, we’ll start seeing interest rate cuts toward the end of 2023. Honestly, I don’t know whether we’ll have soft landings or recessions, a lot depends on psychology, and just how entrenched expectations of high inflation have become, the more entrenched they are, the more interest rates have to keep on increasing. We need to wait and see just how effective the interest rate increases we’ve seen already have been and will be. Obviously, this is one of the big economic issues of the year. And I’ll continue to keep a close eye on it. And I’ll come back to you in a future episode this year. Thanks for listening. Alright, thanks for listening to this episode of Economics Explored. If you have any questions, comments or suggestions, please get in touch. I’d love to hear from you. You can send me an email via contact@economicsexplored.com Or a voicemail via SpeakPipe. You can find the link in the show notes. If you’ve enjoyed the show, I’d be grateful if you could tell anyone you think would be interested about it. Word of mouth is one of the main ways that people learn about the show. Finally, if your podcasting app lets you, then please write a review and leave a rating. Thanks for listening. I hope you can join me again next week.

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